Saving Suburban Sites and Rescuing Roadside Relics: The Historic Preservation of the Recent Past through Adaptive Reuse By Kelli K. Shapiro B.A. Pomona College, 2000 M.A. Brown University, 2002 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of American Civilization at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island May 2011 © Copyright 2011 by Kelli K. Shapiro This dissertation by Kelli K. Shapiro is accepted in its present form by the Department of American Civilization as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date________________ ___________________________________ Patrick Malone, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date_______________ ___________________________________ Susan Smulyan, Reader Date_______________ ___________________________________ Dietrich Neumann, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date_______________ ___________________________________ Peter Weber, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Kelli Shapiro was born on July 18, 1978, in Hollywood, California. She grew up in Azusa, a Los Angeles suburb located along Route 66, where she attended public schools. For college, she selected an institution in Claremont, yet another Route 66 community in Southern California. Kelli graduated Cum Laude from Pomona College, one of the Claremont Colleges, in 2000. Her senior thesis in American Studies was titled, “Intertwined Histories: Pomona’s Fox Theater as a Reflection and Symbol of the Community.” She then received her M.A. in both Museum Studies and American Civilization in 2002 from Brown University. For her Ph.D. in American Civilization at Brown, Kelli’s preliminary examination fields focused upon American Cultural History, 1876 to Present; Public History and Historic Preservation; Cultural Geography: Space and Place in America; and the History of the Urban Built Environment. While at Brown, Kelli earned a Teaching Certificate from the university’s Sheridan Center for Teaching and Learning. As a Teaching Fellow, Kelli created and taught a seminar titled, “Suburbia and Its Discontents.” Plus, she was a teaching assistant for both “The Urban Built Environment” and “Topics in Material Culture Studies.” She also worked as a research assistant, dealing with Professor Robert Lee’s collection of photographs of early 20th Century Asian-American life. Additionally, Kelli served as a student curator for “Death, Defense, Distinction: Weapons and Power,” a long-term exhibit at the university’s Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology. iv Kelli interned with the nation’s largest local preservation organization, the Los Angeles Conservancy, in 2001. While there, she researched and authored the successful, state historic register nomination for Los Angeles County’s last single-screen drive-in theater then still in operation, the Azusa Foothill Drive-in on Route 66 in Azusa – which became only the second drive-in theater in the nation to attain such a designation. Then, in 2003, Kelli completed the graduate-level Summer Program in Historic Preservation at the University of Southern California. In 2011, Kelli became the Area Development & Awards Coordinator for one of the nation’s largest interdisciplinary conferences, the Southwest/Texas Popular Culture Association / American Culture Association (SW/TX PCA/ACA). Kelli had served as that conference’s Area Chair of American History and Culture since 2006. Along with her duties as an Area Chair, Kelli has given numerous presentations at SW/TX PCA/ACA conferences and at the national conferences of its parent organization, the PCA/ACA. She has also presented papers at regional and national conferences of the American Studies Association. In late 2011, she will present at the National Conference on Planning History. Her conference presentations have spanned a wide range of topics, including historic preservation, film exhibition, sports, popular music, advertising, and heritage tourism. Additionally, Kelli’s articles, reviews, and entries have appeared in the pages of the Journal of Architectural Education, the Journal of Popular Culture, and the Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS At the top of any thank-you list has to be my incredible mother, Lynn Shapiro, without whom I could not have accomplished any of this. Your unfailing love and constant support, assistance, generosity, and encouragement throughout my life have been an absolute blessing and a true gift. I could not even begin to list everything you have done for me, and I could never repay you for any of it – not to mention for everything you have had to sacrifice. I could not have asked for a better mother, and I do not believe that one actually exists. This dissertation is dedicated to you, Mom. A huge thank you also goes out to my dad, Steve Shapiro. Along with your continuous cheerleading for my efforts over the years, you have provided me with innumerable, incredibly valuable breaks from my stressful educational existence. Those times away from the books and the computer let me relax and have fun, whether at the movie theater, the beach, or the bowling alley. Thanks, too, Dad, for being an amazing bowler (perfect 300!) who helped me grow up loving both bowling and the buildings in which we frequently bowled. The bowling alley chapter is in my dissertation because of you, Dad, and it goes out to you. Also, thanks to Dad and to my uncle, Jerry Shapiro, for taking time out from your ski trips in Northern California and Nevada to take photographs I wanted for the dissertation – despite, in several cases, having to contend with pouring rain and driving snow. Thanks also for driving me around on our trips together, letting me take pictures of odd and often far-flung things. (The same is true for Mom, albeit on a much, much broader scale – as well as for my grandmother, Shirley vi Shapiro, who also deserves credit for being a supportive and generous presence, a wonderful cook, and the anchor of our family.) After my family, the ones deserving the most thanks, by far, are my dissertation advisor, Pat Malone, and my readers, Susan Smulyan and Dietrich Neumann – all three of whom also advised my preliminary examination fields. I cannot thank Pat, Susan, and Dietrich enough for their guidance and aid during my time at Brown. Pat always went far beyond the call of duty as my advisor (even continuing after his retirement). He was also a great boss to me in his Urban Built Environment class, in which I learned so much as his TA – as was also true as a student in his always-intriguing Automobile in American Life course. I am so thankful for his patience, understanding, and encouragement. Susan was also marvelous, not just as a dissertation reader and field advisor, but as a professor whose incredibly useful class helped prepare my fellow AmCiv Ph.D. students and me for becoming educators – providing information I will need as I now go out into the broader academic world. Although I did not have as much contact with Dietrich because he is in a different department at Brown, I greatly appreciated his valuable perspective and expertise during both my field exam process and my dissertation journey. Returning to the American Civilization department at Brown, I have to mention the office staff, Jean Wood and Carole Costello – both now retired – who did an amazing job, working hard for all of us and always eager to be of assistance. I am grateful for their cheerful help over the years and wish them a happy retirement. (The same goes for Pat.) Also, Rob Emlen and Bob Lee were both wonderful bosses to have (as a TA and an RA, respectively), and Rob’s material culture classes were fascinating. Other professors from whom I gained knowledge for the dissertation and who have my appreciation vii include RI Historic Preservation and Heritage Commission Deputy Director Rick Greenwood, for his historic preservation class, and also David Meyer. David was an inspiration in how he managed to commute cross-country every week, all while teaching and still managing to stay accessible to students. He taught a great course on urban revitalization and also advised my preliminary exam field on cultural geography (which aided me in understanding the role of place in American society). Finally, I can’t forget the friendship and encouragement of my fellow students in both American Civilization and Museum Studies – particularly Jim Gatewood, Melanie Kohnen, Jessica Lane, Stephanie Larrieux, Christi Ruffo, Mikiko Tachi, and Aslihan Tokgoz. They have all gone on to great things (and done it in less time than I did); I miss them, but I am so happy for all of them. Outside of Brown, I would like to thank those who took me in-depth into the world of historic preservation. I learned a lot from Ken Breisch during the summer graduate program in historic preservation at USC. Lauren Weiss Bricker, Luis Hoyos, and Judith Sheine, the Cal Poly Pomona-based, guest editors of the “Engaging the Recent Past” theme issue of the Journal of Architectural Education (in which I published an overview article), also helped expand and engage my thinking on complicated issues. Most importantly, the (present and former) staff and volunteers at the Los Angeles Conservancy and its remarkable Modern Committee deserve a big round of applause – not just for being wonderful people with whom to work and for showing me how historic preservation efforts actually function, but for tirelessly putting in so much effort and accomplishing so much. Across Southern California, innumerable buildings are still viii standing, or are designated landmarks, or have undergone restorations, all because of you. You don’t get enough thanks, or enough credit, for all you’ve done. The Conservancy gave me invaluable hands-on experience with historic preservation, but I received a different kind of immersion through participating in the Claremont Colleges’ Route 66 class and summer field-studies course. Without that, I would not have been able to spend a whole semester studying Route 66 and over a month traveling it – seeing and photographing so many fantastic places (both preserved and otherwise) and meeting so many champions of the Mother Road’s preservation and revitalization. So, thanks to the Claremont Colleges for taking a risk on such an unconventional program, and to Michael Woodcock for putting it all together. Of course, my interest in Route 66 and in roadside America sprang in large part from growing up along the Mother Road in Azusa, California, where I was able to eat at an early McDonald’s restaurant, watch movies at a drive-in theater, and look out my window at a giant, blinking sign in the shape of a cowboy hat. I had no idea, growing up in the 1980s, that I was seeing the end of an era – or, more accurately, that I was living among the surviving elements of an era that was already long past. Thanks to Azusa for letting me enjoy, and just take part in, that all-too-rare experience. Also, a huge thanks to the teachers and staff of the Azusa Unified School District, who were uniformly caring, hardworking educators who tried their best in frequently challenging circumstances. Their efforts were inspirational to me. I also would like to thank professors at Pomona College and the other Claremont Colleges who helped me get where I am today – particularly my always supportive thesis advisors, Don Gantner, Jose Calderon, and Rena Fraden. My senior thesis, regarding ix Pomona’s Fox Theater, was my first foray into writing about architectural history and historic preservation. Also, Lorn Foster has my gratitude for encouraging me to apply for commencement fellowships for graduate school, two of which I did receive and found very helpful. Along those same lines, I am incredibly grateful to both Pomona College and Brown University, two wonderful schools, for their generous financial aid programs and opportunities. In terms of professional outreach opportunities, I want to recognize the fantastic Southwest/Texas Popular Culture Association / American Culture Association conference. As the chair of the American History and Culture area, I have had the privilege of working with the SW/TX PCA/ACA’s great staff and fellow area chairs for five years now. I look forward to continuing our work together in my new role as the conference’s Area Development & Awards Coordinator. A special remembrance goes out here for Phil Heldrich, our dedicated Executive Director, who passed away in 2010. Finally, all thanks, honor, and praise to the One who gave me all that I have and without whom everything would be meaningless. Psalm 25:1-2,4-5 (A Psalm of David): “To you, O Lord, I lift up my soul; in you I trust, O my God…. Show me your ways, O Lord, teach me your paths; guide me in your truth and teach me, for you are God my Savior, and my hope is in you.” x TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………..vi List of Illustrations……………………………………………………………………….xii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1 Automobility and Transportation Chapter 1 - Shifting Gears: The Adaptive Reuse of Car Dealerships….………………...60 Chapter 2 - Progressing Past the Pumps: The Adaptive Reuse of Gas Stations………..119 Travel and Tourism Chapter 3 - Traveling Toward the Future: The Adaptive Reuse of Greyhound Bus Stations………………………….188 Chapter 4 - Looking at Lodging in the Rear View Mirror: The Adaptive Reuse of Motels……..……………………………………...258 Consumption Chapter 5 - Driving Away from Dining: The Adaptive Reuse of Prefabricated Diners………………………………325 Chapter 6 - Racing Away from Retail: The Adaptive Reuse of Enclosed Shopping Malls………………………...373 Recreation and Entertainment Chapter 7 - Changing Lanes: The Adaptive Reuse of Bowling Alleys……….………..467 Chapter 8 - Moving Beyond Movies: The Adaptive Reuse of Multiplex Theaters…….524 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...590 Illustrations …………………………………………………………………………….592 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………753 xi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS All illustrations are photographs that the dissertation author took between 1999 and 2011, except for illustrations 2.63, 3.1, 3.2, 4.60 – 4.69, and 7.46. Those illustrations are photographs that the author’s father and uncle, Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, took at the author’s request in 2009 and 2010. Those photographs are utilized with permission. Chapter / Figure Page INTRODUCTION Intro.1: Arapahoe Acres subdivision, Englewood, CO 592 Intro.2: Arapahoe Acres subdivision, Englewood, CO 592 Intro.3: U.S. Air Force Academy, Colorado Springs, CO 593 Intro.4: U.S. Air Force Academy, Colorado Springs, CO 593 Intro.5: Roadside architecture, Manitou Springs, CO 593 Intro.6: South Beach art deco district, Miami Beach, FL 594 Intro.7: South Beach art deco district, Miami Beach, FL 594 Intro.8: Titan Missile Museum, Sahuarita, AZ 594 Intro.9: Mark’s Hot Dogs, San Jose, CA 595 Intro.10: Rachel Carson’s home, Silver Spring, MD 595 Intro.11: Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, Route 66, Azusa, CA 595 Intro.12: Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, Route 66, Azusa, CA 596 Intro.13: 66 Drive-in Theater, Route 66, Carthage, MO 596 Intro.14: Frank Lloyd Wright’s Taliesin West, Scottsdale, AZ 596 Intro.15: Louis I. Kahn’s Trenton Bath House, Ewing Township, NJ 597 xii Intro.16: Eero Saarinen’s Dulles International Airport Terminal, Chantilly, VA 597 Intro.17: Eero Saarinen’s Gateway Arch, St. Louis, MO 597 Intro.18: The Solar Building, Albuquerque, NM 598 Intro.19: Simms Building, Albuquerque, NM 598 Intro.20: Moulin Rouge casino, Las Vegas, NV 598 Intro.21: World’s oldest surviving McDonald’s, Downey, CA 599 Intro.22: McDonald’s museum / gift shop, Downey, CA 599 Intro.23: Space Needle, Seattle, WA 599 Intro.24: Denny’s chain restaurant, Las Vegas, NV 600 Intro.25: Denny’s chain restaurant, Emeryville, CA 600 Intro.26: Denny’s Classic Diner, San Bernardino, CA 600 Intro.27: Denny’s in former Van De Kamp’s Bakery, Route 66, Arcadia, CA 601 Intro.28: Former public library, Santa Fe, NM 601 Intro.29: Greyhound bus station, Dallas, TX 602 CHAPTER 1: CAR DEALERSHIPS 1.1: Wallace Buick, Portland, OR 602 1.2: Wallace Buick, Portland, OR 602 1.3: Pete Findlay Oldsmobile, Las Vegas, NV 602 1.4: Casa de Cadillac, Sherman Oaks, CA 603 1.5: Casa de Cadillac, Sherman Oaks, CA 603 1.6: W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, rebuilt, Santa Monica, CA 603 xiii 1.7: W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, rebuilt, Santa Monica, CA 604 1.8: W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, rebuilt, Santa Monica, CA 604 1.9: Felix Chevrolet, Los Angeles, CA 604 1.10: Felix Chevrolet, Los Angeles, CA 605 1.11: Felix Chevrolet, Los Angeles, CA 605 1.12: Majestic Pontiac’s saved and reused sign, Los Angeles, CA 605 1.13: A.B. Smith Chevrolet’s preserved façade, Portland, OR 606 1.14: A.B. Smith Chevrolet’s preserved façade, Portland, OR 606 1.15: Office building that replaced A.B. Smith Chevrolet, Portland, OR 606 1.16: Bob Peck Chevrolet, Arlington, VA 607 1.17: Bob Peck Chevrolet, Arlington, VA 607 1.18: Bob Peck Chevrolet, Arlington, VA 607 1.19: California Auto Supply Co. (Jones Studebaker), Pomona, CA 608 1.20: Pomona City Hall, Pomona, CA 608 1.21: California Auto Supply Co. (Jones Studebaker), Pomona, CA 608 1.22: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 609 1.23: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 609 1.24: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 609 1.25: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 610 1.26: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 610 1.27: CollisionWorks.com (Hancock Motors), Long Beach, CA 610 1.28: Packard Lofts (Earle C. Anthony Packard), Los Angeles, CA 611 1.29: Los Angeles City Hall, Los Angeles, CA 611 xiv 1.30: Bullocks Wilshire, department store now law library, Los Angeles, CA 612 1.31: Palace of Fine Arts, San Francisco, CA 612 1.32: Packard Lofts (Earle C. Anthony Packard), Los Angeles, CA 612 1.33: Lustine Center (Lustine Chevrolet), Hyattsville, MD 613 1.34: Arts District Hyattsville development, Hyattsville, MD 613 1.35: Arts District Hyattsville development, Hyattsville, MD 613 1.36: Lustine Center (Lustine Chevrolet), Hyattsville, MD 614 1.37: Lustine Center (Lustine Chevrolet), Hyattsville, MD 614 1.38: Lustine Center (Lustine Chevrolet), Hyattsville, MD 614 1.39: Lustine Center as part of Arts District Hyattsville, Hyattsville, MD 615 1.40: Washington Talking Book & Braille Library (S.L. Savidge Dodge Plymouth), Seattle, WA 615 1.41: Hope Chapel (Clark Cook Lincoln Ford), San Pedro, CA 615 1.42: Hope Chapel (Clark Cook Lincoln Ford), San Pedro, CA 616 1.43: Garage Billiards and Bowl (S.L. Savidge Truck Store), Seattle, WA 616 1.44: Garage Billiards and Bowl (S.L. Savidge Truck Store), Seattle, WA 616 1.45: Garage Billiards and Bowl (S.L. Savidge Truck Store), Seattle, WA 617 1.46: Garage Billiards and Bowl (S.L. Savidge Truck Store), Seattle, WA 617 1.47: Gold’s Gym fitness center and headquarters (Al’s Motors), Arlington, VA 618 1.48: Gold’s Gym fitness center and headquarters (Al’s Motors), Arlington, VA 618 1.49: Kelly’s Brew Pub (Jones Motor Co.), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 618 1.50: Jones Motor Co., vacant in 1999, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 619 1.51: Nob Hill district, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 619 xv 1.52: Monte Vista Fire Station, restaurant reuse, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 619 1.53: Kelly’s Brew Pub (Jones Motor Co.), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 620 1.54: Kelly’s Brew Pub (Jones Motor Co.), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 620 1.55: Flower shop in Jones Motor Co. wing, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 620 1.56: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company), Santa Fe, NM 621 1.57: Sixth Street Lofts (Quickel Auto & Supply Co.), Albuquerque, NM 621 1.58: Sixth Street Lofts (Quickel Auto & Supply Co.), Albuquerque, NM 621 1.59: Streetscape with pueblo revival architecture, downtown Santa Fe, NM 622 1.60: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company), Santa Fe, NM 622 1.61: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company) interior, Santa Fe, NM 622 1.62: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company) interior, Santa Fe, NM 623 1.63: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company) interior, Santa Fe, NM 623 1.64: Santa Fe Village (Quickel-Houk Motor Company) interior, Santa Fe, NM 623 1.65: Santa Fe Village tenant list, Santa Fe, NM 624 1.66: Beacon Street Shops (Mathis Motors), Pleasantville, NJ 624 1.67: Beacon Street Shops (Mathis Motors), Pleasantville, NJ 624 1.68: Beacon Street Shops (Mathis Motors), Pleasantville, NJ 625 CHAPTER TWO: GAS STATIONS 2.1: Typical Phillips 66 cottage-style station with later service-bay addition, Route 66, Chandler, OK 625 2.2: Typical Texaco icebox-style station, Orange, CA 626 xvi 2.3: Typical Phillips 66 googie-style station, Overland Park, KS 626 2.4: Typical Shell ranch-house-style station, Pomona, CA 626 2.5: Typical Texaco Mattawan-style station, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 627 2.6: Environmental remodel at older station, Pomona, CA 627 2.7: Environmental remodel at older station, Pomona, CA 627 2.8: Environmental remodel at former Texaco icebox, vacant in 2006, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 628 2.9: Environmental remodel at former Texaco icebox, reused as auto-glass shop in 2010, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 628 2.10: Union 76 station, Beverly Hills, CA 628 2.11: Union 76 station, Beverly Hills, CA 629 2.12: Lake Anne Chevron station in 2007, post-fire and restoration, Reston, VA 629 2.13: Phillips 66 station as historical site, Route 66, McLean, TX 629 2.14: Phillips 66 station as historical site, Route 66, McLean, TX 630 2.15: Magnolia Station, in 1999 prior to its restoration, Route 66, Vega, TX 630 2.16: Soulsby’s Service Station, in 1999 prior to its restoration, Route 66, Mt. Olive, IL 630 2.17: Cucamonga Service Station, Route 66, Rancho Cucamonga, CA 631 2.18: Cucamonga Service Station’s separate service garage in 2006, Route 66, Rancho Cucamonga, CA 631 2.19: Cucamonga Service Station’s separate service garage in 2011 after its partial collapse, Route 66, Rancho Cucamonga, CA 631 2.20: Good Luck Gas Station, Dallas, TX 632 xvii 2.21: Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station, Goleta, CA 632 2.22: Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station, Goleta, CA 632 2.23: Embassy Gulf Service Station, Washington, DC 633 2:24: Higgins Service Station, Washington, DC 633 2:25: Higgins Service Station, Washington, DC 633 2.26: R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s moved Richfield Service Station, Coalinga, CA 634 2.27: R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s station’s artifacts, Coalinga, CA 634 2.28: R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s station’s landmark plaque, Coalinga, CA 634 2.29: R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s space for future transportation exhibit adjacent to station, Coalinga, CA 635 2.30: San Jose History Park, San Jose, CA 635 2.31: San Jose History Park’s moved Associated Oil station, San Jose, CA 635 2.32: Kern County Museum history park’s moved Sonora Street Service Station, Bakersfield, CA 636 2.33: Kern County Museum history park’s saved and moved neon signs around the moved gas station, Bakersfield, CA 636 2.34: Oxbow Park with moved Hat ‘N’ Boots gas station next to playground, 636 Seattle, WA 2.35: The restored Boots part of the Hat ‘N’ Boots station, Seattle, WA 637 2.36: The unrestored Hat part of the Hat ‘N’ Boots station, Seattle, WA 637 2.37: Adams Square Mini Park under construction in 2007 with incorporated Richfield station undergoing restoration, Glendale, CA 637 xviii 2.38: Adams Square Mini Park incorporating Richfield station in 2009, Glendale, CA 638 2.39: Adams Square Mini Park’s historical displays at station, Glendale, CA 638 2.40: Adams Square Mini Park with station’s canopy used as picnic-table cover, Glendale, CA 638 2.41: Single gas station with multiple, simultaneous reuses, Route 66, Moriarty, NM 639 2.42: Single gas station with multiple, simultaneous reuses, Route 66, Moriarty, NM 639 2.43: Same gas station in 1999 with only one use (as Route 66 Cycle), Route 66, Moriarty, NM 639 2.44: Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: auto paint / body shop 640 2.45: Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: hair salon 640 2.46: Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: oil field services 640 2.47: Bristow Tire Shop, Route 66, Bristow, OK 641 2.48: Paddoc Liquors (Grey and Archer Filling Station), Route 66, Joplin, MO 641 2.49: Car wash (Chambers Skelly Service Station), Manitou Springs, CO 641 2.50: MVD Specialists (Texaco station), Albuquerque, NM 642 2.51: MVD Specialists (Texaco station), Albuquerque, NM 642 xix 2.52: Palm Springs Official Visitor Center (Tramway Gas Station), Palm Springs, CA 642 2.53: Palm Springs Official Visitor Center (Tramway Gas Station), Palm Springs, CA 643 2.54: Palm Springs Official Visitor Center (Tramway Gas Station), Palm Springs, CA 643 2.55: Standard Oil station, vacant in 1999 prior to restoration and reuse as visitor center, Route 66, Odell, IL 643 2.56: Ambler’s Texaco station, vacant in 1999 prior to restoration and reuse as visitor center, Route 66, Dwight, IL 644 2.57: Phillips 66 station, reused as staffing services company in 1999, prior to reuse as visitor center, Route 66, Baxter Springs, KS 644 2.58: Cool Springs Station, just a ruin in 1999 prior to its rebuilding as souvenir shop, Route 66, Cool Springs, AZ 644 2.59: Return to the 50’s [sic] Gift Shop, Route 66, Seligman, AZ 645 2.60: Why Not antiques store (Texaco station), Route 66, Amarillo, TX 645 2.61: Aurora Colony Auction House, Aurora, OR 645 2.62: Aurora Colony Auction House, Aurora, OR 646 2.63: Sports Tahoe Resort Wear (Flying A station), Truckee, CA 646 2.64: Caffé Michelangelo (Ramirez Fina Service Station), Albuquerque, NM 646 2.65: Caffé Michelangelo (Ramirez Fina Service Station), Albuquerque, NM 647 2.66: La Salsita Mexican Restaurant, Mesa, AZ 647 2.67: La Salsita Mexican Restaurant, Mesa, AZ 647 xx 2.68: Filling Station Espresso, Olympia, WA 648 2.69: Java GoGo, Route 66, Monrovia, CA 648 2.70: Java GoGo, Route 66, Monrovia, CA 648 2.71: Filling Station Coffee Company, Bakersfield, CA 649 2.72: Filling Station Coffee Company, Bakersfield, CA 649 2.73: Town Pump Tavern, Mount Vernon, WA 649 2.74: Gourmet Station, Miami, FL 650 2.75: Signal Station Pizza (Signal Gas Company station), Portland, OR 650 2.76: Signal Station Pizza (Signal Gas Company station), Portland, OR 650 2.77: Cruiser’s Café 66, Route 66, Williams, AZ 651 2.78: Filling Station Café (Baker’s Service Station), Orange, CA 651 2.79: Filling Station Café (Baker’s Service Station), Orange, CA 651 2.80: Standard Diner (Carothers and Mauldin Texaco), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 652 2.81: What’s Up Dog hot dog stand (Union Oil station), San Francisco, CA 652 2.82: What’s Up Dog hot dog stand (Union Oil station), San Francisco, CA 652 2.83: First State Bank (Sinclair station), Santa Fe, NM 653 2.84: First State Bank (Sinclair station), Santa Fe, NM 653 2.85: Century 21 real estate office (Les Allen Service Station), Route 66, Chandler, OK 653 2.86: Century 21 real estate office (Les Allen Service Station), Route 66, Chandler, OK 654 2.87: Accountant’s office (Old Pueblo Shell station), Tucson, AZ 654 xxi 2.88: Monument company’s headstone display at former gas station, Clarendon, TX 654 2.89: Monument company’s headstone display at former gas station, Clarendon, TX 655 2.90: Planned Parenthood (Stan’s Mobil station), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 655 2.91: Architect’s office (Marquez Filling Station), Los Angeles, CA 655 2.92: A-1 Garden Equipment, Route 66, Fontana, CA 656 2.93: Galer’s Roadside Market, Hillsboro, IL 656 2.94: Ivy’s Flower Station (Mobil station), Glendale, CA 656 2.95: Ivy’s Flower Station (Mobil station), Glendale, CA 657 2.96: Preservation Station (Conoco station), Albuquerque, NM 657 2.97: Preservation Station (Conoco station), Albuquerque, NM 657 2.98: Tower Conoco station, vacant in 1999 prior to reuse as Chamber of Commerce, Route 66, Shamrock, TX 658 2.99: Tower Conoco station, vacant in 1999 prior to reuse as Chamber of Commerce, Route 66, Shamrock, TX 658 CHAPTER 3: GREYHOUND BUS STATIONS 3.1: Former storefront-type Greyhound bus station, Truckee, CA 658 3.2: Former storefront-type Greyhound bus station, Truckee, CA 659 3.3: Former Union Bus Station, remodeled by Greyhound, Oakland, CA 659 3.4: Former Union Bus Station, remodeled by Greyhound, Oakland, CA 659 xxii 3.5: Former modernist Greyhound station, Santa Monica, CA 660 3.6: Former modernist Greyhound station, Santa Monica, CA 660 3.7: Former modernist Greyhound station, Santa Monica, CA 660 3.8: Googie-style Greyhound station, Bakersfield, CA 661 3.9: Googie-style Greyhound station, Bakersfield, CA 661 3.10: Restored Greyhound station, Dallas, TX 661 3.11: Offices in former station, Baltimore, MD 662 3.12: Offices in former station, Baltimore, MD 662 3.13: History museum in station’s service garage, Baltimore, MD 662 3.14: History museum in station’s service garage, Baltimore, MD 663 3.15: History museum in station’s service garage, Baltimore, MD 663 3.16: History museum in station’s service garage, Baltimore, MD 663 3.17: History museum in station’s service garage, Baltimore, MD 664 3.18: Station reused as office tower’s lobby, Washington, DC 664 3.19: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 664 3.20: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 665 3.21: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 665 3.22: Station and adjoining office tower, Washington, DC 665 3.23: Office tower connected to station, Washington, DC 666 3.24: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 666 3.25: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 666 3.26: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 667 3.27: Reused station’s interior, Washington, DC 667 xxiii 3.28: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 667 3.29: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 668 3.30: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 668 3.31: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 668 3.32: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 669 3.33: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 669 3.34: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 669 3.35: Historic displays inside reused station / lobby, Washington, DC 670 3.36: Sports bar in former station, Amarillo, TX 670 3.37: Sports bar in former station, Amarillo, TX 670 3.38: Former station vacant in 2004 prior to sports bar reuse, Amarillo, TX 671 CHAPTER 4: MOTELS 4.1: Triangle Motel in 1999, prior to its restoration, Route 66, Amarillo, TX 671 4.2: Blue Swallow Motel in 1999, prior to storm damage, Route 66, Tucumcari, NM 671 4.3: Blue Swallow Motel, Tucumcari, NM 672 4.4: Blue Swallow Motel, Tucumcari, NM 672 4.5: Wigwam Motel, Route 66, Holbrook, AZ 672 4.6: De Anza Motor Lodge, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 673 4.7: De Anza Motor Lodge, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 673 4.8: De Anza Motor Lodge, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 673 xxiv 4.9: El Vado Motel, operational in 1999, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 674 4.10: El Vado Motel, operational in 1999, Albuquerque, NM 674 4.11: El Vado Motel, closed and fenced off in 2007, Albuquerque, NM 674 4.12: El Vado Motel, closed and fenced off in 2007, Albuquerque, NM 675 4.13: Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co., prior to demolition, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 675 4.14: Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co.’s saved restaurant, Albuquerque, NM 675 4.15: Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co.’s saved commercial portion, Albuquerque, NM 676 4.16: Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co. being demolished in 2007, Albuquerque, NM 676 4.17: Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co. being demolished in 2007, Albuquerque, NM 676 4.18: Chateau Bleu Motel, North Wildwood, NJ 677 4.19: Chateau Bleu Motel, North Wildwood, NJ 677 4.20: Caribbean Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 677 4.21: Caribbean Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 678 4.22: Caribbean Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 678 4.23: Caribbean Motel’s 50th anniversary banner stating, “Preservation is cool,” Wildwood Crest, NJ 678 4.24: Shalimar Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 679 4.25: Shalimar Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 679 4.26: Cape Cod Inn, Wildwood Crest, NJ 679 4.27: Cape Cod Inn, Wildwood Crest, NJ 680 4.28: Cape Cod Inn, Wildwood Crest, NJ 680 4.29: Imperial 500 Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 680 xxv 4.30: Imperial 500 Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 680 4.31: Imperial 500 Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 681 4.32: Imperial 500 Motel, Wildwood Crest, NJ 681 4.33: South Pacific Motel, MiMo District, Miami, FL 681 4.34: South Pacific Motel and Shalimar Motel, MiMo District, Miami, FL 682 4.35: Biscayne Inn, MiMo District, Miami, FL 682 4.36: Davis Motel, MiMo District, Miami, FL 683 4.37: El Colorado Lodge, Manitou Springs, CO 683 4.38: Participants from the 2003 National Preservation Conference touring El Colorado Lodge, Manitou Springs, CO 683 4.39: Lorraine Motel, exterior of Martin Luther King’s room and the balcony where he was assassinated, Memphis, TN 684 4.40: Lorraine Motel, reused as National Civil Rights Museum, Memphis, TN 684 4.41: Lorraine Motel, reused as National Civil Rights Museum, Memphis, TN 684 4.42: Lorraine Motel’s surviving neon signs, Memphis TN 685 4.43: Lorraine Motel’s surviving neon signs, Memphis TN 685 4.44: Lorraine Motel’s adjacent Lorraine Hotel, reused as museum offices, Memphis, TN 685 4.45: Lavaland Motel, reused as self-storage facility, Route 66, Grants, NM 686 4.46: Nob Hill Motel, boarded up in 2008, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 686 4.47: Nob Hill Motel before restoration and reuse, Albuquerque, NM 686 4.48: Nob Hill Motel’s neon sign in 2006 before restoration, Albuquerque, NM 687 4.49: Nob Hill Motel’s neon sign in 2008 after restoration, Albuquerque, NM 687 xxvi 4.50: Nob Hill Motel’s neon sign in 2010 after sign’s reuse, Albuquerque, NM 688 4.51: Nob Hill Motel, reused as Nob Hill Court office complex in 2010, Albuquerque, NM 688 4.52: Nob Hill Motel, reused as office complex in 2010, Albuquerque, NM 688 4.53: Nob Hill Motel, reused as office complex in 2010, Albuquerque, NM 689 4.54: Nob Hill Motel, reused as office complex in 2010, Albuquerque, NM 689 4.55: Cactus Motel, reused as Cactus Mall shopping center, Route 66, Moriarty, NM 689 4.56: Cactus Motel, Moriarty, NM 690 4.57: Cactus Lodge, reused as Cactus Centro commercial center, Route 66, Santa Fe, NM 690 4.58: Cactus Lodge’s reused motel sign, Santa Fe, NM 690 4.59: Cactus Lodge, Santa Fe, NM 691 4.60: Wildflower Village, 4 adjacent motels transformed into arts colony, Reno, NV 691 4.61: Wildflower Village, saved sign for its former Silver Spur Motel, Reno, NV 691 4.62: Wildflower Village, former motels with landscaping, Reno, NV 692 4.63: Wildflower Village, former motels with artwork, Reno, NV 692 4.64: Wildflower Village’s art gallery, Reno, NV 692 4.65: Wildflower Village’s coffee house, Reno, NV 693 4.66: Wildflower Village’s gift shop, Reno, NV 693 4.67: Wildflower Village’s wedding chapel, Reno, NV 693 4.68: Wildflower Village, former motels, Reno, NV 694 xxvii 4.69: Wildflower Village, former motels with artwork, Reno, NV 694 4.70: Sahara Motel, now dorm-like student apartments, Tucson, AZ 694 4.71: Sahara Motel, now dorm-like student apartments, Tucson, AZ 695 4.72: Sahara Motel, student apartments’ new amenities, Tucson, AZ 695 4.73: Sahara Motel’s reused sign, Tucson, AZ 695 4.74: Ghost Ranch Lodge, vacant in 2007 prior to reuse as senior housing, Tucson, AZ 696 4.75: Ghost Ranch Lodge, historic signage, Tucson, AZ 696 4.76: Ghost Ranch Lodge, Tucson, AZ 696 4.77: Village Motel, during its 2009 transformation into Daniel’s Village, Route 66, Santa Monica, CA 697 4.78: Hollywood Studio Inn, during its 2011 conversion into Michael’s Village, 697 Hollywood, CA 4.79: Hollywood Studio Inn’s stone mural and signage, Hollywood, CA 697 4.80: Hollywood Studio Inn with new signage for Michael’s Village Hollywood, CA 698 4.81: Surf Motor Court, reused as Roberts Cottages condominiums, Oceanside, CA 698 4.82: Surf Motor Court’s parallel rows of beachfront cottages, Oceanside, CA 698 4.82: Surf Motor Court’s staggered cottages with ocean views, Oceanside, CA 699 xxviii CHAPTER 5: PREFABRICATED DINERS 5.1: Mayfair Diner, Philadelphia, PA 699 5.2: New Ideal Diner, Aberdeen, MD 699 5.3: Pink Cadillac Diner interior, Wildwood, NJ 700 5.4: Pink Cadillac Diner interior, Wildwood, NJ 700 5.5: Remodeled Pink Cadillac Diner exterior, Wildwood, NJ 701 5.6: Remodeled Pink Cadillac Diner exterior, Wildwood, NJ 701 5.7: De-modernized Bridge Diner, Havre De Grace, MD 701 5.8: De-modernized Aberdeen Eagle Diner, Aberdeen, MD 702 5.9: Thru-Way Diner in 2003, prior to demolition, New Rochelle, NY 702 5.10: 5 & Diner retro chain restaurant, Tempe, AZ 702 5.11: Dining Car retro diner, Philadelphia, PA 703 5.12: Dining Car retro diner, Philadelphia, PA 703 5.13: Silver Diner retro chain restaurant, Vienna, VA 703 5.14: Silver Diner retro chain restaurant, Vienna, VA 704 5.15: American City Diner, Washington, DC 704 5.16: American City Diner, Washington, DC 704 5.17: Gourmet Diner, North Miami, FL 705 5.18: Gourmet Diner, North Miami, FL 705 5.19: Modern Diner, Pawtucket, RI 705 5.20: The 29 Diner, Fairfax, VA 706 5.21: The 29 Diner, Fairfax, VA 706 xxix 5.22: Highway Diner, Route 66, Winslow, AZ 706 5.23: Welcome Diner, Phoenix, AZ 707 5.24: Tastee Diner, moved, Silver Spring, MD 707 5.25: Tastee Diner, moved, Silver Spring, MD 707 5.26: Jax Truckee Diner, moved, Truckee, CA 708 5.27: Jax Truckee Diner, moved, Truckee, CA 708 5.28: 11th Street Diner, moved, Miami Beach, FL 708 5.29: 11th Street Diner, moved, Miami Beach, FL 709 5.30: 11th Street Diner, moved, Miami Beach, FL 709 5.31: Frank’s Diner, moved, Jessup, MD 709 5.32: Transit Diner, reused as bait and tackle shop, Morrisville, PA 710 5.33: Transit Diner, reused as bait and tackle shop, Morrisville, PA 710 5.34: Ed’s Diner, reused as market, Doylestown, PA 710 5.35: Ed’s Diner, reused as market, Doylestown, PA 711 5.36: Little House Café, reused as police substation, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 711 5.37: Little House Café, reused as police substation, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 711 CHAPTER 6: ENCLOSED SHOPPING MALLS 6.1: Providence Arcade, Providence, RI 712 6.2: Providence Arcade, Providence, RI 712 xxx 6.3: Providence Arcade, Providence, RI 712 6.4: Roland Park Shopping Center, Baltimore, MD 713 6.5: Roland Park Shopping Center, Baltimore, MD 713 6.6: Roland Park Shopping Center, Baltimore, MD 713 6.7: Country Club Plaza, Kansas City, MO 714 6.8: Country Club Plaza, Kansas City, MO 714 6.9: County Club Plaza’s reused Plaza Theater, Kansas City, MO 714 6.10: Suburban Square, Ardmore, PA 715 6.11: Suburban Square, Ardmore, PA 715 6.12: Suburban Square’s reused Suburban Theater, Ardmore, PA 715 6.13: Suburban Square’s reused Suburban Theater, Ardmore, PA 716 6.14: Suburban Square’s pioneering department store, Ardmore, PA 716 6.15: Suburban Square’s pioneering department store, Ardmore, PA 716 6.16: Highland Park Shopping Village, interior, Dallas, TX 717 6.17: Highland Park Shopping Village, exterior, Dallas, TX 717 6.18: Highland Park Shopping Village, exterior, Dallas, TX 717 6.19: Highland Park Shopping Village, interior, Dallas, TX 718 6.20: Highland Park Shopping Village, interior, Dallas, TX 718 6.21: Highland Park Shopping Village’s Village Theatre, Dallas, TX 718 6.22: Park and Shop, Washington, DC 719 6.23: Park and Shop, Washington, DC 719 6.24: Silver Spring Shopping Center, Silver Spring, MD 719 6.25: Silver Spring Shopping Center, Silver Spring, MD 720 xxxi 6.26: Silver Spring Shopping Center’s Silver Theatre, Silver Spring, MD 720 6.27: Roland Park Shopping Center’s historical plaque, Baltimore, MD 720 6.28: Park Central Mall, reused as offices, Phoenix, AZ 721 6.29: Park Central Mall, reused as offices, Phoenix, AZ 721 6.30: Park Central Mall, reused as offices, Phoenix, AZ 721 6.31: Park Central Mall’s reused department stores, Phoenix, AZ 722 6.32: Park Central Mall’s reused department stores, Phoenix, AZ 722 6.33: Maryvale Mall, reused as schools and district facilities, Phoenix, AZ 722 6.34: Maryvale Mall’s Atkinson Middle School, Phoenix, AZ 723 6.35: Maryvale Mall’s Tarver Elementary School, Phoenix, AZ 723 6.36: Maryvale Mall’s parking lot reused as athletic areas, Phoenix, AZ 723 6.37: Maryvale Mall’s former Maryvale Theater, Phoenix, AZ 724 6.38: Kress five-and-dime chain store, Amarillo, TX 724 6.39: Western Plaza’s vacant department stores, prior to mall’s demolition, Amarillo, TX 724 6.40: Western Plaza’s vacant department stores, prior to mall’s demolition, Amarillo, TX 725 6.41: Western Plaza’s vacant cinema, prior to mall’s demolition, Amarillo, TX 725 6.42: Western Plaza’s decaying sign, prior to demolition, Amarillo, TX 725 CHAPTER 7: BOWLING ALLEYS 7.1: Typical bowling alley interior, 66 Bowl, Route 66, Oklahoma City, OK 726 xxxii 7.2: Westside Lanes, Olympia, WA 726 7.3: Westside Lanes, Olympia, WA 726 7.4: Covina Bowl, Covina, CA 727 7.5: Covina Bowl, Covina, CA 727 7.6: Covina Bowl, Covina, CA 727 7.7: Futurama Bowl’s neon sign, saved and reused, San Jose, CA 728 7.8: Futurama Bowl’s neon sign, saved and reused, at night, San Jose, CA 728 7.9: Aztec Bowl’s sign, saved, San Diego, CA 729 7.10: Aztec Bowl’s sign, saved, San Diego, CA 729 7.11: Aztec Bowl sign’s commemorative, informational plaque, San Diego, CA 729 7.12: Edwards Mountain Village 14, the multiplex that replaced Thunderbird Lanes, Ontario, CA 730 7.13: Thunderbird Lanes’ thunderbird sculpture at museum, Ontario, CA 730 7.14: Thunderbird Lanes’ thunderbird sculpture at museum, Ontario, CA 730 7.15: Hollywood Star Lanes prior to demolition, Route 66, Hollywood, CA 731 7.16: Hollywood Star Lanes prior to demolition, Route 66, Hollywood, CA 731 7.17: Holiday Bowl’s saved coffee shop, Los Angeles, CA 731 7.18: Holiday Bowl’s saved coffee shop, Los Angeles, CA 732 7.19: Montrose Bowl, Montrose, CA 732 7.20: Surf Bowl, Oceanside, CA 732 7.21: Surf Bowl, Oceanside, CA 733 7.22: Starlite Lanes, Route 66, Lebanon, MO 733 7.23: Lucky 66 Bowl, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 733 xxxiii 7.24: Sand volleyball court in parking lot of Lucky 66 Bowl, Albuquerque, NM 734 7.25: Cosmic bowling at night at Starlite Lanes, Lebanon, MO 734 7.26: AMF 300 San Jose exterior, San Jose, CA 734 7.27: AMF 300 San Jose interior, San Jose, CA 735 7.28: AMF 300 San Jose interior, San Jose, CA 735 7.29: AMF 300 San Jose interior, San Jose, CA 735 7.30: Lucky Strike, Orange, CA 736 7.31: Lucky Strike, Bellevue, WA 736 7.32: Lucky Strike sharing office tower with Microsoft, Bellevue, WA 737 7.33: Barnes and Noble (Belle Lanes), Bellevue, WA 737 7.34: Barnes and Noble (Belle Lanes), Bellevue, WA 737 7.35: Bill Embrey Heating and Air Conditioning (Bowlerland Roosevelt), San Antonio, TX 738 7.36: Randy’s Ballroom (Bowlerland Bandera), San Antonio, TX 738 7.37: Randy’s Ballroom (Bowlerland Bandera), San Antonio, TX 738 7.38: Calvary Chapel Capo Beach (Capistrano Lanes), Capistrano Beach, CA 739 7.39: Calvary Chapel Capo Beach (Capistrano Lanes), Capistrano Beach, CA 739 7.40: Rose Bowl prior to its reuse as event center, Route 66, Tulsa, OK 739 7.41: Rose Bowl prior to its reuse as event center, Route 66, Tulsa, OK 740 7.42: City of Knowledge School (Garey Center Bowl), Pomona, CA 740 7.43: City of Knowledge School (Garey Center Bowl), Pomona, CA 740 7.44: Garey Center Bowl’s coffee shop sign, saved and moved, Upland, CA 741 xxxiv 7.45: Garey Center Bowl’s coffee shop sign at Boomers Coffeehouse, Upland, CA 741 7.46: Santa Fe train depot, reused as retail and Boomers, Upland, CA 741 7.47: Antique Centre (Papago Bowl), Scottsdale, AZ 742 7.48: Antique Centre (Papago Bowl), Scottsdale, AZ 742 7.49: Amoeba Music (Park Bowl), San Francisco, CA 742 7.50: Staples chain store (Fiesta Lanes), Albuquerque, NM 743 7.51: Staples chain store (Fiesta Lanes), Albuquerque, NM 743 7.52: Fiesta Lanes’ sign reused for Staples, Albuquerque, NM 743 7.53: Fiesta Lanes’ sign reused for Staples, Albuquerque, NM 744 CHAPTER 8: MULTIPLEX THEATERS 8.1: Culver Stadium 12 multiplex, Culver City, CA 744 8.2: Culver Stadium 12 multiplex, Culver City, CA 745 8.3: Oceanside 16, Oceanside, CA 745 8.4: Oceanside 16, Oceanside, CA 745 8.5: Gaslamp 15, San Diego, CA 746 8.6: Gaslamp 15, San Diego, CA 746 8.7: Egyptian 24, Hanover, MD 746 8.8: Egyptian 24, Hanover, MD 747 8.9: Egyptian 24, Hanover, MD 747 8.10: Star Performing Arts Center (Fountain Valley Twin), Fountain Valley, CA 747 xxxv 8.11: Star Performing Arts Center (Fountain Valley Twin), Fountain Valley, CA 748 8.12: Star Performing Arts Center (Fountain Valley Twin), Fountain Valley, CA 748 8.13: SOMA concert venue (Sports Arena Six), San Diego, CA 748 8.14: SOMA concert venue (Sports Arena Six), San Diego, CA 749 8.15: SOMA concert venue (Sports Arena Six), San Diego, CA 749 8.16: Cornerstone Community Church (Century Almaden 5), San Jose, CA 749 8.17: Cornerstone Community Church (Century Almaden 5), San Jose, CA 750 8.18: Cornerstone Community Church (Century Almaden 5), San Jose, CA 750 8.19: International Ministry Center (El Cajon Cinema 8), El Cajon, CA 750 8.20: Freestanding sign advertising El Cajon Cinema 8’s multiple churches, El Cajon, CA 751 8.21: International Ministry Center (El Cajon Cinema 8), El Cajon, CA 751 8.22: LA Fitness (Tacoma South Cinemas), Tacoma, WA 751 8.23: Cinema Plaza office building (Nakoma Village 8), San Antonio, TX 752 8.24: Cinema Plaza office building (Nakoma Village 8), San Antonio, TX 752 xxxvi INTRODUCTION Abstract This dissertation addresses historic preservation through the adaptive reuse of thematic segments of the built environment of the United States. Within those broad segments (such as tourism and consumption), each chapter focuses on the saving and conversion of a particular type of structure from the recent past, one frequently found in suburbia and/or along the American roadside. Many of these reused building types, which range from gas stations to bowling alleys, have – until recently – often been unnoticed or unappreciated by the general public, the preservation community, and academia. To provide background for the many reuses that I detail, each chapter begins with an analysis of the architectural, socio-cultural, and economic significance of the building type in question. I place it in historical perspective, contextualizing its evolution over the Twentieth Century and explaining its state of decline and subsequent need for preservation. I then discuss major examples of non-reuse preservation, or at least of preservation attempts, throughout the country. Following the section detailing the building type’s history and preservation, the bulk of each chapter contains case studies of successful conversions from across the nation. Examples range from a former car dealership that became a small town’s city hall, to a Greyhound bus station that is now a history museum, to a motel that has become 1 2 a thriving artists’ colony filled with studios and galleries. As the cases in my dissertation demonstrate, through local vision and leadership, these structures’ usefulness can outlast the failure of their original purpose. I contend that these kinds of vacant buildings of the recent past can provide valuable opportunities for community revitalization, enhancement, and enrichment. I explore how, in various areas, such sites have transformed into civic and economic assets through adaptive reuse. Beyond turning blighted buildings into productive parts of the urban landscape, these transformations also demonstrate the increasing appreciation and nostalgia for icons of our collective history and memory – particularly those from an era that is not yet far behind us in the rear view mirror. I thus situate these structures’ restoration and conversion in the broader framework of the ever-strengthening, yet still highly controversial, national movement to preserve the recent past. (The final part of this Introduction will provide an overview of that movement and its contentions.) Dissertation Goals One of my main purposes in writing this dissertation is to inform and educate the public regarding the socio-cultural, architectural, economic, and historical importance of building types from the recent past – focusing on commercial structures that are commonly (although not always) located in suburbia and/or along the American roadside. Primarily, I hope to convince people that these kinds of sites are worthy of being preserved, and that, with new uses that are different from their creators’ original intent, they can still be both viable and vital today. I want to show that, through adaptive reuse, such places can help revitalize their areas, encourage local pride, educate people about 3 the history and development of their communities, and give frequently changing streetscapes a valuable continuity with the past. My research will, I believe, be of potential interest to academia – not only to students and professors of historic preservation, but also to those in such fields as urban studies, city planning, and architectural history. It has relevance to courses or projects in revitalization, suburban development, car culture, and, of course, the history of the American built environment, among others. Additionally, I expect that this dissertation can provide a helpful tool for preservationists (whether staff members of preservation agencies and planning offices at various level of government, preservation-minded entrepreneurs, restoration architects, or nonprofit preservation organizations) to use in their efforts to encourage and accomplish preservation and reuse, rather than abandonment and demolition. My hope is that this dissertation will serve as a valuable resource, providing the weight of the evidence that can help preservation advocates demonstrate to property owners, developers, and governmental bodies that recent past sites can be valuable resources. Because of the underappreciated nature of many of these types of structures, recent past preservationists often face uphill battles, but my dissertation will illustrate that they should not have to reinvent the proverbial wheel each time – since numerous excellent, successful examples of the preservation and reuse of these places exist across the nation. More than just demonstrating the many options available for such properties, however, the dissertation will also point to additional information on these prior projects; interested parties and preservationists could, if necessary, contact the participants involved in specific earlier conversions to obtain advice or aid for their own situations. In addition, the literature 4 overview in this Introduction, as well as the endnotes in the historical segments of each chapter, will provide them with the knowledge of more in-depth sources that they could utilize for such tasks as researching and writing landmark nominations, creating funding applications for preservation and reuse projects, etc. Of course, those contextual / background sections will also give preservationists material useful in advocating for the significance, and thus the possible preservation, of recent past sites in their areas. That contention about significance is key to my dissertation. I am trying to prove that these suburban and roadside types of places from the recent past (a time period with fluid conceptual boundaries that I will explain in the Methodology section) do have a history worth telling individually and did, as a whole, make a contribution to this nation. Various texts, as described in the literature review below, have made a similar case for these sites’ importance. However, I extend those authors’ arguments to contend that, even if people neither care about nor believe in these buildings’ significance, and even if they view such places as ugly or destructive, these properties can nonetheless be incredibly useful from a physical, economic, and even environmental standpoint. As mentioned above, my dissertation provides dozens of examples and case studies demonstrating that adaptively reused recent past structures can be catalysts for broader revitalization efforts, can help bring in tourist dollars to their areas, and can even foster an enhanced sense of pride of place in community members. As I repeatedly show, adaptive reuse can also be a helpful marketing tactic and a real draw for new businesses and services; reuse not only grants the operation inside some uniqueness and makes it a point of interest for passersby and even often for the press, but it also can give locals an additional reason to patronize the business. They might have a nostalgic connection to 5 the building (the former multiplex theater where they went on their first date, or the dealership where they bought their first car, etc.), or they might simply want to support an operation that appreciates their area’s history. Additionally, in this era of increasing environmental awareness, conversion is an eco-friendly, environmentally sustainable, alternative to demolition – one that can even transform sites previously renowned for their environmental destructiveness into more positive influences. I am not, however, attempting to make the case that every single structure of these types needs to be preserved and reused, or that preservationists should fight to save each endangered or vacant example of, say, an older gas station or a dead mall. Prioritization is key in a field such as preservation, where funds, resources, and volunteers are often in short supply. Preservationists, especially recent past preservationists, have always had to – and still need to – pick their battles carefully. Still, I hope that my dissertation can serve as a tool for bringing both sides together in preservation issues, helping provide a mutually acceptable, beneficial solution to the issue of what to do with these once ubiquitous, currently unused, but far from useless sites of the recent past. This, then, is my contribution not only to the overall scholarship on historic preservation and on the built environment of the recent past, but also to the ongoing effort to save what I believe to be, as a whole, a significant part of American history and culture. Chapter Overview In terms of the dissertation’s organization, the work’s eight chapters fall into four overarching thematic categories that cover much of the normal way of life for Americans – especially suburbanites, and particularly in the postwar era. The first theme, the one that makes the rest possible and essentially sets everything else in motion, is 6 “Automobility and Transportation.” It contains chapters on car dealerships and gas stations, sites that provide people with the automobiles they use to get to the other building types in the dissertation and that then maintain those cars and keep them running. The next theme, “Travel and Tourism,” includes chapters on Greyhound bus stations and motels – with one building type being the point of departure and arrival for many travelers, and the other being the place where they stay while away from home on those trips. The next two thematic categories relate to when those people are back home, going about their daily business. One theme is “Consumption,” which covers eating at prefabricated diners and shopping at enclosed malls. The final theme is “Recreation and Entertainment,” which is comprised of one building devoted to physical activity – bowling at bowling alleys – and another oriented around passivity – sitting watching movies at a multiplex theater. The multiplex closes out this dissertation because it is, by far, the youngest building type of the eight – with one of my reused examples actually having opened as a movie theater in the mid 1990s. Thus, that chapter brings the always- nebulous preservation concept of “the recent past” (as defined later in the Introduction) up to almost the present. It includes buildings that are practically brand new, but which have been, nonetheless, both failures in their intended purpose and viable candidates for preservation and reuse. Each dissertation chapter has the same internal structure. It begins with an overview of the building type’s significance, and then it describes the evolution of the building type as a whole. After explaining why so many examples of the building type are now sitting vacant, dead and in need of preservation, the chapter covers some of the major preservation efforts nationally for such structures. Finally, each chapter details 7 multiple examples of adaptive reuse – including, when possible, individual histories of these converted structures. Chapter One, “Shifting Gears: The Adaptive Reuse of Car Dealerships,” covers reuses ranging from a loft development to a library for the blind. Chapter Two, “Progressing Past the Pumps: The Adaptive Reuse of Gas Stations,” includes conversions spanning a drive-through coffeehouse and a drive-through florist. Chapter Three, “Traveling Toward the Future: The Adaptive Reuse of Greyhound Bus Stations,” holds reuses as divergent as a historical museum and a nightclub. Chapter Four, “Looking at Lodging in the Rear View Mirror: The Adaptive Reuse of Motels,” contains such wide- ranging conversions as a Latino business center and a dorm for college students. Chapter Five, “Driving Away from Dining: The Adaptive Reuse of Prefabricated Diners,” features reuses such as a tourist information center and even a police substation. Chapter Six, “Racing Away from Retail: The Adaptive Reuse of Enclosed Shopping Malls,” highlights conversions including a government-office complex and an art center. Chapter Seven, “Changing Lanes: The Adaptive Reuse of Bowling Alleys,” presents such reuses as a playhouse and even a banquet hall. Chapter Eight, “Moving Beyond Movies: The Adaptive Reuse of Multiplex Theaters,” has cases including everything from a school to a senior center. Methodology I categorize my dissertation as dealing with structures of the recent past. As I will describe in the Introduction section titled, “Overview: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past,” the term “recent past” refers to a fluid and fluctuating period of time – with buildings from that era generally being younger than 8 what the preservation field has traditionally conceptualized as “historic.” Officially speaking, that status often correlates to governmental preservation ordinances’ typical fifty-year age requirement for landmarks, as I will explain. However, the recent past preservation movement contends that age is overemphasized within the field and that it should be only one issue among many when considering the worth and preservation of structures. Many of the recent past preservation organizations have taken the built environment of the twentieth century as their focus, as in the case of Great Britain’s Twentieth Century Society and America’s Society for Commercial Archeology. Some of these groups’ names may imply a narrower emphasis on the modern era (and on modernist architecture specifically), as with the Los Angeles Conservancy’s Modern Committee and Denver’s Modern Architecture Preservation League; however, their efforts and stated purposes often belie such a limit. This dissertation follows their lead in conceptualizing the recent past; my chapter-categories are based on building types from a general era, not on the included structures’ age individually. I believe that this broad, inclusive strategy also reflects how the normal person conceptualizes the American built environment; that is, a gas station is a gas station, whether it opened in 1920 or 1960. 1 Within that framework, my categories are location-based, focusing on roadside and suburban property types. That is not to say that each individual structure discussed in this dissertation is actually located in a suburb or along a major road such as Route 66 or the Lincoln Highway; some of the detailed buildings are found in small towns, urban downtowns, and even rural areas. Their types, however, are nonetheless ones which either still are or once were a ubiquitous sight along American roadsides and/or in American suburbs. More specifically, for this dissertation, I chose distinct, commercial 9 building types that primarily came about because of or as a response to the automobile – or, at least, to the car-fueled, mass exodus to suburbia. They have all been important segments of the auto-oriented built environment. As another delimiter, each of my chosen building types is for the masses, utilized and patronized by regular, working class and middle class Americans rather than just by the elite. It is very much the architecture of everyday life. That said, each building type is one that has had, overall, a strong national trajectory of an impressive rise followed by widespread decline or death – leading to the existence of many vacant structures of that type across the country. Moreover, I intentionally chose a few building types that are not beloved or championed even by the majority of recent past preservationists, such as multiplexes and enclosed malls. That choice speaks to the broader points that I am trying to make regarding the need to understand the socio-cultural significance of such places (as a group, even if not individually) and, especially, regarding how such oft-derided, ordinary structures can still be useful and valuable physically. In each building type’s chapter, I include numerous examples of conversions. These are, for the most part, not detailed case studies. Some are quite lengthy, but many are not; each individual situation depends on how much material I could find, how much press it had generated, and whether or not an actual preservation effort took place. Additionally, these are not technical case studies regarding the buildings’ physical transformation process, because my goal was not to write a how-to manual offering practical reuse guidelines for architects. Instead, I wanted to examine these reuses as a socio-cultural phenomenon and in terms of the buildings’ historical trajectory. Overall, I 10 have tried to provide a wide-ranging, representative national sample of reuses – a broad overview of the possibilities, opportunities, and options available for such structures, as seen in communities across America. (I have also included a few international examples – from Canada, England, and Australia – in order to indicate that this is a wider phenomenon than just within the United States.) Although a large number of these demonstrative sites’ conversions sprang from concerned people’s deliberate endeavors to save, restore, designate as landmarks, and make relevant to the future their local places of importance, many of this dissertation’s conversions did not. In contrast, those places generally have no formal recognition or protection, and they are not examples of historic preservation in the traditional sense of the term. That is, such reuses did not come about due to some organized or official effort, or some specific attempt, aimed at preserving those structures because of their historic, architectural, or socio-cultural value. Instead, as has commonly happened with innumerable buildings across the world throughout human history (at least until the Industrial Revolution brought about an accelerated rate of development, which led to more demolitions for new construction), these sites’ functions simply changed with the times – shifting as circumstances shifted. 2 As Stewart Brand contended in How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They’re Built, “The whole idea of architecture is permanence.” However, that concept is illusory, Brand stated – because, “From the first drawings to the final demolition, buildings are shaped and reshaped by changing cultural currents, changing real-estate value, and changing usage.” According to Brand, although buildings are typically 11 “designed not to adapt,….all buildings (except monuments) adapt anyway, however poorly, because the usages in and around them are changing constantly.” 3 In terms of this dissertation’s non-intentional-preservation examples, those transformations often occurred for purely practical or economic reasons on the part of the converters – completely aside from any nostalgia or considerations of the sites’ broader significance. As I demonstrate throughout the dissertation chapters, the suburban and roadside types of structures that this dissertation covers often have numerous features that make them desirable as properties – including their size, layout, locale, and, of course, price. For instance, postwar bowling alleys generally have large parking lots and wide- open interiors, and they are often located prominently along major roads or highways. This opportunistic notion of potential utility – not to mention convenience, affordability, and expediency – has kept many such sites from the wrecking ball and has allowed them to stand as potentially valuable teaching tools, providing continuity with their communities’ past while reflecting change over time. Thus, although historic preservation was not their converters’ direct objective, preservation did, in fact, occur in these cases (at least for that time period of reuse, with the buildings’ future survival not assured). These reuse examples therefore provide useful models that preservationists can use as evidence to convince non-preservation-oriented building owners, developers, etc. of the worth and potential that these places retain, at least in physical and financial terms. Such ad hoc converted sites deserve to be noticed and appreciated, along with the many openly-preservation-focused examples in this dissertation. My information on this range of conversions comes from a wide array of sources. A major resource has been the websites, newsletters, message boards, and email listservs 12 of preservation organizations, especially those devoted to the recent past. The websites and databases of preservation and city planning agencies and programs at various levels of government have also been quite useful; there, I found such valuable sources as landmark nominations, meeting minutes, and reports. I have also sometimes been able to utilize the websites and newspaper advertisements of reused buildings, whether in their pre- or post-reuse states. Another source has been the blogs and fan-sites created by enthusiasts for particular types or eras of architecture, as well as those enthusiasts’ posts to various photo-sharing sites. Newspaper articles, both archival and recent – most of them online in various databases – have been my most frequently used source. Because of the recent nature of many of the reuses, books about these building types seldom include them; still, I have utilized such books extensively for background material in the history portions of each chapter. I will discuss some of this field’s main books and authors below. Overview of the Literature This dissertation falls into four main categories of literature. The first is literature documenting the evolution of the commercial built environment of suburbia and the American roadside. The second is literature about historic preservation in general. It also fits within two specific subsets of historic preservation literature, one focusing on adaptive reuse and the other regarding preserving the recent past. Within the scholarly literature about the commercial landscape of the recent past, probably the most pioneering and revolutionary early text was 1972’s Learning from Las Vegas, by Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour. Focusing on Las Vegas, the Yale professors / architects examined the American automobile strip – 13 presenting it as a new architectural and city planning phenomenon worth studying and understanding. 4 Several key texts then came out in 1979 – including Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945 by Robert Belasco; Daniel I. Vieyra’s Fill ‘Er Up: An Architectural History of America’s Gas Stations; and American Diner (later revised as American Diner: Then and Now) by Richard J.S. Gutman. 5 Other important books arrived in the 1980s. Karal Ann Marling analyzed roadside attractions in 1984’s The Colossus of Roads: Myth and Symbol along the American Highway. A year later, Chester H. Liebs, who founded the University of Vermont’s historic preservation program and co-founded the Society for Commercial Archeology in 1976-1977, published Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture – generally considered the standard, best overview of the commercial landscape. 1986 brought Philip Langdon’s Orange Roofs, Golden Arches: The Architecture of America’s Chain Restaurants and Googie: Fifties Coffee Shop Architecture by Alan Hess. (Hess later expanded that book about the exuberant, flamboyant style called googie into the broader Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture.) Soon, the Society for Commercial Archeology’s 1988 conference resulted in the anthology Roadside America: The Automobile in Design and Culture. 6 A number of significant, scholarly books on the subject come from John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, who authored a “gas-food-lodging” trilogy: 1994’s The Gas Station in America, 1999’s Fast Food: Roadside Restaurants in the Automobile Age, and 1996’s The Motel in America (written with Jefferson S. Rodgers). They also co-wrote texts on roadside signage, parking lots, and the American “highway experience.” 7 Another frequent and valuable contributor is Richard Longstreth, director of George Washington 14 University’s historic preservation graduate program, past president of the Society of Architectural Historians, and co-founder in 2000 of the Recent Past Preservation Network. Longstreth’s works include The Drive-in, the Supermarket, and the Transformation of Commercial Space in Los Angeles, 1914-1941; City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950; and The American Department Store Transformed, 1920-1960. 8 Transformation is a key issue in Longstreth’s books – albeit in terms of how one building type, rather than one specific building, has changed over time. Some authors, however, focus instead on the lifespan of structures – as they come into existence, gain names, age, expand, decay or renovate, undergo shifts in appearance inside and out, change in use, rise or fall in status, and face possible destruction or preservation. Stewart Brand’s How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They’re Built and Neil Harris’s Building Lives: Constructing Rites and Passages present buildings as being in a near- constant state of flux and evolution. 9 In 1964, the famed International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites, better known as The Venice Charter, set forth overarching guidelines and principles for how preservation professionals should deal with the results of that evolution. The groundbreaking document – conceived at a preservation congress in Venice, Italy, that led to the creation of the now massive and highly influential International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) – established that significant buildings should be preserved as “historical evidence” – rather than as artworks that should not have changed from their original state and need to return to that state. Thus, according to The Venice Charter, preservationists needed to respect “the valid contributions of all periods” to a structure – letting physical 15 evidence of the transformations brought about by time’s passage show, rather than removing them to revert the building back to its original look. 10 Of course, not all preservation professionals, agencies, and groups around the world have agreed with that charter’s philosophy regarding the validity of later alterations and additions to historic properties. (The Santa Fe example discussed below – in the Introduction section titled, “Overview: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past” – is a case in point.) Many preservationists still privilege unaltered, pure examples at the expense of those of similar age or style that have undergone noticeable changes since their construction, as seen with the Historic Property Marker Program of the Providence Preservation Society. It only grants markers to houses that “retain integrity of their original design [and] are appropriately and well maintained,” 11 with application reviewers making sure that “the original materials of the home are intact.” 12 A lack of visible transformation is necessary for gaining official recognition there, in contrast to The Venice Charter’s appreciation of buildings’ change over time and the Brand and Harris books’ overarching concept that change of some kind is part of the aging process for buildings, practically perpetual and inevitable. 13 Transformation-focused texts like The Venice Charter, How Buildings Learn, and Building Lives provide an excellent jumping-off point to books on historic preservation in general. Multiple categories of historic preservation books exist. Key for those learning about the field are introductory overviews – particularly James Marston Fitch’s Historic Preservation: The Curatorial Management of the Built World, William J. Murtagh’s Keeping Time: The History and Theory of Preservation in America, and Norman Tyler’s Historic Preservation: An Introduction to Its History, Principles, and Practice. Other 16 wide-ranging, scholarly, single-author sources include Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historical Identity, plus Buildings, Landscapes, and Memory: Case Studies in Historic Preservation and Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation. Broad anthologies also exist – starting with the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s seminal 1966 text, With Heritage So Rich, and moving on to entries like Readings in Historic Preservation: Why? What? How?, plus The American Mosaic: Preserving a Nation’s Heritage and A Richer Heritage: Historic Preservation in the Twenty-First Century. 14 Scholarly books devoted to the evolution of the preservation field nationally include Charles B. Hosmer’s foundational works – 1965’s Presence of the Past: A History of the Preservation Movement in the United States Before Williamsburg and 1981’s Preservation Comes of Age: From Williamsburg to the National Trust, 1926 to 1949 – as well as the anthology, Giving Preservation a History: Histories of Historic Preservation in the United States. Other national-scope texts examine the preservation of specific types of sites – as in the anthology Preserving Cultural Landscapes in America – or of sites significant to certain categories of people, as with the anthology Restoring Women’s History through Historic Preservation and also the book Sento at Sixth and Main: Preserving Landmarks of Japanese American Heritage. 15 A number of preservation texts specifically focus on preservation as a revitalization tool, often through the creation of historic districts – as examined in History in Urban Places: The Historic Districts of the United States. The revitalization subgenre includes books like Revitalizing Historic Urban Quarters, as well as Changing Places: Rebuilding Community in the Age of Sprawl and America’s Downtowns: Growth, 17 Politics, & Preservation. Another category of the literature links preservation to public history – as demonstrated in The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History and Beyond Preservation: Using Public History to Revitalize Inner Cities. 16 One of the main subgenres of historic preservation literature into which this dissertation fits, however, is that regarding adaptive reuse. The first book covering the adaptive reuse of multiple building types was 1978’s Buildings Reborn: New Uses, Old Places by Barbaralee Diamonstein. As historic preservation efforts were becoming commonplace nationally, Diamonstein wanted to demonstrate that preserved buildings did not have to become museums or static historical sites, but could instead be vital and functional for current needs. Arguing that adaptive reuse provided “a practical means of preservation available to the smallest town, the most modest commercial enterprise” – even for buildings that were “quite ordinary” – she covered around 100 conversions across the country. In 1986, Diamonstein followed up her pioneering work with nearly 50 more cases in Remaking America: New Uses, Old Places. 17 Both of Diamonstein’s books were broad showcases and celebrations of the many possibilities granted through adaptive reuse, and numerous other authors followed in her footsteps with texts providing multiple reuse case studies. Some, like hers, dealt with numerous types of buildings – as with Architecture Reborn: Converting Old Buildings for New Uses and Re-Architecture: Old Buildings / New Uses, both of which provided around fifty, wide-ranging conversions each. 18 Other books instead focused on a single building type, whether in terms of current or former use. Those limiting their topic by reuse include Recycled as Restaurants: Case Studies in Adaptive Reuse, Recycled Spaces: Converting Old Buildings into New Homes, and Great Adaptations: Making Older 18 Buildings into Dynamic Homes for Today. Books devoted to a single structural category include Movie Palaces: Renaissance and Reuse, plus Barns: Living in Converted and Reinvented Spaces and Working Places: The Adaptive Use of Industrial Buildings. (The latter, a 1976 handbook from the Society for Industrial Archeology, preceded Barbaralee Diamonstein’s broader work.) 19 Also falling into that book type is Julia Christensen’s 2008 Big Box Reuse, featuring ten converted Wal-Mart and K-Mart stores. 20 Christensen contended that such places’ conversion can be “a powerful tool in the fight against the increasing dangers of sprawl” – since, “for every building that is reused, another building does not go up.” 21 Moreover, she argued for the public need to understand such consumption-focused, corporate, recent, roadside entities’ history and impact. 22 However, she differentiated her work from that of recent past preservationists. She focused on adaptive reuse as a valuable planning resource for communities, rather than as a method of saving significant buildings. Unlike Christensen, I place my dissertation within the scope of texts (and efforts) regarding recent past preservation. 23 I will cover such works’ key arguments in the below section titled, “Overview: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past,” but I will provide an overview of the main literature here. Chester H. Liebs’s trade-publication articles in 1976 and 1978, “Accepting Our Aging Century” and “Remember Our Not-So- Distant Past,” are generally considered the first major efforts on the topic. Probably the most frequent and esteemed writer in the genre has been Richard Longstreth, whose résumé lists around a dozen articles regarding the necessity and challenges of preserving various aspects of the recent past. 24 19 Recognition for the recent past in broad preservation texts is still fairly rare. One exception was the 2009 revised edition of Tyler’s Historic Preservation, which offered several pages on recent past preservation. Also, a Longstreth article, “When the Present Becomes the Past,” was part of the 1992 anthology Past Meets Future: Saving America’s Historic Environments. That broad collection comprised a variety of papers from the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s 1991 annual conference. 25 Other conferences, though, have resulted in anthologies devoted entirely to recent past preservation. The first, 1995’s Preserving the Recent Past, contained over sixty papers from preservationists, historians, and architects who presented at that year’s 800- participant, National Park Service-sponsored conference of the same name. A follow-up conference (which the National Park Service co-sponsored) occurred in 2000, and its Preserving the Recent Past 2 anthology offered another 60 or so papers. 26 Two more- specific conferences also resulted in anthologies. 1999’s Preserving Modern Landscape Architecture, with over a dozen papers, came out of a 1995 National Park Service conference on the subject. Its 17-paper follow-up, Preserving Modern Landscape Architecture II: Making Postwar Landscapes Visible, was published in 2004 after yet another conference two years earlier. 27 Aside from collections of conference papers, full books about recent past preservation are relatively few. The Miami Design Preservation League’s 1970s efforts to save Miami Beach’s South Beach art deco district (which, as described later, essentially launched the recent past preservation movement nationally) were chronicled in League founder Barbara Baer Capitman’s Deco Delights: Preserving the Beauty and Joy of Miami Beach Architecture and M. Barron Stofik’s Saving South Beach. 28 Also, 20 several texts serve as technical manuals for professionals, including anthologies like Twentieth-Century Building Materials: History and Conservation, Modern Matters: Principles and Practice in Conserving Recent Architecture, and Preserving Post-war Heritage: The Care and Conservation of Mid-Twentieth-Century Architecture. Other practical works include Carl Stein’s Greening Modernism: Preservation, Sustainability, and the Modern Movement and the broader Preservation of Modern Architecture by Columbia University preservation professor Theodore H. M. Prudon – president of the U.S. branch of Docomomo, the international, modernist preservation organization.29 Technical topics were also the focus of three thematic issues of the Association for Preservation Technology’s APT Bulletin: 1991’s “Preserving What’s New,” 1997’s “Mending the Modern,” and 2001’s “Curtain Wall.” The latter sprang from presentations at the Preserving the Recent Past 2 conference, which the association co-sponsored. 30 The National Park Service’s CRM (previously Cultural Resource Management) journal and the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s Forum Journal had both previously published theme issues with reprinted papers from the 1995 Preserving the Recent Past conference anthology. 31 CRM also published a “Cultural Resources from the Recent Past” issue in 1993, while Forum Journal later created 2000’s “Our Post-War Past,” 2005’s “Preservationists Debate the Recent Past,” and 2010’s “Modernism + the Recent Past” issue. 32 Also, the Journal of Architectural Education released a 2007 “Engaging the Recent Past” theme issue. It featured a broad article by this dissertation’s author, titled, “From Modernism to McDonald’s: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past.” That article forms the basis of the section below, which 21 covers some of the main motivations, debates, and issues surrounding recent past preservation efforts across the nation. 33 Overview: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past The National Trust for Historic Preservation’s 2003 annual conference in Denver, Colorado, with its official theme of “New Frontiers in Preservation,” included a session with a title that encapsulated the preservation field’s general bewilderment (in the past, and also still at that time) over a growing phenomenon in its midst: “Recent Past Advocacy: You Want to Save What?” 34 The very existence of that session – plus four other sessions and tours devoted to what the National Trust termed the “new frontier” of the “preservation of post-war resources” 35 – illustrated the achievements that recent past preservationists had made since that national movement’s 1970s beginning in Miami Beach (as mentioned in the “Overview of the Literature” section above, and as discussed further below). The organizers of that provocatively-titled session tried to help attendees “gain a broader understanding and appreciation of the issues and challenges associated with preserving the recent past,” sites that the program called “endangered….precious resources.” 36 The other four events specifically addressed that session’s key question of what, exactly, the resource category might include. Two tours delved into what the program called “the challenges of preserving modern architecture.” One visited Arapahoe Acres, a 1949-1957 development (designed primarily by developer Edward Hawkins) in suburban Englewood. [Figure Intro.1]. In 1998, it had become the first postwar subdivision to achieve designation as a historic district on the National Register of Historic Places. Significantly, Arapahoe Acres had done so despite being too young to 22 meet the register’s typical fifty-year age requirement. (This section of the Introduction will explore that rule, along with its exceptions, below.) 37 [Figure Intro.2]. Moving from Arapahoe Acres’ modernist tract homes to a more monumental assertion of modernism’s principles, the conference’s second tour focused on Colorado Springs’ U.S. Air Force Academy. 38 Its 1954–1962 buildings (including the iconic Cadet Chapel) were designed by the firm of Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill (SOM) in “metal just like the jet airplanes and missiles that were hallmarks of the Air Force itself,” with the Academy thus representing what a National Park Service document termed, “a living embodiment of the modernity of flying.” 39 [Figure Intro.3]. Titling the tour “Modernism at Its Best,” conference materials lauded the Academy as “one of the country’s largest, most comprehensively planned, and highly visible modernist landmarks.” The famed complex became a National Historic Landmark, the country’s highest and rarest designation, in 2004 – just a year after the conference’s tour. 40 [Figure Intro.4]. Another of the conference’s tours explored the Manitou Springs resort area; with its landscape of vintage eateries, motels, and neon signs, it presented an even larger stylistic shift. [Figure Intro.5]. That tour emphasized “the challenges of trying to preserve twentieth-century roadside landmarks [and of creating] greater appreciation for roadside architecture.” 41 Finally, another session spotlighted “the challenges of designating historic sites based on gay and lesbian history…[which are] often less than 50 years old and [thus present] some of the same issues as other sites of the recent past.” 42 By reiterating the many “challenges” involved, the 2003 National Preservation Conference’s program revealed that recent past buildings’ age is only one of many 23 possible points of contrast and contention that often put them squarely in opposition to places traditionally supported by the preservation community – with others being type, style, use, and even location. By educating preservationists in overcoming such difficulties and perceptions, the nation’s primary preservation organization was essentially championing the controversial cause and validating it as an official “new frontier,” a key path for the future in a field so accustomed to concentrating on the distant past. Of course, as described in the “Overview of the Literature” section above, the National Trust had already published two special journal issues about recent past preservation before then, one of which sprang from an entire conference (sponsored by the National Park Service) on the subject. However, the National Trust’s 2003 conference’s theme and sessions provided a valuable glimpse into, and further enhanced, the philosophical direction in which the organization was heading. The National Trust amplified its efforts in that area even further five years after that National Preservation Conference in Denver. In 2009, the organization began a major initiative – officially titled the Modernism + Recent Past Program but nicknamed TrustModern – aimed at promoting appreciation, raising awareness, and advocating preservation for such resources. According to the program’s director, Christine Madrid French, TrustModern’s creation reflected the National Trust’s “firm commitment that these places matter and that if we do not preserve the significant buildings, landscapes, and sites of the 20th Century, our nation stands to lose a vital aspect of its architectural and cultural heritage.” 43 In large part, the groundbreaking work of the Miami Design Preservation League sowed the seeds for this revolutionary ongoing transformation in preservation focus and 24 philosophy. Since 1976, when the organization formed in reaction to the proposed demolition and redevelopment of over 200 acres of property on the southern end of Miami Beach, the League has successfully fought to save, revitalize, and gain official recognition for South Beach’s collection of hundreds of art deco buildings from the 1930s and 1940s. [Figure Intro.6]. In 1979, South Beach became the National Register’s very first twentieth-century historic district. Historic preservation provided the catalyst to turn the formerly decrepit area into one of the nation’s most popular tourist destinations. 44 [Figure Intro.7]. In South Beach’s wake, a national movement devoted to the preservation of the recent past developed. Other milestones around the same period were also quite significant and catalytic, though. For instance (as mentioned in the “Overview of the Literature” section above), in 1976, Chester H. Liebs published probably the first article about the need to preserve the recent past 45 – followed by his co-founding in 1977 of the Society for Commercial Archeology. 46 That organization’s goals, as stated in its first newsletter in 1978, were (and still are) to “promote public awareness and exchange of information, and to encourage the selective conservation of the commercial landscape” – focusing on building types that, “while rapidly disappearing, are often considered too recent to be analyzed, recorded, or preserved.” 47 Then, in 1979 at Boston University, Liebs taught the first-ever college course on the subject, titled, “Commercial Archeology: Architecture, Advertising and the Automobile.” 48 That same year, the National Park Service published a bulletin providing guidelines for nominating properties to the National Register of Historic Places that did not meet the register’s fifty-year age requirement (guidelines discussed later in this section of the Introduction). 49 Also in 25 1979, a preservation organization called the Thirties Society – now the Twentieth Century Society – came into existence in Great Britain. 50 1981 brought the opening of Los Angeles’ Museum of Neon Art, which today still works to restore and display vintage neon signage saved from around Southern California. 51 Three years later in 1984, following the loss of two architecturally significant, googie-style coffee shops, the Los Angeles Conservancy started a Fifties Task Force – which is now the Modern Committee (better known as the Modcom), a highly active and very successful advocacy group. 52 The next few years saw the creation of other important groups. The very first organization aimed at revitalizing, preserving, and promoting Route 66, the Historic Route 66 Association of Arizona, launched in 1987. 53 It was followed by the 1988 arrival of Docomomo, the international, preservation and documentation body for modern architecture. 54 Rising efforts around the country and the world to preserve the built environment of the recent past came to a head in 1995, with the previously discussed Preserving the Recent Past conference and its resultant anthology. 2000 was another significant time. The year included a follow-up conference – Preserving the Recent Past 2 – and its published collection of papers, 55 along with (as also mentioned earlier) the founding of a national organization devoted to the issue, the Recent Past Preservation Network. 56 Such events and groups have helped the preservationist participants in a very wide-ranging, disparate movement to come together. Overall, this multifaceted movement utilizes – and constantly argues for the validity of – much larger definitions, not only of history but also of significance, than those previously (or, more accurately, simultaneously) used in the preservation community. The conventional wisdom, 26 published in the National Trust’s official style guide in 1977 – just two years before the Miami Design Preservation League’s pioneering achievement – noted, “This examination of stylistic developments in American architectural history will conclude with the 1930s, on the assumption that it is impossible to evaluate recent history.” 57 Proponents of recent past preservation, however, typically seek to assess significance based on multiple, broader factors, with age no longer holding central importance. As historian Dr. Richard Striner (who co-founded the Art Deco Society of Washington [D.C.] in 1982) has claimed, “history is a continuum that flows without interruption into the present instant and the future.” 58 With that perspective, one could view practically everything in historical terms. Advocates such as Diane Wray, who wrote Arapahoe Acres’ National Register nomination and who in 1989 co-founded Denver’s Modern Architecture Preservation League, also contend that, sometimes, “the need to preserve [a building] is dictated not by its age, but by the threat of its destruction.” 59 (That threat is a frequent one because of the lack of respect and attention often afforded recent past structures, as well as because of the pressures created by economic factors and ongoing development.) Further, many activists (including Striner) argue that preservationists should move beyond traditional standards of aesthetic quality, pedigree, and uniqueness in evaluating buildings, de-emphasizing issues of personal taste regarding style and instead focusing on social, cultural, and historical contexts.60 Thus, their range includes everything from places crucial to the Cold War, like America’s last intact Titan Missile site (now a National Historic Landmark serving as the Titan Missile Museum in Sahuarita, Arizona) [Figure Intro.8], to roadside attractions – such as a 1947 fast-food stand shaped like a giant orange. Mark’s Hot Dogs, that round, brightly colored 27 structure in San Jose, California, is an official city landmark that preservationists helped save and relocate. 61 [Figure Intro.9]. Recent past preservationists often face strong resistance on multiple fronts as they push against traditional conceptualizations, fight to protect controversial sites, and frequently work without benefit from federal, state, and local preservation laws (because of age requirements). Debates over what should be preserved are nothing new, though; this realm indicates simply one more shift in a field that has experienced many expansions. In fact, recent past preservation efforts have been greatly aided by prior, or sometimes concurrent, movements toward saving types of places that, although often much older, had once been deemed similarly unworthy – including industrial sites, racial/ethnic sites, and women’s sites. For example, the year prior to Miami Beach’s Art Deco district designation that launched the recent past preservation movement nationally, a similarly pioneering event occurred for the preservation of historic industrial sites. The 1978 creation of Lowell National Historical Park sprang from what the National Park Service termed “a new public appreciation of industrial architecture and a belated realization that preservation should embrace working class history and culture.” Congress created the park to interpret and preserve the built environment of Lowell, Massachusetts, a 19th Century mill-town considered the country’s premier example of a planned city devoted to industry. Lowell thus became one of the world’s first areas to – when faced with the decline caused by a postindustrial economy – use its industrial past as a catalyst to transform itself into a heritage tourism destination. Beyond simply extending the reach of preservation to industrial sites, though, the park was also groundbreaking due to its focus 28 on the labor, immigrant, and women’s history of Lowell. 62 (Notable to the focus of this dissertation is the fact that the lengthy, comprehensive preservation efforts in Lowell even included a diner that had, for decades, served as a popular eatery for mill workers. The Paradise Diner, a Worcester Lunch Car model that had opened around 1936 adjacent to the massive Boott Mills, received a restoration in 1993 that restored the decaying, decrepit, metal structure back to its original appearance. It still operates today, serving both locals and tourists.) 63 Meanwhile, the transformation in preservationist thought regarding racial/ethnic history sites is shown by the changing official status (or lack thereof) for Los Angeles’ Little Tokyo, which before World War II was the nation’s largest Japanese enclave. In 1977, the year before Lowell’s industrial-preservation achievement, a historical resource survey conducted by Los Angeles County had determined that the area did not meet the necessary qualifications for a National Register designation. However, in 1986, Little Tokyo did become a National Register historic district – although a California preservation officer nonetheless officially listed it (for the nomination) as being of state- level significance rather than national. That opinion no longer prevailed by 1995, though, when the district became a National Historic Landmark – with the National Park Service officially recognizing it as one of America’s most significant historical sites. 64 Similarly, when the multi-organizational, collaborative Women’s History Landmark Project originated in 1985, barely two percent – around 40 – of the approximately 2000 National Historic Landmarks had significance expressly in terms of women’s history. Through its work, though, that figure had doubled by the project’s end in the early 1990s. Moreover, some of those new landmarks were sites from the recent 29 past. One of the project’s most difficult but satisfying achievements was the designation of a Fort Pierce, Florida, house where Zora Neale Hurston – considered the midcentury era’s most important female, black writer – once lived. That nomination successfully overcame a lack of knowledge on the part of National Park Service staff about Hurston’s existence (not to mention her significance). It also received designation despite the fact that the small house – part of a late-1950s subdivision – was, according to Project Director Page Putnam Miller, “very modest and by some counts most unattractive,” even “ugly.” What Miller referred to as the third strike against the nomination was the tract home’s underage nature, necessitating an exception to the standard 50-year requirement. However, the project activists’ determination finally paid off in 1991, when Hurston’s house became a National Historic Landmark. 65 That same year, another female author’s former home – again a humble, mid-century site – achieved designation as a National Historic Landmark as well. The 1956 ranch house in suburban Silver Spring, Maryland, a simple structure that pioneering environmentalist Rachel Carson designed for herself, was where Carson wrote Silver Spring. [Figure Intro.10]. That famed but highly controversial 1962 book helped lead to the U.S. founding the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and banning the chemical pesticide DDT. 66 Such places as the Zora Neale Hurston and Rachel Carson houses generally fall into the aesthetics-versus-context debate that has plagued and divided the preservation field practically since its establishment. That dispute has centered on the question of whether an ordinary, common, or even subjectively unattractive structure could – or should – qualify as a treasure for socio-cultural reasons. Perhaps the most famous exchange in the debate occurred between Pulitzer Prize-winning New York Times 30 architecture critic Ada Louise Huxtable and urban sociologist Herbert Gans, taking place in the New York Times’ op-ed and letters sections in 1975. Gans’ opening salvo accused the city’s Landmarks Preservation Commission of primarily designating “the stately mansions of the rich and buildings designed by famous architects,” preserving “the elite portion of the architectural past” while “allow[ing] popular architecture to disappear” – a policy that “distorts the real past.” Huxtable bristled at Gans’s suggestion of an “elitist cultural policy,” noting that “money frequently made superb examples of the art of architecture possible.” Maintaining that “esthetic singularity is as important as vernacular expression,” she nonetheless claimed that New York City did contain historic districts holding thousands of individual “vernacular” buildings. In response, Gans provided figures showing the Commission’s designations tilting heavily toward major architects, sites in Manhattan, and wealthy neighborhoods – insisting, “when preservation becomes a public act, supported with public funds, it must attend to everyone’s past.” 67 According to public historian Dolores Hayden’s analysis, the exchange was predicated not just on differing opinions about worth but on fundamental differences in how they defined common terms like “architecture” and “vernacular.” By “architecture,” Huxtable indicated those structures designed by professional architects “operating with aesthetic intent,” but Gans instead meant the built environment in general. He asserted, “Whether buildings are beautiful or ugly is a personal judgment that should not be left solely to professional estheticians.” Similarly, in Huxtable’s mind, “vernacular” buildings apparently were those without known architects that could instead be classified by architectural type or style, while Gans’s terminology implied a schema based more on class and use. Thus, to Huxtable, vernacular preservation might imply preserving Greek 31 Revival row houses, while Gans’s idea might include more culturally-oriented sites such as “tenements, sweatshops, [and] saloons.” Some thirty years later, the debate goes on, although Gans’s philosophy has become increasingly accepted – and expected – in preservation circles. 68 Today, most preservationists would probably answer “yes” to the overarching philosophical question regarding the importance of saving properties for reasons beyond beauty. However, that now-championed concept frequently becomes more tenuous when applied to recent past examples. Regarding aesthetics, Diane Wray noted, “Many, many people became historic preservationists out of their hatred of modern design.” She recalled how, during her early recent past preservation efforts, “people at the state preservation board would attack me and say, ‘I think this is the ugliest thing in the world.’” In response, Wray contended, and many recent past preservationists agree, “To say that modernism has no value is really to degrade a whole generation of people.” 69 Still, that negative view continues, as seen with the furor surrounding the city- level landmarking of the 1951 Drayton Tower, designed by William P. Bergen as Savannah, Georgia’s first luxury apartment building. Its boxy, modernist, concrete and green-glass design stands in stark contrast to the city’s tourist-attracting, Civil War-era architecture and ambiance. In a newspaper article about Drayton Tower’s 2002 achievement, Lee and Emma Adler – writers of a Savannah preservation-history book, the jacket of which lauded them as “leaders in the early preservation efforts in Savannah and throughout the United States” – insisted that the structure’s designation was “absurd.” They had wanted a different fate for the now-protected building; Emma 32 admitted, “We were looking down on that very ugly building and wishing that it could be imploded.” 70 Another, broader case in point is a 1998 list by renowned restoration architect Arthur Cotton Moore describing five ways to improve the preservation field. Topic number four was “Stretch the notion of a past worth saving,” with Moore arguing for moving “the interest line forward to embrace modern buildings of the 1940s and 1950s.” He was adamant, however, about which level of recent past structures deserved preservation; the only ones mentioned were “early modern and International Style buildings.” He contended that while “there are clear and obvious and great modern buildings that we could all agree ought to be kept…there is a vast dross of banal and insignificant work that could be discarded.” Ironically, though, his very first listed priority was, “Expand the scope to ordinary buildings.” 71 Preservation policies often bolster disconnected opinions such as Moore’s, with the National Register’s underage- property nomination rules emphasizing “exceptional significance.” 72 However, ordinary structures are frequently at risk, since landowners generally think nothing about tearing them down. Of course, as ubiquitous places get destroyed, those remaining become increasingly less ubiquitous – as occurred with the Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre (designed by Roland Decker Pierson and Harold L. Johnson) in Azusa, California. [Figure Intro.11]. When it opened in 1961, it was simply one of approximately fifty drive-ins in Los Angeles County, and one of another fifty or so on the multi-state length of Route 66. By the turn of the century, however, only one other Los Angeles County drive-in (a greatly altered one) was still operating; meanwhile, Route 66 boasted only four others still functioning, none closer than Oklahoma. Thus, upon the 33 threat of its demolition, this unassuming, paradigmatic, practically pristine property found itself being championed by preservationists as a “rare, iconic bastion of the famed mid-century car culture that helped define both the region and the route.” In 2001, the California Historical Resources Commission unanimously agreed with the contentions of the Los Angeles Conservancy, which had nominated the drive-in for landmark status – officially declaring it eligible for the California Register of Historical Resources. The Azusa Foothill thus became only the second drive-in theater in America to receive such a high-level historic designation. Following that achievement, though, several years of court and city hearings and negotiations secured only the marquee’s restoration [Figure Intro.12], with the rest succumbing to a local religious university’s expansion despite advocates’ endeavors. 73 The Azusa Foothill’s successful designation did, however, help to pave the way for a further milestone – when, in 2003, yet another of the shrinking group of surviving Route 66 drive-in theaters, Carthage, Missouri’s 66 Drive-in, became the National Register of Historic Places’ first drive-in theater. [Figure Intro.13]. That restored, reopened, 1949 cinema was over fifty years old, making its designation easier under official policies. 74 Register requirements for nominating underage structures would generally seem relevant to the circumstances of drive-ins, though, since one guideline states, “One may evaluate whether a type or category of resources – as a whole – has faced loss at such a rate that relatively young survivors can be viewed as exceptional and historic.” 75 More broadly, the Register’s Criteria Consideration G provides exceptions to the 50-year rule by specifying that an underage property “may be eligible if it is of exceptional importance at the national, state, or local level.” 76 Applicants must 34 demonstrate exceptionality in terms of one or more of the National Register’s normal Criteria for Evaluation, which require that sites must be “significant for their association or linkage to events...or pattern[s] of events...or persons important in the past,” or for their “design or construction value,” etc. 77 Through Criteria Consideration G, around three percent of National Register properties – 2,332 structures out of approximately 76,000 – had achieved official “historic” status before age fifty as of the beginning of 2003 (with the list having added nearly 300 underage buildings in less than a decade). 78 This wide array includes famous, modernist sites such as Frank Lloyd Wright’s own home/studio, Taliesin West in Scottsdale, Arizona [Figure Intro.14] – a complex Wright created between 1937 and 1959, which attained designation in 1974 – as well as the Louis I. Kahn’s Trenton Bath House. Part of the Trenton Jewish Community Center in Ewing Township, New Jersey, the 1955-1957 structure was widely considered Kahn’s most influential design, and the site became listed on the National Register at only 29 years old. 79 [Figure Intro.15]. Achieving National Register status even earlier in its lifespan than that was Eero Saarinen’s Dulles International Airport Terminal in Chantilly, Virginia. Although the terminal only opened in 1962, the National Register determined it eligible for designation in 1978, when it was barely fifteen years old. As a National Register document explained, it achieved this stunning feat because, upon the terminal’s creation, the architectural community “immediately recognized [it] as one of the most important post-World War II American architectural masterpieces and one of the most innovative airport designs” ever. 80 [Figure Intro.16]. The register has also added underage properties due to their engineering or technological accomplishments. One such place is Saarinen’s 630-foot tall, parabolic 35 Gateway Arch in St. Louis, which he designed in 1947 but which did not rise up until 1963-1965 – and which gained designation barely a decade later in 1976. [Figure Intro.17]. Another example is the first commercial structure in the world to utilize solar heating, Albuquerque’s Solar Building. [Figure Intro.18]. (The Solar Building opened in 1957 as the office for Bridgers and Paxton, the experimental engineering firm that created it.) 81 Additionally, the National Register has granted early designations to much-lesser- known but still architecturally notable sites, like the 1954 Simms Building, also located in Albuquerque. That 13-story office tower, designed by Max Flatow and Jason Moore, was the state’s first International Style structure, not to mention the city’s first high-rise. [Figure Intro.19]. Still other National Register underage honorees have gained their listings because of their socio-cultural or political significance, as was the case with the 1955 Moulin Rouge casino hotel (designed by the firm of Zick and Sharp). [Figure Intro.20]. It had been the very first racially integrated entertainment venue in Las Vegas, and a 1960 meeting there led to the desegregation of the rest of the resort city’s casinos. 82 Even the world’s oldest surviving McDonald’s, located in Downey, California, was declared eligible for listing on the National Register in 1983 – its thirtieth birthday. A decade later, that prototypical, 1953, googie-style stand with parabolic, neon-lined, golden arches (a design that architect Stanley Meston created in 1952 based on the McDonald brothers’ ideas) [Figure Intro.21] was almost demolished after sustaining earthquake damage. The threat led to a massive preservation battle, led by the Los Angeles Conservancy’s Modern Committee, that gained national attention. The Modern Committee’s efforts made the front page of the New York Times, and the National Trust for Historic Preservation named the Downey McDonald’s to its annual 11 Most 36 Endangered list in 1994. The campaign succeeded, and the McDonald’s corporation restored and reopened the iconic, landmarked, fast-food restaurant – even building an adjacent museum / gift shop. The Downey McDonald’s is widely considered to be one of the recent past preservation movement’s biggest achievements. 83 [Figure Intro.22]. The National Register’s 50-year requirement has influenced most state and local designation programs, and that particular understanding of historicity still pervades the preservation field. One of the recent past’s foremost champions, Dr. Richard Longstreth, has noted “the ever more habitual use of the term ‘historic’ to refer to listed properties and of ‘non-historic’ to [refer to] those that are not so listed.” Calling that idea “disturbing” and “preposterous,” Longstreth maintained, “History is not fixed, not finite. Nor are all of our listing programs combined anywhere near completed, even according to what we may view as historically significant at present.” 84 Certain areas, though, are more officially amenable to recent past preservationists’ historical perspective. For instance, Seattle’s ordinance cutoff is 25 years. 85 That allowed the Space Needle, a 1962 World’s Fair icon, to achieve designation at a young age. In 1999, that futuristic tower (conceptualized by the fair’s planner, Eddie Carlson, and designed by architects John Graham Jr., Victor Steinbrueck, and John Ridley) became Seattle’s first structure landmarked “on the basis of all six designation criteria, ranging from architectural merit to historical and physical prominence.” 86 [Figure Intro.23]. Becoming a landmark can have numerous advantages, depending on the level of landmarking and the regulations of the particular program. One benefit is the potential for added esteem for the listed buildings – enhanced through the frequent utilization of historical plaques (especially important for sites of the recent past that people might not 37 otherwise realize were “historic”). On a more tangible note, the owners of properties on the National Register of Historic Places qualify to apply for federal grants for preservation planning or rehabilitation, can get federal tax credits, and can utilize preservation-oriented alternatives to normal fire and safety codes. 87 Similarly, the owners of state-designated properties in California are eligible to receive property tax reductions (at least within participating cities) – in exchange for contracting to restore and maintain their historic buildings, according to established preservation standards, for at least ten years. 88 However, the fact that a particular building has received official landmark designation on some level – whether city, county, state, or federal – does not necessarily mean that it is safe forever, that it has become a permanent part of the landscape. For instance, recent past preservationists rejoiced in 2008, when the Seattle Landmark Preservation Board approved a landmark nomination for an endangered googie coffee shop from 1964, the former Manning’s Cafeteria (designed by Clarence Mayhew). The successful effort made news across the country, appearing not just in the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s Preservation magazine, but in the Los Angeles Times and even Newsweek. However, that designation did not stop the architecturally swooping structure (a Denny’s restaurant at the time) from being demolished for a high-rise residential development just a few months later. The board allowed the demolition because Seattle’s rules obligate the board to consider the potential economic hardship that preservation could cause the owners of landmarked structures. 89 Similarly, the state-level designation of the previously discussed Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre could not prevent its destruction. California’s regulations require that, 38 prior to receiving a demolition permit or gaining approval for a project that could cause a major physical impact on the listed historical resource, property owners must prepare an environmental impact report that includes and analyzes the feasibility of a range of preservation alternatives and mitigation options. That is a valuable extra step, one that gives preservationists the chance to try to convince developers (and the public agencies that must approve the report and the permit or project) about the viability of preservation. However, as seen in the case of the Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, that does not guarantee that the endangered site will survive. 90 Many people might assume that the National Register would give a higher level of protection and safety to structures than do lower-level designation programs, but that is not the case. In fact, it is an honorary title that only grants a measure of actual security – in this case, an additional review process – to those buildings endangered by federally funded projects. The national recent past preservation community got an unpleasant reminder of that fact in 2000, as papers and magazines ranging from the New York Times to The Atlantic Monthly reported on a failed battle to save the country’s most well- preserved and elaborate tiki-style restaurant. The 1961 Kahiki Supper Club in Columbus, Ohio met the wrecking ball so that its site could become a Walgreens drugstore – despite a rash of petitions, letters, and editorials. The tropically-themed Kahiki had been on the National Register since 1997, and, at the time of its death, it was still the register’s only tiki structure – but that had no legal weight in the fight. 91 Still, because of the prestige and attention that such designations can provide to buildings both endangered and non, as well as the potential financial and physical benefits, preservationists and preservation-minded property owners still strive to have 39 their championed buildings achieve listing. However, as discussed above, the National Register’s “exceptional importance” requirement for buildings of the recent past can often be difficult for preservationists to prove. That said, some of recent past preservation’s most vocal opponents do agree that certain buildings are indeed important historically, albeit for very different reasons – primarily, in their view, for having caused exceptional damage. Places particularly embroiled in the preservation community’s debate over what I have termed “preserving the enemy” include the automobile-oriented environment, suburbia, and the landscape of mass consumption – as well as the modernist architectural/planning philosophy, which many deemed responsible for massive urban renewal teardowns. Such structures are not only different from those preserved previously; they are, in fact, often the very types whose arrival caused those other buildings’ endangerment. 92 For instance, in the 1970s, horrified locals formed a citywide preservation organization in Madison, Wisconsin, after a 116-year-old house was demolished and replaced by a Burger King. What happened there was so appalling, yet apparently so representative of occurrences nationally, that Ada Louise Huxtable even named her pro-preservation article collection after it: Goodbye History, Hello Hamburger. Of course, not even a decade after that 1986 book’s publication, both the National Trust and the Los Angeles Conservancy (significantly, the nation’s largest, local preservation organization) were essentially championing a reversed philosophy that one might call, “Goodbye hamburger, goodbye history,” in their efforts to save the Downey McDonald’s. However, their perspective was far from the norm. 93 Sites such as chain restaurants and suburban housing developments have widely been considered both causes and symbols of major national problems. These include 40 cultural homogenization, the mass exodus from historic urban cores that then declined and decayed, and other supposed crimes regarding such things as the environment and social justice. 94 Recent past preservationists such as Richard Longstreth claim that the physical impetus for huge societal changes, whether positive or negative, should be preserved for posterity – while often also pointing to a building’s new and inventive style of architecture/planning as another rationale. 95 Critics who view such sites as damaging, however, feel justified in arguing for their destruction. As a local newspaper’s environmentally-minded editor contended sarcastically regarding the Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, “the official reason” for its historic designation and related preservation battle was that the drive-in’s continued existence “tells of Southern California’s car culture. So does a four-car pileup on the Foothill (210) Freeway; should we preserve that?” 96 The desire to move away from automobile dependence and from that lifestyle’s landscape also helps fuel opposition to recent past preservation by those associated with New Urbanism. New Urbanists are planners and architects seeking to create environmentally sustainable, pedestrian- and transit-friendly, new suburban developments and urban infill projects that are based on historic architectural and planning models and that provide a sense of community. 97 (Nationally, many of the new, mixed-use developments that have replaced now-demolished dead malls have been New Urbanist projects, as discussed in the history part of the dissertation’s enclosed shopping mall chapter.) 98 The attitude of Stefanos Polyzoides – a co-founder and board member of the New Urbanists’ primary organization, the Congress for the New Urbanism – toward “the last 41 remnant of Route 66 culture left in Duarte,” California, is illuminating. In spite of a fight by the California Route 66 Preservation Foundation and the Los Angeles Conservancy’s Modern Committee, an Old West-themed, ranch-house style restaurant from the early 1950s, named the Trails, was razed in 2002. (At the city’s order, the eatery’s owners donated its vintage neon sign to the Duarte Historical Society – a small consolation to activists.) 99 Its replacement was a small housing development that Polyzoides’s own firm designed to be, as the firm’s website explained, “similar to the Bungalow Courts developed at the turn of the century.” 100 Polyzoides argued that the restaurant was not worth saving, falling into the preservation community’s recurring aesthetics/context debate with his rationale – calling the Trails “a building with no style, no author, no [hint] of quality.” 101 However, his disdain extended far beyond the Trails to recent past structures in general. Polyzoides insisted, “Ninety-five percent of what matters in Southern California was built before 1940…. What was built after that was mostly bad commercial buildings – all this shit that fills the edges of the city.” 102 That common derogatory opinion toward suburbia and the American roadside is further evidenced in the teachings of other prominent New Urbanists. For instance, bestselling author and speaker James Howard Kunstler – known as “the guru for New Urbanism” 103 – proudly stated that his “last three books were concerned with the physical arrangement of life in our nation, in particular suburban sprawl, the most destructive pattern the world has ever seen, and perhaps the greatest misallocation of resources the world has ever known.” 104 Meanwhile, opponents of preserving modernism have focused more on the city itself. As Arthur Cotton Moore noted, “it was, after all, modern building projects that 42 caused the destruction of the older buildings...[in] the 1950s and 1960s urban renewal massacres…which spurred the preservation movement” nationally. 105 Preserving buildings that people frequently view as history’s destroyers (whether collectively or individually), rather than as a part of history themselves, can be difficult – as shown by the response to preservationists’ efforts since 2003 to gain local landmark designation for the 1960s Silver Towers / University Village housing complex. That modernist development, which contains NYU faculty and graduate student housing as well as affordable co-op apartments, was part of Robert Moses’ infamous remaking of New York City. It was also famed architect I.M. Pei’s first use of the “superblock” concept for urban renewal projects. Preservationist and political scientist Dr. Julia Vitullo-Martin spoke out against the potential landmarking, arguing, “The superblock truly is one of the worst ideas of the 21st [sic] Century, and to list, as a reason for preservation, that this was an example of an architect’s first use of a truly bad idea, is itself a truly bad idea.” 106 She was adamant that, “in deciding to champion the landmarking of modernist buildings,” recent past preservationists are “in effect proposing to prevent the city’s fabric from mending itself.” Rather than seeing modernist structures’ destruction as the loss of crucial segments of the city’s history, she instead viewed it as an opportunity for “the damage done [to] the urban fabric by modernists [to] be un-done,” with demolitions letting neighborhoods “heal naturally over time.” 107 With such strong opposition by esteemed individuals and groups who ordinarily support preservation, and without the increased credibility and exposure that would accompany their assistance, efforts to save such places are much more likely to fail. However, in this particular case, the recent past 43 preservationists’ perspective actually did win out in the end – with the Silver Towers development finally becoming an official city landmark in 2008. 108 Of course, not everyone sees the built environment of the recent past as destructive, damaging, and ugly; many view it as having great value. That said, framing a building’s worth in purely nostalgic and/or monetary terms can again complicate the task of preservationists. Witness the case of retro repros – a common phenomenon discussed in the diner chapter’s history portion. The popularity of reproductions and simulacra demonstrates the cultural and architectural significance of various recent past styles and structures. However, while copies thrive, “originals” often sit vacant or are slated for demolition to make way for the construction of an imitation of something else. A prime example of that phenomenon is Denny’s, America’s largest family-restaurant chain, which includes several hundred googie-style restaurants (designed by the firm of Armet and Davis, which popularized the style nationally) built during the company’s early period in the late 1950s and ‘60s. [Figures Intro.24 and Intro.25]. In 1997, the company began building Denny’s Classic Diners [Figure Intro.26] – reproductions of the streamlined, stainless steel-covered, prefabricated diners common before the Denny’s chain even existed – while also remodeling many existing restaurants with a diner theme. This retro marketing strategy’s irony became clear when Denny’s decided to tear down an authentic Route 66 icon’s key feature – the giant windmill atop the googie-style, former Van De Kamp’s Bakery in Arcadia, California – in order to remodel that 1967 building (designed by Harold Bissner, Jr.) into a faux-historic diner look. After a protest led by the Los Angeles Conservancy’s Modern Committee, however, Denny’s agreed to retain the windmill. 109 [Figure Intro.27]. 44 Also demonstrating the perils of selectively appreciating the past is the recurring desire to replace or redo recent buildings sitting in traditionally “historic” areas with something more “appropriate.” This occurred with Santa Fe, New Mexico’s former public library – a 1907, Mission style structure that had received a Spanish Colonial Revival remodel in 1923. Its 1962 addition, a glassy, modern box designed by Kenneth Clark, never fit in well with the many adobe- and stucco-covered structures surrounding it in Old Town Santa Fe. There, a combination of restorations, remodelings, and also city-mandated design reviews for new construction has caused traditional, architectural revival styles to dominate heavily. (The district’s official emphasis on architectural sameness comes up again in Chapter 1, regarding the reuse of the Quickel-Houk Motor Co. car dealership in Santa Fe). Thus, ironically (but perhaps not surprisingly), the state history museum purchased the modernist library building in 1988 and made substantial de-modernizing alterations. 110 [Figure Intro.28]. Public historian Chris Wilson contended that the museum’s act “reflects the depth of antihistorical sentiment in the community” 111 as well as Santa Fe’s “pervasive inclination to remove evidence of the modern world” in order to boost “its tourist economy.” 112 The opposite of that scenario is, perhaps, the longing to make something outdated look new and fresh. For instance, as detailed in the dissertation chapter about Greyhound bus stations, in the 1970s, Greyhound partially concealed its Dallas bus terminal’s 1940s streamline moderne façade under a mansard roof, covered over its terrazzo floors, and removed its neon blade sign. It presumably did so to update a building that, despite being built in a style intended to symbolize modernity, apparently seemed stylistically passé to Greyhound. Thus, the station’s eventual restoration some twenty years later 45 entailed stripping away the more recent idea of “modern” (and replicating the original sign) in order to return to a prior conceptualization of “modern.” 113 [Figure Intro.29]. Fascinating predicaments of this sort are common in the recent past preservation field, where the very notion of what constitutes that “recent past” is, in fact, constantly in flux by virtue of the march of time. Advocates like architecture critic Alan Hess (who authored the National Register nomination for the Downey McDonald’s) frequently point to earlier generations’ disdain for building types and styles that are now widely cherished, such as Victorian houses, to show that such “judgments have notoriously short shelf lives.” 114 That fact, recent past preservationists like Hess and Richard Striner assert, demonstrates the need for preserving for posterity even those segments of the built environment that may not currently be in vogue. 115 One day, modernist buildings and humble roadside structures may achieve the same level of mainstream preservation acceptability that aging art deco structures have in the decades since South Beach’s revolutionary historic designation. What will those who now fight to save them, and who argue for the worth of much-detested places like McDonald’s and tract houses, eventually champion? Moreover, will their task, and that of their successors, be any easier than their controversial efforts are today? Perhaps it will, especially if their inclusive, socio-culturally-based philosophies continue to take root and spread. For, although working against numerous logistical and ideological challenges, the movement has nonetheless grown in size, strength, and successes – priding itself on not only saving important parts of American history, but also helping redefine public perceptions of what that history is. 46 As this dissertation will demonstrate, adaptive reuse has played a crucial role in that process. The concept of conversion has provided developers and communities with an advantageous way for obsolete commercial sites of the recent past to become relevant and useful for the needs of today – thus making their preservation potentially easier and less controversial. Across the country, adaptive reuse has not only saved, but has given new life to, these significant structures. 1 Twentieth Century Society, "Home," The Twentieth Century Society, accessed March 7, 2011, http://www.c20society.org.uk/; Society for Commercial Archeology, "About the SCA," SCA: Preserving, Documenting, and Celebrating the 20th-Century Commercial Landscape, accessed March 7, 2011, http://www.sca-roadside.org/; Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Why a Modern Committee?," Modcom, accessed March 7, 2011, http://www.modcom.org/; Christine Madrid French, "Preservation in Person: Diane Wray, Denver, CO," RPPN Bulletin: Newsletter of the Recent Past Preservation Network 1 No. 1 (Winter 2003), accessed July 18, 2007; page now gone, so utilizing archival version, http://replay.waybackmachine.org/20061015102940/http://www.recentpast.org/bulletin/vol1no1/wray.html; Diane Wray, "Organizing to Preserve Modern Architecture: The Modern Architecture Preservation League," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), III-3. 2 Sherban Cantacuzino, Re-Architecture: Old Buildings / New Uses (New York: Abbeville Press, 1989), 8. 3 Stewart Brand, How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They're Built (New York: Viking, 1994), 2. 4 Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas, 4th ed. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1980 [first Published 1972]), xi, 6, back cover. 5 Warren James Belasco, Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945, Paperback ed. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981 [first Published 1979]), back cover; Daniel I. Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up: An Architectural History of America's Gas Stations (New York: Macmillan, 1979), xi; Culinary Arts Museum, "CAM Director and Curator, Richard J.S. Gutman Accepts Award on Behalf of Hall-of- Famer Walter Scott," Johnson & Wales University Culinary Arts Museum's Blog (web log), December 8, 2009, accessed March 8, 2011, http://culinaryartsmuseum.blogspot.com/2009/12/in-1852-at-age-of-11- rhode-island.html; Richard J. S. Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, Rev. ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1993 [first Published 1979]), 10-11, back cover. 6 Karal Ann Marling, The Colossus of Roads: Myth and Symbol Along the American Highway, 2nd ed. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000 [first Published 1984]), back cover; Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 47 University Press, 1995 [first Published 1985]), vi-vii, xiii-xv, back cover; Pennsylvania Center for the Book at Penn State University, "Biographies: Langdon, Philip," Literary and Cultural Heritage Map of Pennsylvania, accessed March 8, 2011, http://pabook.libraries.psu.edu/palitmap/bios/Langdon__Philip.html; Philip Langdon, Orange Roofs, Golden Arches: The Architecture of America's Chain Restaurants (New York: Knopf, 1986); Alan Hess, Googie: Fifties Coffee Shop Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1986); Alan Hess, "About Alan Hess," Alan Hess - Architect, accessed March 8, 2011, http://www.alanhess.net/about.htm; Alan Hess, Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2004); Jan Jennings, ed., Roadside America: The Automobile in Design and Culture (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1990); Society for Commercial Archeology, "Timeline," SCA: Preserving, Documenting, and Celebrating the 20th-Century Commercial Landscape, accessed March 9, 2011, http://www.sca- roadside.org/content/timeline. 7 John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, The Gas Station in America, Creating the North American Landscape (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), back cover; John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Fast Food: Roadside Restaurants in the Automobile Age, The Road and American Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America, The Road and American Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), back flap; John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Signs in America's Auto Age: Signatures of Landscape and Place, American Land and Life (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2004); John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Lots of Parking: Land Use in a Car Culture (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2004); John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Motoring: The Highway Experience in America, Center Books on American Places (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2008). 8 George Washington University American Studies Department, "Richard Longstreth," People: Faculty, accessed March 8, 2011, http://departments.columbian.gwu.edu/americanstudies/people/151; Devin A. Colman, "About RPPN: Introduction," RPPN: Recent Past Preservation Network, accessed March 5, 2011, http://www.recentpast.org/about/about-rppn; Richard Longstreth, The Drive-in, the Supermarket, and the Transformation of Commercial Space in Los Angeles, 1914-1941 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); Richard Longstreth, City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997); Richard Longstreth, The American Department Store Transformed, 1920-1960 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010). 9 Stewart Brand, How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They're Built (New York: Viking, 1994); Neil Harris, Building Lives: Constructing Rites and Passes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). 10 International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (The Venice Charter) (Venice, Italy: Second International Congress of Architects and Technicians of Historic Monuments, 1964), accessed May 6, 2011, http://www.icomos.org/venice_charter.html. See also International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), "Historic Background: From the Emergence of the Concept of World Heritage to the Creation of ICOMOS," ICOMOS, January 30, 2005, accessed May 6, 2011, http://www.international.icomos.org/hist_eng.htm; International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), "About ICOMOS," ICOMOS, February 2, 2011, accessed May 6, 2011, http://www.international.icomos.org/about.htm. 11 Providence Preservation Society, "Program Overview," Historic Property Marker Program, accessed May 7, 2011, http://www.ppsri.org/historic-property-marker-program/program-overview. 12 Providence Preservation Society, "Marker Program Guidelines," Historic Property Marker Program, accessed May 7, 2011, http://www.ppsri.org/historic-property-marker-program/program- guidelines. 48 13 International Council on Monuments and Sites, The Venice Charter; Brand, How Buildings Learn, 2-11; Harris, Building Lives, 2, 5. 14 James Marston Fitch, Historic Preservation: The Curatorial Management of the Built World, 4th ed. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998. First published 1982); William J. Murtagh, Keeping Time: The History and Theory of Preservation in America, Rev. ed. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1997); Norman Tyler, Ted J. Ligibel, and Ilene R. Tyler, Historic Preservation: An Introduction to Its History, Principles, and Practice, 2nd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2009. First published 1994 by author Norman Tyler); Diane Barthel, Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historical Identity (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996); Barthel, Diane. Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historical Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996; Daniel Bluestone, Buildings, Landscapes, and Memory: Case Studies in Historic Preservation (New York: W. W. Norton, 2011); Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation (New York: Routledge, 2009); National Trust for Historic Preservation, With Heritage So Rich, Reprint ed. (Washington, DC: Preservation Books, 1999. First published 1966.); Norman Williams, Edmund H. Kellogg, and Frank B. Gilbert, eds., Readings in Historic Preservation: Why? What? How?, 2nd ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Center for Urban Policy Research, 1984); Robert E. Stipe and Antoinette J. Lee, eds., The American Mosaic: Preserving a Nation's Heritage (Washington, DC: US/ICOMOS, 1987); Robert E. Stipe, ed., A Richer Heritage: Historic Preservation in the Twenty-First Century, The Richard Hampton Jenrette Series in Architecture and the Decorative Arts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003). 15 Charles B. Hosmer, Presence of the Past: A History of the Preservation Movement in the United States before Williamsburg (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1965); Charles B. Hosmer, Preservation Comes of Age: From Williamsburg to the National Trust, 1926-1949 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1981); Max Page and Randall Mason, eds., Giving Preservation a History: Histories of Historic Preservation in the United States (New York: Routledge, 2004); Arnold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick, eds., Preserving Cultural Landscapes in America, Center Books on Contemporary Landscape Design (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000); Gail Lee Dubrow and Jennifer B. Goodman, eds., Preserving Women's History through Historic Preservation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003); Gail Lee Dubrow and Donna Graves, Sento at Sixth and Main: Preserving Landmarks of Japanese American Heritage, Rev. ed. (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2004). 16 David Hamer, History in Urban Places: The Historic Districts of the United States, Urban Life and Urban Landscape (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1998); Steven Tiesdell, Taner Oc, and Tim Heath, Revitalizing Historic Urban Quarters (Oxford, UK: Architectural Press, 1996); Richard Moe and Carter Wilkie, Changing Places: Rebuilding Community in the Age of Sprawl (New York: Henry Holt, 1997); Richard C. Collins, Elizabeth B. Waters, and A. Bruce Dotson, America's Downtowns: Growth, Politics, & Preservation (New York: Preservation Press, 1991); Dolores Hayden, The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1995); Andrew Hurley, Beyond Preservation: Using Public History to Revitalize Inner Cities, Urban Life, Landscape, and Policy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010). 17 Barbaralee Diamonstein, Buildings Reborn: New Uses, Old Places (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), back cover, 13-14; Barbaralee Diamonstein, Remaking America: New Uses, Old Places (New York: Crown, 1986), 14-15. 18 Diamonstein, Buildings Reborn, 13, Contents; Diamonstein, Remaking America, Contents; Sherban Cantacuzino, Re-Architecture: Old Buildings / New Uses (New York: Abbeville Press, 1989), front flap, Contents; Powell, Architecture Reborn, front flap, Contents. 19 Recycled as Restaurants: Case Studies in Adaptive Reuse (New York: Whitney Library of Design, 1991); Vinny Lee and Roy Main, Recycled Spaces: Converting Buildings into Homes (San Francisco: Soma Books, 2000); Jill Herbers, Great Adaptations: Making Older Buildings into Dynamic 49 Homes for Today, 2nd ed. (New York: Harper Design, 2005); Joseph M. Valerio and Daniel Friedman, Movie Palaces: Renaissance and Reuse (Washington, DC: Academy for Architectural Development, 1982); Dominic Bradbury and Mark Luscombe-Whyte, Barns: Living in Converted and Reinvented Spaces (New York: HarperCollins, 2004); Walter C. Kidney and Society for Industrial Archeology, Working Places: The Adaptive Use of Industrial Buildings (Pittsburgh: Ober Park Associates, 1976); Pittsburgh History & Landmarks Foundation, "Landmarks Store," PHLF, accessed March 17, 2011, http://www.phlf.org/landmarks-store/. 20 Julia Christensen, Big Box Reuse (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008), Contents, 2. 21 Ibid., 3. 22 Ibid., 57. 23 Ibid., 3. 24 Richard Longstreth, "When the Present Becomes the Past," in Past Meets Future: Saving America's Historic Environments, ed. Antoinette J. Lee (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1992), Note #3 (pg. 249); Chester H. Liebs, "Accepting Our Aging Century," Possibilities 1, no. 3 (1976); Chester H. Liebs, "Remember Our Not-So-Distant Past," Historic Preservation 30 (January 1978): 30-35; Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile, vi; Richard Longstreth, "Curriculum Vitae," George Washington University American Studies Department, accessed March 10, 2011, http://www.gwu.edu/~amst/community/faculty/core/rwl%20cv.pdf. 25 Tyler, Ligibel, and Tyler, Historic Preservation: An Introduction, 140-144; Longstreth, "When the Present Becomes"; Robert M. Bass, "Foreword," in Past Meets Future: Saving America's Historic Environments, ed. Antoinette J. Lee (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1992), 9-10. 26 H. Ward Jandl, "Introduction," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), I-4; Rebecca A. Shiffer, "The Recent Past," CRM 18, no. 8 (1995), accessed March 11, 2011, http://crm.cr.nps.gov/archive/18-8/18- 8-1.pdf; Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer, eds., Preserving the Recent Past (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), Table of Contents; National Park Service, "Recent Past Conferences," Technical Preservation Services, accessed March 10, 2011, http://www.nps.gov/history/hps/tps/recentpast/prpconfs.htm; Deborah Slaton and William G. Foulks, eds., Preserving the Recent Past 2 (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 2000), Contents, Introduction. 27 Charles A. Birnbaum, ed., Preserving Modern Landscape Architecture: Papers from the Wave Hill-National Park Service Conference (Cambridge, MA: Spacemaker Press, 1999), 4-5, Table of Contents, back cover; Charles A. Birnbaum, Jane Brown Gillette, and Nancy Slade, eds., Preserving Modern Landscape Architecture: Making Postwar Landscapes Visible (Washington, DC: Spacemaker Press, 2004), Acknowledgments, Contents, back cover. 28 Barbara Baer Capitman, Deco Delights: Preserving the Beauty and Joy of Miami Beach Architecture (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1988); M. Barron Stofik, Saving South Beach (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005). 29 Thomas C. Jester, ed., Twentieth-Century Building Materials: History and Conservation (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995); Susan MacDonald, ed., Modern Matters: Principles and Practice in Conserving Recent Architecture (Dorset, England: Donhead Publishing, 1996); Susan MacDonald, Preserving Post-war Heritage: The Care and Conservation of Mid-Twentieth Century Architecture (Dorset, England: Donhead Publishing, 2001); Carl Stein, Greening Modernism: Preservation, Sustainability, and the Modern Movement (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010); Theodore H. M. Prudon, Preservation of Modern Architecture (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008), back cover. 50 30 Association for Preservation Technology, "Special Issue: Preserving What's New," APT Bulletin 23, no. 2 (1991), accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.jstor.org/stable/i266588; Mike Jackson, "Introduction: Preserving What's New," APT Bulletin 23, no. 2 (1991): 7; Association for Preservation Technology, "Special Issue: Mending the Modern," APT Bulletin 28, no. 4 (1997), accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.jstor.org/stable/i266603; Susan P. Bronson and Thomas C. Jester, "Introduction: Mending the Modern," APT Bulletin 28, no. 4 (1997): 3; Association for Preservation Technology, "Special Issue: Curtain Walls," APT Bulletin 32, no. 1 (2001), accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.jstor.org/stable/i266613; Natalie Bull and Harry J. Hunderman, "Preserving the Twentieth- Century Curtain Wall," APT Bulletin 32, no. 1 (2001): 3. 31 National Park Service, "Special Issue: Preserving the Recent Past," CRM 18, no. 8 (1995), accessed March 11, 2011, http://crm.cr.nps.gov/issue.cfm?volume=18&number=08; Shiffer, "The Recent Past"; Christine Madrid French, "Introduction: Modernism + the Recent Past," Forum Journal 24, no. 4 (Summer 2010): 5; Richard Longstreth, "An Historical Bibliography of Architecture, Landscape Architecture, and Urbanism in the United States Since World War II: Historic Preservation," RPPN: Recent Past Preservation Network, January 9, 2010, accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.recentpast.org/component/content/article/171; Slaton and Shiffer, eds., Preserving the Recent Past, Table of Contents. 32 National Park Service, "Special Issue: Cultural Resources from the Recent Past," CRM 16, no. 6, sometimes listed as No. 3 (1993), accessed March 11, 2011, http://crm.cr.nps.gov/issue.cfm?volume=16&number=06; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Special Issue: Our Post-War Past," Forum Journal 15, no. 1 (Fall 2000); National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Special Issue: Preservationists Debate the Recent Past," Forum Journal 20, no. 1 (Fall 2005), accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.preservationbooks.org/Bookstore.asp?Item=1277; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Special Issue: Modernism + the Recent Past," Forum Journal 24, no. 4 (Summer 2010), accessed March 11, 2011, http://www.preservationbooks.org/Bookstore.asp?Item=1383. 33 Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, "Special Issue: Engaging the Recent Past," Journal of Architectural Education 61, no. 2 (November 2007); Kelli Shapiro, "From Modernism to McDonald's: Ideology, Controversy, and the Movement to Preserve the Recent Past," Journal of Architectural Education 61, no. 2 (November 2007): 6-14, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1531-314X.2007.00145.x/abstract. Much of that journal article’s material came from this dissertation author’s presentation of the same name at the 2005 national conference of the American Studies Association. See: American Studies Association, "Friday, November 4, 2005," Conference Program: American Studies Association 2005, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.theasa.net/program05/friday.html. 34 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "New Frontiers in Preservation," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003; page since changed, so utilizing archival version, http://web.archive.org/web/20030805011619/http://www.nthpconference.org/; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Recent Past Advocacy," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003; page now defunct, http://www.nthpconference.org/Registration/showEvent.asp?ID=635. 35 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "New Frontiers in Preservation". See also National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003; page now defunct, so utilizing archival version, http://web.archive.org/web/20030810202445/www.nthpconference.org/Registration/ScheduleAtAGlance.a sp. 36 National Trust for Historic Preservation, National Preservation Conference 2003: Final Program (Washington, DC: National Trust for Historic Preservation, 2003), 65. 51 37 National Trust for Historic Preservation, National Preservation Conference 2003, 65, 19, 35; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Post World War II Modernity," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003; page now defunct, http://www.nthpconference.org/Registration/showEvent.asp?ID=676; Arapahoe Acres Historic Preservation Network, "Home," Arapahoe Acres Historic District: Building Community and Supporting Historic Preservation, January 2008, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.arapahoeacres.org/; Diane Wray, "History: Edward Hawkins, Developer/Designer," Arapahoe Acres Historic District: Building Community and Supporting Historic Preservation, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.arapahoeacres.org/history/pdf/intro.pdf; Diane Wray, "Arapahoe Acres: Preserving a Postwar Modernist Subdivision," in Preserving the Recent Past 2, ed. Deborah Slaton and William G. Foulks (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 2000), 2-105--2-113; Carol D. Shull and Beth L. Savage, "From the Glass House to Stonewall: National Register Recognition of the Recent Past," in Preserving the Recent Past 2, ed. Deborah Slaton and William G. Foulks (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 2000), 4-5. 38 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Air Force Academy," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003, http://www.nthpconference.org/Registration/showEvent.asp?ID=625. 39 National Park Service, "Reading 3: The Air Force Academy Becomes a Reality," Teaching with Historic Preservation Lesson Plans: The United States Air Force Academy: Founding a Proud Tradition, May 20, 2007, accessed May 19, 2007, http://www.nps.gov/nr/twhp/wwwlps/lessons/114airforce/114facts3.htm. See also Northwestern University Archives, "Walter Netsch Biography," Library Exhibits: Walter Netsch, 1920-2008, accessed March 1, 2011, http://exhibits.library.northwestern.edu/walternetsch/netschbiography.html. 40 National Trust for Historic Preservation, National Preservation Conference 2003, 65, 19, 35; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Air Force Academy"; National Park Service, "United States Air Force Academy, Cadet Area," National Historic Landmarks Program, accessed March 1, 2011, http://tps.cr.nps.gov/nhl/detail.cfm?ResourceId=1086183845&ResourceType; National Park Service, "What Is a National Historic Landmark?," National Historic Landmarks Program, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nhl/whatis.htm. 41 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Manitou Springs," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003, http://www.nthpconference.org/Registration/showEvent.asp?ID=672; National Trust for Historic Preservation, National Preservation Conference 2003, 65, 58. 42 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Conference Schedule at a Glance - Event Description: Gay and Lesbian Historic Sites," National Preservation Conference 2003, 2003, accessed June 16, 2003, http://www.nthpconference.org/Registration/showEvent.asp?ID=671; National Trust for Historic Preservation, National Preservation Conference 2003, 65, 58. 43 Christine Madrid French, "Introduction: Modernism + the Recent Past," Forum Journal 24, no. 4 (Summer 2010): 8. See also Christine Madrid French, "Progress & Preservation," RPPN Bulletin: Newsletter of the Recent Past Preservation Network, March/April 2010, 7-8, accessed October 21, 2010, http://www.recentpast.org/newsletters/RPPN_Bulletin_April2010.pdf; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Modernism + Recent Past Program," Preservation Nation, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.preservationnation.org/issues/modernism-recent-past/. 44 The Miami Design Preservation League’s early efforts are described by League founder Barbara Baer Capitman in her book Deco Delights: Preserving the Beauty and Joy of Miami Beach Architecture (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1988). See also Bonnie J. Halda, "From Ocean Drive to Ocean Avenue: The 52 Preservation of Miami Beach, Florida, and the Wildwoods, New Jersey," in Preserving the Recent Past 2, ed. Deborah Slaton and William G. Foulks (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 2000), 2-79--2-87. A more detailed, up-to-date history is available in M. Barron Stofik, Saving South Beach (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005). Stofik, Saving South Beach, 53; Miami Design Preservation League, "A Brief History: Founding - 1970s," About Us, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.mdpl.org/about-us/about-miami-design- preservation-league/a-brief-history/; Wolfsonian-Florida International University, "The Miami Beach Art Deco District: Using Buildings to Tell Stories," National Endowment for the Humanities' Landmarks of American History and Culture Workshop for Teachers, June 26-30 and July 10-14, 2006, 2006, accessed May 20, 2007, http://www.wolfsonian.org/education/landmarks/pdf/dear_colleague.pdf; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Crowninshield Award: Tony Goldman," 2010 National Preservation Awards, accessed February 27, 2011, http://www.preservationnation.org/take-action/awards/2010-national- preservation-awards/tony-goldman.html. 45 Liebs, "Accepting Our Aging Century". 46 Society for Commercial Archeology, "Timeline"; Society for Commercial Archeology, "About the SCA". 47 Chester H. Liebs and Miriam E. Trementozzi, eds., "Concerning SCA," Society for Commercial Archeology News Journal 1 No. 1 (September 1978): 3. 48 Chester H. Liebs, "History of the Nation's First Course in Commercial Archeology," Society for Commercial Archeology News Journal 1 No. 5 (July 1981): 3. 49 Marcella Sherfy and W. Ray Luce, National Register Bulletin: Guidelines for Evaluating and Nominating Properties That Have Achieved Significance Within the Past Fifty Years, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1998. First published 1979.), accessed March 2, 2011, http://www.nps.gov/history/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb22/. 50 Twentieth Century Society, "About the Society," The Twentieth Century Society, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.c20society.org.uk/about.html. 51 Cara Mia DiMassa, "L.A.'s Museum of Neon Art Is Glowing, Glowing, Gone: The Museum, Which Has Been in Downtown Since 1981, Is Moving to Larger Quarters Across from Americana at Brand in Glendale," Los Angeles Times, September 25, 2009, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-neon-downtown25-2009sep25,0,973989.story. 52 Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Past Advocacy: Places We Have Worked on Saving," Modcom, accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.modcom.org/advocacy.shtml; Hess, Googie Redux, 185, 19; Scott Timberg, "Modern Love: Members of L.A.'s Modern Committee Aren't Just Fighting to Save Goofy Old Buildings," New Times L.A., July 11, 2002, accessed July 13, 2002; newspaper and website now defunct, http://www.newtimesla.com/issues/2002-07-11/feature.html; Ed Liebowitz, "Out from Under the Wrecking Ball," Smithsonian, December 2000, 112; Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "About the Modern Committee: Who We Are," Modcom, accessed May 10, 2011, http://www.modcom.org/who.shtml. 53 Historic Route 66 Association of Arizona, "About Us," Arizona Route 66, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.azrt66.com/aboutus.htm; Peter B. Dedek, Hip to the Trip: A Cultural History of Route 66 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), 67-68; Michael Wallis, Route 66: The Mother Road, 75th Anniversary ed. (New York: St. Martin's, 2001), 197; Tim Steil, Route 66 (Osceola, WI: MBI, 2000), 91, 93. 53 54 Docomomo, "General Information: Mission and History," Docomomo: International Committee for Documentation and Conservation of Buildings, Sites and Neighborhoods of the Modern Movement, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.docomomo.com/general_information.htm. 55 National Park Service, "Recent Past Conferences"; Slaton and Shiffer, eds., Preserving the Recent Past; Slaton and Foulks, eds., Preserving the Recent Past 2. 56 Colman, "About RPPN: Introduction". 57 John C. Poppeliers, S. Allen Chambers, and Nancy B. Schwartz, What Style Is It? (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1977), 41. 58 Richard Striner, "Scholarship, Strategy, and Activism in Preserving the Recent Past," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), III-19. See also Richard Striner, "ADSW Origins," Art Deco Society of Washington, 1999, accessed May 20, 2007, http://www.adsw.org/perspective/1999/Origins/. 59 Wray, "Organizing to Preserve Modern Architecture", III-3. See also French, "Preservation in Person: Diane Wray". 60 Striner, "Scholarship, Strategy, and Activism", III-17-III-18; Richard Longstreth, "The Significance of the Recent Past," APT Bulletin 23, no. 2 (1991): 15-17, 21; Theodore H. M. Prudon, Preservation of Modern Architecture (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008), 28. 61 Arizona Aerospace Foundation, Titan Missile Museum Brochure: Visit a Cold War Battlefield (Tucson: Arizona Aerospace Foundation), 2, accessed February 28, 2011, http://www.titanmissilemuseum.org/pdf/titan-mm-brochure.pdf; Roy Terrell, "The Early Days of Mark's Hot Dogs: How Did It Start? Why Is It an Orange? Did It Ever Serve O.J.?," New Neighborhood Voice: The Newsletter of the (San Jose) East Foothills Neighborhood Ed. 12 Sec. 2 (December 7, 2003), accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.nnvesj.org/Ed12/Edition12S2.htm; Renee Koury, "Growth Threatens Architectural Landmarks," San Jose Mercury News, June 25, 2006, accessed May 20, 2007, http://www.mercurynews.com. 62 National Park Service, "The Rebirth of Lowell," Lowell National Historical Park, accessed June 9, 2007, http://www.nps.gov/lowe/photosmultimedia/rebirth.htm; Cathy Stanton, The Lowell Experiment: Public History in a Postindustrial City (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2006), back cover, xiii, accessed June 9, 2007, http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1558495479/. 63 Charles Parrott and Gretchen Sanders Joy, Lowell Then and Now: Restoring the Legacy of a Mill City (Lowell, MA: Lowell Historic Preservation Commission, 1995), 114-115; Larry Cultrera, "Diners of Lowell, Mass., Circa Early 1980's [sic]," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff (web log), October 23, 2010, accessed March 18, 2011, http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2010/10/23/diners-of-lowell-mass-circa-early-1980s/; Mara Vorhees, Glenda Bendure, and Ned Friary, Lonely Planet New England, 5th ed. (Oakland, CA: Lonely Planet Publications, 2008), 143, accessed March 23, 2011, http://books.google.com/books?id=KxQHyGkf8moC. 64 National Park Service, "Appendix," Asian Heritage in the National Park Service Cultural Resources Programs, 61, accessed June 9, 2007, http://www.cr.nps.gov/crdi/publications/Asianisms- chapter4.pdf; Hayden, Power of Place, 223; Gail Lee Dubrow, "Asian American Imprints on the Western Landscape," in Preserving Cultural Landscapes in America, ed. Arnold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 164, 220; Robert G. Stanton, "Preface," in National Register Bulletin: How to Prepare National Historic Landmark Nominations, ed. Patty Henry (Washington, DC: National Park Service), accessed June 9, 2007, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nhl/pre-ack.htm. 54 65 Page Putnam Miller, "Reflections on Federal Policy and Its Impact on Understanding Women's Past at Historic Sites," in Restoring Women's History Through Historic Preservation, ed. Gail Lee Dubrow and Jennifer B. Goodman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 320-323; St. Lucie County, Florida, "Zora Dust Tracks Heritage Marker 3," Zora Neale Hurston Dust Tracks Heritage Trail, accessed March 1, 2011, http://www.stlucieco.gov/zora/zora_marker_3.htm. 66 Page Putnam Miller, Jill S. Topolski, and Vernon Horn, National Historic Landmarks Nomination Form: Carson, Rachel, House (Washington, DC: National Park Service, June 7, 1991), sec. 7 pg. 1, sec. 8 pg. 1, sec. 8 pg. 4, accessed March 1, 2011, http://pdfhost.focus.nps.gov/docs/NHLS/Text/91002058.pdf; Carol D. Shull and Beth L. Savage, "Trends in Recognizing Places for Significance in the Recent Past," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), II-5; Kari Rippetoe and Eli Pousson, "Featured Heritage Travel Photos: Rachel Carson House," Go with a Purpose: The Gozaic Blog (web log), August 11, 2009, accessed March 1, 2011, http://blog.gozaic.com/2009/08/featured-heritage-travel-photos-rachel_11.html. 67 Janna Jones, The Southern Movie Palace: Rise, Fall, and Resurrection (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003), 84-86. See also Paul Lagasse, ed., Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), s.v. "Ada Louise Huxtable," accessed June 9, 2007, http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Ada_Louise_Huxtable.aspx#3. 68 Hayden, Power of Place, 3-6. See also Jones, Southern Movie Palace, 84-86. 69 Russ Bynum and Associated Press, "Once Modern Architecture's Enemies, Now Its Defenders," Athens Banner-Herald, September 29, 2002, accessed May 20, 2007, http://onlineathens.com/stories/092902/new_20020929084.shtml. 70 Bynum and Associated Press, "Once Modern Architecture's Enemies". See also Russ Bynum and Associated Press, "Developer Rehabs Building That Residents Love to Hate," Chicago Tribune, October 9, 2005, accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com; Lee Adler and Emma Adler, Savannah Renaissance (Charleston, SC: Wyrick & Company, 2003), book jacket. 71 Arthur Cotton Moore, The Powers of Preservation: New Life for Historic Urban Places (Washington, DC: McGraw-Hill, 1998), 212-214. 72 Carol D. Shull, "Preface," in National Register Bulletin: Guidelines for Evaluating and Nominating Properties That Have Achieved Significance Within the Past Fifty Years, by Marcella Sherfy and W. Ray Luce, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1998), accessed March 30, 2007, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb22/nrb22_preface.htm. 73 Kelli Shapiro and Los Angeles Conservancy, Cover Letter for Primary Record: Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, Nomination Form for the State Register of Historical Resources (Submitted to the State Historical Resources Commission July 31, 2001). See also Kelli Shapiro and Los Angeles Conservancy, Primary Record: Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre, Nomination Form for the State Register of Historical Resources (Submitted to the State Historical Resources Commission July 31, 2001); Kelli Shapiro and Los Angeles Conservancy, "Endangered Azusa Foothill Now Official CA Historical Resource (Press Release)," Online posting on a message board, February 1, 2002, Drive-ins Yahoo! Group, accessed March 30, 2007, http://movies.groups.yahoo.com/group/drive-ins/message/5484; Patricia Ward Biederman, "It May Be Curtains for Old Drive-in: University Will Retain the Marquee of the Azusa Landmark but Wants to Raze the Rest," Los Angeles Times, October 11, 2005, accessed October 11, 2005, http://articles.latimes.com/print/2005/oct/11/local/me-azusa11. Note: the drive-in theater that preceded the Azusa Foothill Drive-in onto a state register was Delta, Colorado’s Tru-Vu Drive-in, which opened in 1954 and became a landmark in 1999. See: Colorado Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, "Directory of Colorado State Register Properties: Delta County," 55 Colorado Historical Society, accessed March 30, 2007, http://www.coloradohistory- oahp.org/programareas/register/1503/cty/dt.htm#delta. 74 National Park Service, "66 Drive-in, Carthage, Missouri," Route 66: A Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary, accessed March 2, 2011, http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/route66/66_drive_in_carthage.html; 75 Marcella Sherfy and W. Ray Luce, "Section IV: Fragile or Short-Lived Resources," in National Register Bulletin: Guidelines for Evaluating and Nominating Properties That Have Achieved Significance Within the Past Fifty Years, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1998), accessed March 30, 2007, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb22/nrb22_Iv.htm. 76 Shull, "Preface". 77 Patrick W. Andrus and Rebecca H. Shrimpton, "Section VI: How to Identify the Type of Significance of a Property," in National Register Bulletin: How to Apply the National Register Criteria for Evaluation, Rev. ed. (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 2002), http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb15/nrb15_6.htm. 78 Recent Past Preservation Network, "National Historic Register and National Historic Landmark Nominations, Also Statements of Significance and State and Regional Guidelines for DOE's," RPPN: Research, accessed March 30, 2007; page now defunct, so utilizing archival version, http://replay.waybackmachine.org/20050815074141/http://www.recentpast.org/research/natreg/. 79 Longstreth, "Significance of the Recent Past", 12; Shull and Savage, "Trends in Recognizing Places," II-6 - II-10; Kenisha R. Thomas, "Taliesin West," Docomomo United States, January 30, 2011, accessed March 2, 2011, http://www.docomomo-us.org/register/fiche/taliesin_west; Ewing Township and Ducat Media LLC, "Trenton Bath House," The Bath House, Trenton Jewish Community Center Designed by Louis Kahn, accessed March 2, 2011, http://kahntrentonbathhouse.org/. 80 Marcella Sherfy and W. Ray Luce, "Section V: Time," in National Register Bulletin: Guidelines for Evaluating and Nominating Properties That Have Achieved Significance Within the Past Fifty Years, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1998), accessed March 2, 2011, http://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb22/nrb22_V.htm. 81 National Park Service, Midwest Regional Office, National Register of Historic Places Inventory -- Nomination Form: Jefferson National Expansion Memorial: The Gateway Arch, the Old Courthouse, and the Old Cathedral (Washington, DC: National Park Service, June 11, 1976), 1-2, accessed March 3, 2011, http://pdfhost.focus.nps.gov/docs/NRHP/Text/66000941.pdf; Today in Science History, "August 1 - Events," TodayInSci.com, accessed March 4, 2011, http://www.todayinsci.com/8/8_01.htm; Popular Mechanics, "Albuquerque Solar Building Tests Radiant Heat System," November 1957, 157, accessed March 4, 2011, http://books.google.com/books?id=oeEDAAAAMBAJ. 82 Abby Roedel, "Buyers Poised to Close on Downtown Simms Building," New Mexico Business Weekly, November 25, 2005, accessed May 21, 2007, http://www.bizjournals.com/albuquerque/stories/2005/11/28/story2.html; Albuquerque Tribune, "Simms Building Put on N.M. Register," November 27, 1997, accessed May 21, 2007, http://www.accessmylibrary.com/article-1G1-108369714/simms-building-put-n.html; Nevada Department of Cultural Affairs, "Nevada Entries in the National Register - Clark County," State Historic Preservation Office, accessed May 21, 2007, http://nvshpo.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=86&Itemid=9; National Park Service, "Moulin Rouge Hotel," We Shall Overcome: Historic Places of the Civil Rights Movement - A National Register of Historic Places Travel Itinerary, accessed May 17, 2007, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/travel/civilrights/nv1.htm; City of Las Vegas, "Moulin Rouge," Official City of Las Vegas Text Site, accessed June 7, 2007, 56 http://www.lasvegasnevada.gov/TextOnly/FactsStatistics/4698.htm; Dave Toplikar, "In 'Sad Moment,' Moulin Rouge Demolition Moves Forward: Remaining Structures to Be Razed So Historic Property Can Be Redeveloped," Las Vegas Sun, July 21, 2010, accessed February 28, 2011, http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2010/jul/21/sad-moment-city-oks-moulin-rouge-demolition/; Edward Schonsett, "047 Parts of Moulin Rouge and Stardust Signs - Neon Museum - Las Vegas 10-16-2010," Flickr, October 16, 2010, accessed March 4, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/edschonsett/5099872329/. 83 Alan Hess, Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2004), 186, 150-155; Alan Hess, "Hidden History, Revealed Landmarks," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), III-81--III-83; B. Drummond Ayres Jr., "Endangered Species: Original Golden Arches," New York Times, March 6, 1994, accessed May 16, 2007, http://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/06/us/endangered-species-original-golden-arches.html; Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Past Advocacy: Places"; Liebowitz, "Out from Under"; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "11 Most Endangered Historic Places: Oldest Surviving McDonald's," Preservation Nation, accessed February 28, 2011, http://www.preservationnation.org/travel-and- sites/sites/western-region/oldest-surviving-mcdonalds.html; Amy Garber, "Historic McDonald's Location Celebrates 50 Years," Nation's Restaurant News, September 22, 2003, accessed May 16, 2007, http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m3190/is_38_37/ai_108279097/. 84 Richard Longstreth, "I Can't See It, I Don't Understand It; and It Doesn't Look Old to Me," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), III-19. 85 Seattle Department of Neighborhoods, "Landmarks and Designation: Nomination and Designation Processes," City of Seattle, accessed May 19, 2007, http://www.seattle.gov/neighborhoods/preservation/designation_process.htm. 86 Walt Crowley, "HistoryLink.org Essay 1424: Space Needle (Seattle)," HistoryLink: The Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History, June 27, 1999, accessed June 25, 2007, http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=output.cfm&File_ID=1424. 87 National Park Service, "National Register of Historic Places: Fundamentals," National Register of Historic Places: The Official List of the Nation's Historic Places Worthy of Preservation, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.cr.nps.gov/nr/national_register_fundamentals.htm. 88 California Office of Historic Preservation, "Registration Programs Comparison Chart," California Department of Parks and Recreation, 1998, accessed May 8, 2011, http://ohp.parks.ca.gov/pages/1056/files/reg%20prgms%20chart.pdf; California Office of Historic Preservation, "Mills Act Property Tax Abatement Program," California Department of Parks and Recreation, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=21412. 89 Krista Walton, "Gaga Over Googie? A Seattle Denny's Stirs Up a Divisive Debate," Preservation, May/June 2008, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.preservationnation.org/magazine/2008/may-june/reporter-gaga.html; Tomas Alex Tizon, "Denny's Fans Hunger for a Historic Grand Slam," Los Angeles Times, January 13, 2008, accessed May 8, 2011, http://articles.latimes.com/2008/jan/13/nation/na-dennys13; Sarah Kliff, "Is Googie Good? An Old Denny's Restaurant Location in Seattle Was Recently Declared a Historical Landmark - Angering Some, But Thrilling Aficionados of Space-Age, '50s-Style Architecture," Newsweek, February 28, 2008, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.newsweek.com/2008/02/27/is-googie-good.html; Stuart Eskenazi, "Landmarks Preservation Board Gives Owner OK to Tear Down Ballard Denny's," Seattle Times, May 22, 2008, accessed May 8, 2011, http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2004430839_dennys22m.html; Historic Seattle, "Manning's Cafeteria / Ballard Denny's," Advocacy: Lost, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.historicseattle.org/advocacy/mannings.aspx; Stuart Eskenazi, "Why Does Something Become a 57 Seattle Landmark?," Seattle Times, May 19, 2008, accessed May 8, 2011, http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2004423704_landmarks19m.html. 90 California Preservation Foundation, "Legal Tools: CEQA," Advocacy, accessed May 9, 2011, http://www.californiapreservation.org/adv_CEQA.shtml; California Office of Historic Preservation, "Technical Assistance Series #1: California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) and Historical Resources," California Department of Parks and Recreation, accessed May 8, 2011, http://ohp.parks.ca.gov/pages/1054/files/ts01ca.pdf. 91 National Park Service, "National Register of Historic Places: Fundamentals"; California Office of Historic Preservation, "Registration Programs Comparison Chart"; Frank DeCaro, "Design Notebook: Tiki Gods Emerge and Join the Luau," New York Times, June 29, 2000, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2000/06/29/garden/design-notebook-tiki-gods-emerge-and-join-the-luau.html; Wayne Curtis, "Columbus, Ohio - The Tiki Wars: How Do We Distinguish the Historic from the Sentimental?," Atlantic Monthly, February 2001, accessed May 8, 2011, http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/2001/02/curtis.htm. 92 Longstreth, "When the Present Becomes," 213; Moore, Powers of Preservation, 213; David Brussat, "Ask Dr. Downtown," Providence Journal, May 8, 2003, Editorials sec., accessed January 27, 2010, http://www.pqarchiver.com; Prudon, Preservation of Modern Architecture, viii, 16; Alan Hess, "Coming to Terms with the Sixties," Forum Journal 24, no. 4 (Summer 2010): 23; Diamonstein, Buildings Reborn, 16. 93 Ada Louise Huxtable, Goodbye History, Hello Hamburger: An Anthology of Architectural Delights and Disasters (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1986), 9, 62-64; National Trust for Historic Preservation, "Places: Oldest Surviving McDonald's"; Liebowitz, "Out from Under"; Los Angeles Conservancy, "Background," About the Los Angeles Conservancy, accessed March 5, 2011, http://www.laconservancy.org/about/about_main.php4. 94 For examples of this common negative view, see such books as Bettina Drew, Crossing the Expendable Landscape (St. Paul, MN: Graywolf Press, 1998); Jane Holtz Kay, Asphalt Nation: How the Automobile Took Over America and How We Can Take It Back (New York: Crown, 1997); James Howard Kunstler, The Geography of Nowhere: The Rise and Decline of America's Man-Made Landscape (New York: Touchstone, 1993). 95 For examples of recent past preservationists’ arguments on this issue, see Longstreth, "When the Present Becomes," 215-219; Deborah Edge Abele and Grady Gammage Jr., "The Shifting Signposts of Significance," in Preserving the Recent Past 2, ed. Deborah Slaton and William G. Foulks (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 2000), 2-10--2-11. 96 Steve Scauzillo, "Drive-in Misses Historical Cut," Whittier Daily News, June 3, 2005, Editorials sec., accessed June 4, 2005, http://www.whittierdailynews.com/. See also Editor & Publisher: America's Oldest Journal Covering the Newspaper Industry, "Steve Scauzillo of San Gabriel Valley Newspapers Receives Leopold Award for Environmental Editorials," February 23, 2011, accessed February 28, 2011, http://www.editorandpublisher.com/Departments/Newsroom/steve-scauzillo-of-san-gabriel-valley- newspapers-receives-leopold-award-for-environmental-editorials-64303-.aspx. 97 For information on the New Urbanist movement, see the Congress for the New Urbanism’s official website at http://www.cnu.org, as well as books such as: Andreas Duany, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, and Jeff Speck, Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream (New York: North Point, 2000); John A. Dutton, New American Urbanism: Re-forming the Suburban Metropolis (Milano, Italy: Skira, 2000). 98 For New Urbanist publications promoting and showcasing the demolition of dead malls and their replacement with new, mixed-use developments, see examples such as: Congress for the New 58 Urbanism, Malls into Mainstreets: An In-depth Guide to Transforming Dead Malls into Communities (Pittsburgh: Congress for the New Urbanism, 2005); Congress for the New Urbanism, Greyfields into Goldfields: Dead Malls Become Living Neighborhoods (Pittsburgh: Congress for the New Urbanism, 2002). 99 Andrew McCartney, "The End of the Trails: Fight to Save Old Route 66 Restaurant Is Lost as City Council Clears the Way for New Homes," Los Angeles Times, July 11, 2002, accessed July 13, 2002, http://www.latimes.com. See also Congress for the New Urbanism, "CNU 19 Speakers: Stefanos Polyzoides, Principal, Moule & Polyzoides Architects & Urbanists," CNU, accessed March 5, 2011, https://www.cnu.org/speakers#521; Lisa Faught, "New Businesses Adopting Theme," San Gabriel Valley Tribune, September 14, 2002, accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.sgvtribune.com/; Lisa Faught, "Duarte to Debate Landmark's Fate," San Gabriel Valley Tribune, June 26, 2002, accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.sgvtribune.com/; Lisa Faught, "Lawsuit Stalling Demolition of Eatery - Conservationists Want to Save Route 66 Restaurant, Set to Be Torn Down," San Gabriel Valley Tribune, August 14, 2002, accessed June 7, 2007, http://www.sgvtribune.com/. 100 Elizabeth Moule and Stefanos Polyzoides, "Duarte Courts," Moule & Polyzoides: Architects and Urbanists, accessed May 20, 2007, http://www.mparchitects.com/projects/duarte/index.html. 101 McCartney, "The End of the Trails" [brackets in original]. 102 Timberg, "Modern Love". 103 Jackie Craven, "Top 8 Books About Urban Design," About.com: Architecture, accessed June 7, 2007, http://architecture.about.com/od/communitydesign/tp/urbanbooks.htm. 104 James Howard Kunstler, "Remarks in Cambridge," SNU (Students for the New Urbanism) Review: A Critical Review of New Urbanism 2 (June 2005): 2. 105 Moore, Powers of Preservation, 213. 106 Sewell Chan, "The Future of New York's Past," New York Times Blog: The Empire Zone: Politics Across the Region (web log), May 15, 2007, accessed May 20, 2007, http://empirezone.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/05/15/the-future-of-new-yorks-past/. 107 Julia Vitullo-Martin, "Landmarking Modernist Buildings?," Center for Rethinking Development at the Manhattan Institute, March 2005, accessed May 20, 2007, http://www.manhattan- institute.org/email/crd_newsletter03-05.html. 108 Eliot Brown, "Pei-Designed Silver Towers Win Landmark Status," New York Observer, November 18, 2008, accessed March 5, 2011, http://www.observer.com/2008/real-estate/pei-designed- silver-towers-win-landmark-status. 109 Hess, Googie Redux, 89, 126, 188; Denny's Restaurants, "About Us: History," Denny's: America's Diner Is Always Open, accessed March 5, 2011, http://www.dennys.com/en/page.aspx?ID=31&title=History; M. Sharon Baker, "Counter Culture: With a Mix of Home-Style Meals, Consistent Decor and Mom-and-Pop Charm, the Diner Has Retained a Dedicated Following, Even Among Fierce Competition," Nation's Restaurant News, January 28, 2008, accessed March 5, 2011, http://www.msharonbaker.com/NRN%20ClssDiner%20G.pdf; Richard J. S. Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, Rev. ed. (New York: Harper Collins, 1993), 113-124; Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Past Advocacy"; Liebowitz, "Out from Under"; Julie Ha, "Windmill Rescue Proves a Breeze," Los Angeles Times, August 10, 1999, accessed March 30, 2007, http://articles.latimes.com/1999/aug/10/local/me-64384. 59 110 French, "Introduction: Modernism + the Recent Past," 6; Chris Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe: Creating a Modern Regional Tradition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 266-267, 253-257, 262-263; Historic Santa Fe Foundation, "Historic Properties Protected by the Historic Santa Fe Foundation," 2, accessed April 26, 2011, http://www.historicsantafe.org/pages/HistoricProperties.pdf; Kingsley Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk Through Time (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2004), 34-35; Wilson, Myth of Santa Fe, 254-267. 111 Wilson, Myth of Santa Fe, 267. 112 Ibid., 313. 113 Debra Jane Seltzer, "Greyhound Bus Stations: Texas," Roadside Architecture, accessed May 19, 2007, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/tx.html. 114 Hess, Googie Redux, 168. See also Alan Hess, "About Alan Hess," Alan Hess - Architect, accessed March 8, 2011, http://www.alanhess.net/about.htm. 115 Hess, Googie Redux, 168-170; Hess, “Coming to Terms,” 24; Striner, "Scholarship, Strategy, and Activism," III-18. 60 CHAPTER 1 Shifting Gears: The Adaptive Reuse of Car Dealerships The car dealership is one of the most important automobile oriented sites. From an auto industry standpoint, it is the place where the labor of thousands of employees like designers, engineers, and factory workers finally connects with the public. There, potential buyers can appraise – and then choose to either purchase or reject – the new cars the industry puts forth, making them into successes or failures. From a wider business view, the dealership provides the cars that allow the rest of the American car culture to operate. Further, through its repair and service features, it helps keep those previously purchased cars running smoothly throughout their life spans, enabling their owners to continue participating in automobile-oriented activities and business transactions. Thus, the success of innumerable other enterprises hinges upon the car dealership. For the consumer, of course, the dealership is where he or she makes some of the most important and expensive purchases in his or her life. At a dealership, money can buy mobility, a sense of freedom, and even a potential ticket to enhanced social status. 1 While the customer may typically focus on individual cars, promotions, and the purchase transaction, the actual building where all of those emotional moments occur has always played a significant role in the sales process. The showroom design assists by drawing the public in from the street, displaying the cars appealingly inside, and giving buyers confidence in their purchases. Historically, architects have intended dealerships 61 to serve as concrete representations of the potential of the cars they held, encouraging prospective customers to believe that a company that constructed a beautiful, high quality showroom would sell automobiles of similar beauty and quality. 2 Therefore, more than just being a critical link between auto industry and consumer, American car dealerships are a unique and often architecturally impressive building type whose usefulness as structures can far outlast the car sales within them. This section of the dissertation will discuss their rise, decline, and preservation (both through adaptive reuse and otherwise). Many of the earliest automobile dealers had previously sold, housed, or repaired other means of personal transportation – such as carriages and bicycles – and simply added horseless carriages alongside or in place of those modes. That was the case with former bicycle shop owner William Metzger, who opened America’s first car dealership in Detroit. Accounts differ as to exactly when his pioneering creation opened for business, ranging from 1896 to 1898. Metzger sold several car brands independently; however, the path of the future would be in franchises (as well as manufacturer-owned dealerships). The first franchise was H.O. Koller’s showroom for Winton automobiles in Reading, Pennsylvania. Historical reports vary on the date of its opening, which occurred after Metzger’s but still sometime between 1896 and 1898. 3 Originally, most automobile dealerships were located in downtown storefronts, differing little from surrounding businesses. In the early 1900s, though, dealerships in major cities began flocking to the outskirts of downtowns to create “automobile rows” – newly built commercial blocks with multiple dealers side by side, often in multi-story buildings. In a purpose-built dealership of that era, the showroom’s large display windows fronted the street, allowing passersby to view the cars inside. The building’s 62 other sections typically housed offices; storage space for more automobiles, parts, and accessories; and areas for service, repair, and assembly (since some manufacturers sent partially completed cars). As manufacturers’ design manuals and “object-lesson showrooms” made clear to franchisees, new dealerships had to meet unique structural standards. The buildings had to support the cars’ and equipment’s weight, withstand fires, not have noise problems, and not vibrate when cars moved on freight elevators or ramps. 4 Since the automobile was still a new phenomenon, dealers and manufacturers wanted their buildings to convey a sense of solidity, permanence, and respectability. Thus, architects designed many early showrooms in grand, traditional styles similar to that of local buildings of esteem, such as civic structures, banks, and upscale hotels. Showrooms also often boasted permanent exterior design elements proclaiming their names or automobile brand logos in materials like terra cotta or tile; today, such elements, which are still present at a number of the reused dealerships detailed below, give passersby an indication of the historic structures’ original usage. 5 During the Great Depression and particularly after the end of World War II, manufacturers encouraged their dealers to join the suburban exodus and move to automobile strips and highways. There, they created large, one story, freestanding buildings (sometimes including gas stations) to attract passing commuters. Art deco and streamline moderne architecture became the common modes, with those styles’ connotations of speed and technological progress conveying qualities Americans wanted in their new cars. Neon signage was also popular, blazing dealerships’ names and brand 63 symbols into the sky. In fact, America’s first neon sign was at a dealership (as discussed below regarding the reuse of Earle C. Anthony’s Packard showroom). 6 As dealers opened on ever-larger lots farther out, by the 1950s and ‘60s their design had shifted to modernism and googie. These architectural styles provided eye- catching structures – many offering huge, unbroken walls of glass, allowing drivers to scope out the cars inside while speeding past. However, dealerships soon transitioned to a new design mode based on mass-marketing sales techniques. Rather than highlighting only a few key vehicles behind glass, dealers emphasized selection and choice by prominently displaying a full range of available cars – placing them in multiple rows in large parking lots directly adjacent to the street or highway, where customers could easily view and appraise them. No longer a focal point, the once essential showroom buildings literally moved into the background; this shift away from the street-front coincided with their architecture becoming increasingly utilitarian. Dealerships still often grouped together, though, forming new versions of the old automobile rows – as seen today in America’s giant auto malls. Often located at major intersections and interstate exits in the suburbs, they allow customers to browse multiple automobile brands at multiple dealerships quickly and conveniently. 7 With the widespread acceptance of these new paradigms, earlier and smaller dealerships – especially those located in less prominent or older areas – found survival increasingly difficult. Aside from site and size problems, over the years thousands of dealerships across the country died due to issues such as overbuilding and increased competition, the decline and demise of specific brands and manufacturers, and 64 consolidation. The number of U.S. dealerships topped out around 51,000 at the end of the 1920s, but by 2009, approximately only 20,000 remained. 8 Their predicament worsened greatly during the American economic crisis that began in 2008. Some 900 dealerships went out of business in 2008 (following 430 that had closed in 2007), with those closures taking place amid a huge credit crunch, a real estate market collapse, and a massive decline in car buying. 2009 was even more devastating for the auto industry, with the lowest number of U.S. auto sales in almost thirty years. When automobile manufacturers Chrysler and General Motors (GM) both went bankrupt in 2009, they terminated their franchise agreements with many of their less-profitable dealerships. Company rosters deleted 800 Chrysler dealerships and 1100 GM dealerships, with GM also jettisoning another 500 that sold less popular brands that GM planned to stop making. Those dealers could continue with another automobile brand (if possible); remain open only for used car sales, parts sales, and/or service; or close. Experts estimated that the closures would result in the loss of perhaps 100,000 jobs as well as hundreds of thousands of dollars in tax revenue. The closures also could impact community life negatively, as car dealerships have long been frequent participants in local culture through donations and through sponsoring local youth sports teams, community events, and charitable functions. 9 Thus, as of this writing, hundreds of vacant dealership buildings are suddenly littering the roadsides – creating problems, but also potential major opportunities for cities and developers. Although some view the large, often well-located sites as ideal for teardown and redevelopment (especially for higher density projects), adaptive reuse is a 65 valuable and viable option. Certain areas are already finding new uses for their recently closed dealerships. 10 In one case, just a couple of months after Kissimmee, Florida’s Starling Chrysler Jeep & Dodge closed in 2009, Osceola County announced it would purchase the dealership. Starling’s building and lot will soon become the new fleet hub for the county Sheriff’s Office to park, refuel, and service its many vehicles. A national television news network even featured that adaptive reuse in a piece about the plethora of vacant dealerships. The many conversion examples below (which predate the economic crisis) further demonstrate the latent potential such abandoned dealerships hold. 11 Aside from adaptive reuse, car dealerships have also been the focus of preservation attempts and recognition. Long before preservationists started championing showrooms as potential historic resources, however, some were trying to save historic buildings from them. For example, in Charleston, activists formed the city’s first preservation organization to fight a developer planning to raze an 1803 mansion for a Ford dealership. In the city’s first public campaign to save a residence, the new Society for the Preservation of Old Dwellings purchased the threatened property in 1920. The Joseph Manigault House is now a house museum operated by the Charleston Museum. 12 Ironically, by the 21st Century, the situation had changed greatly – with automobile dealerships increasingly becoming sites in need of such intervention. Even aside from “save the building” campaigns, however, they have received positive attention from preservation organizations, museums, and historians. Take, for instance, “America on the Move,” the National Museum of American History’s major, permanent exhibit chronicling the evolution and impact of transportation in the United States. That 66 Smithsonian exhibit (which current Brown University American Civilization professor Steven Lubar directed and co-curated) includes a special section on the “Suburban Strip.” 13 With the section focusing on postwar, automobile-oriented development along Sandy Boulevard in Portland, Oregon, its opening text utilizes a local car dealership to set the scene for the exhibit’s viewers: “A 1950 Buick Super Sedan is on display in Wallace Buick’s new Sandy Boulevard car dealership, and a salesman is trying to make a sale. It’s the postwar world, and new cars travel up and down the nation’s highways, turning places like Sandy Boulevard into bustling commercial areas. Through the window of the dealership, a young man peers at the shiny chrome car….” The museum includes a photograph-filled, 1951 brochure from Wallace Buick – which, the exhibit explains, moved from downtown to the burgeoning boulevard in 1949. Its streamline moderne showroom still operates today (as Breslin and Wallace Buick Pontiac GMC). 14 [Figures 1.1 and 1.2]. Moreover, two other operational dealerships were featured sites on architectural tours sponsored by recent past preservation organizations. In 2007, the Atomic Age Alliance included the hyperbolic parabolas of the 1963 Pete Findlay Oldsmobile showroom (now a used car dealer) in two separate, midcentury modern-focused tours of Las Vegas. A 2009 “Architecture in Las Vegas” public lecture, sponsored by the related organization Friends of Classic Las Vegas, covered the building as well. 15 [Figure 1.3]. Similarly, Sherman Oaks’ 1949 Casa De Cadillac – a late moderne glass box with neon lettering seeming to float above it – was a main stop (with guided tours inside) on three separate tours led by the Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee. Those included a bus tour that the Modcom hosted as part of the National Trust for Historic 67 Preservation’s 2000 National Preservation Conference in Los Angeles. The Modcom then created a self-driving version of that San Fernando Valley-focused tour, titled “How Modern Was My Valley,” and turned it into a one-day public event. (Those two tours led to the dealership’s mention in articles not only in the Los Angeles Times but also even in the New York Times.) Finally, the Modern Committee featured Casa de Cadillac in its 2004 twentieth anniversary tour of twenty architectural and preservation highlights across the Los Angeles area. 16 [Figures 1.4 and 1.5]. Such admiration was not a new phenomenon, however. Nearly two decades earlier in 1988, the Los Angeles Conservancy gave one of its annual preservation awards to W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz in Santa Monica. A 1986 fire had destroyed the 1922 building, which started out selling Packards but in 1957 became one of the first twenty Mercedes-Benz dealers in America – and the first in Southern California. After the building’s loss, the longtime family-owned business demonstrated its understanding and appreciation of its place in automotive history by constructing a detailed replica of the original, Spanish Colonial Revival showroom. The project’s architect utilized historic photographs and reproductions of design elements salvaged from the fire to reconstruct the lavish interior and ornate exterior. 17 [Figures 1.6, 1.7, and 1.8]. Other owners in the area have been less appreciative of the historic nature of their structures. Recently, local preservationists unsuccessfully tried to landmark two endangered dealerships. The late moderne, 1955 Lou Ehlers Cadillac met the wrecking ball soon after its 2008 closure – while its quickly submitted landmark application was still waiting for consideration by Los Angeles’ Cultural Heritage Commission. Meanwhile, Felix Chevrolet – a 1946 streamline moderne remodel of a 1920 Beaux Arts 68 style showroom, with a locally famous neon sign depicting the cartoon character Felix the Cat – still operates but awaits possible destruction. The prime site’s potential redevelopment as housing has been championed by Los Angeles’ mayor and city council, which in 2007 tabled (and thus essentially denied) the landmark application that the city’s Cultural Heritage Commission had already approved. Preservationists vowed to fight on, though, planning to write a National Register nomination and suggesting adaptive reuse possibilities for the building. 18 [Figures 1.9, 1.10, and 1.11]. At some other car dealerships, rather than tearing them down completely, developers have incorporated some of their architecturally attractive features into new developments. While preservationists frequently decry facadism and salvage as not being true preservation, such incomplete methods (which are often compromises) have allowed some sites to at least retain a reminder of their former identity. 19 For instance, the restored neon sign from Los Angeles’ Ken Clark Pontiac dealership (later called Majestic Pontiac), which features the familiar Pontiac Indian-head logo, now displays the nameplates for the shops and restaurants that replaced the demolished showroom in 2006. 20 [Figure 1.12]. More of a dealership was saved in Portland, Oregon, however, where in 2002 the art deco facade of the 1929 A.B. Smith Chevrolet became the base for a taller, contemporary office/retail structure. 21 [Figures 1.13, 1.14, and 1.15]. Another case of partial preservation occurred in Arlington, Virginia, as the result of a campaign for the saving and reuse of Bob Peck Chevrolet. In 2008, the site’s developer agreed to retain the large, concrete, diamond-shaped elements that encircled that 1964, googie showroom (which resembled a flying saucer). [Figures 1.16, 1.17, and 1.18]. Those 69 salvaged pieces will soon grace the front of the dealership’s replacement, an office and residential complex. 22 As demonstrated with the Bob Peck and Felix dealerships, while preservation efforts do occur for car dealerships, most of them focus on the potential for adaptive reuse. For many of these smaller, older buildings, continuing to serve their original purpose as a showroom may not be feasible. The many examples of successful conversions provided below can thus be a helpful guide to the possibilities. At many former car dealerships, although automobile sales ended, other traditional functions remain – including related operations such as selling auto parts and repairing cars. Such reuses capitalize on pre-existing public perceptions of the buildings while taking advantage of the structures’ uniquely auto-oriented designs. (The same concept applies to former gas stations, where correlating uses are common – as described in the section on gas station reuse.) Two Southern California examples demonstrate this trend. In Pomona, the California Auto Supply Co. now sells auto parts out of the first dealership built in the city after World War II, where the firm of T.M. and Gomer Jones once sold Studebakers. [Figure 1.19]. The 1946 building was the creation of architect B.H. Anderson (who later designed the modernist 1968 Pomona City Hall [Figure 1.20] – in collaboration with Welton Becket, the architect of some of Los Angeles’ most iconic modern buildings.) Today, the streamline moderne dealership looks just as it did in the original architectural rendering, with a curving corner of cantilevered glass, overhanging silver bands above the windows, and a highly visible sign tower. The tall tower, which previously read “Studebaker,” now hosts the logos of various auto parts brands. 23 [Figure 1.21]. 70 Meanwhile, in Long Beach, an auto body shop called CollisionWorks.com is reusing the 1928 Hancock Motors dealership. [Figure 1.22]. The prominent local architecture firm of Schilling and Schilling designed Lemuel A. Hancock’s Hupmobile showroom, which holds the distinction of being Long Beach’s first art deco building. (Schilling and Schilling later designed numerous other art deco structures, and the city eventually had enough examples of the style to warrant a 2006 book on the subject: Long Beach Art Deco.) The pioneering Hancock building is now an official city landmark. However, that status did not prevent it from nearly being demolished in 1994, after its owners failed to comply with the city’s earthquake reinforcement mandate and then went bankrupt. The repossessing lender intended to demolish the former Hancock Motors (which was being utilized for auto repairs) if no potential buyer was willing to make the necessary safety upgrades. Preservationists championed the endangered structure, though, and it survived. Today, it remains remarkably intact both inside and out, since CollisionWorks.com carefully restored the building using photographs from the archives of the Historical Society of Long Beach. On the exterior, bands of floral bas-reliefs top the windows and door [Figure 1.23], while decorative ram’s heads accentuate the building’s corners. [Figure 1.24]. Inside, a row of bas-relief-lined balconies look down onto the showroom [Figures 1.25 and 1.26]; on Hancock Motors’ opening day, local dignitaries stood there speaking to the assembled crowd below. Hanging from the ceiling are several original, tiered chandeliers – under which, at the opening night party, people danced while tuxedo-clad salespersons provided information about Hupmobiles. As the authors of Long Beach Art Deco explained, “The cars have changed, but the building 71 remains the same,” making Hancock Motors “one of the real success stories of preservation in Long Beach.” 24 [Figure 1.27]. While the previous properties have stayed close to their prior purposes, most reuses find the dealerships stepping into entirely new realms. One of the most striking is the transformation into housing. Of course, the idea of living in a car dealership might seem disturbing and ironic to weary commuters, soccer moms, and other types of people who already spend a great deal of time in their cars. However, for older, multiple-story dealerships located in downtown business areas, turning upper floors into residences makes sense – especially in locales where other building types (such as office towers and warehouses) are increasingly becoming lofts as well. A prime example is the Packard Building in downtown Los Angeles, which became the 116-unit Packard Lofts in 2006. [Figure 1.28]. Packard enthusiasts from across the nation attended that $50 million development’s grand opening celebration, which featured a parade of fifteen classic Packards traveling eight miles to the building from their usual home at the Automobile Driving Museum. Models dressed as 1920s-era flappers surrounded the vintage automobiles in the showroom, while guests gazed at permanent displays of artifacts and historical photographs from the dealership’s heyday. 25 This successful example of appreciative preservation, however, might have turned out quite differently. Developer Joseph Emrani explained that when he first purchased the property, “I had no idea that this had a history. We knew it had been a car dealership in the past, but we didn’t know which one.” Emrani had planned to give the development 72 the generic name of “L.A. Lofts,” but his plans changed after he learned of the dealership’s fascinating history. 26 In fact, this particular Packard showroom is of major significance both locally and nationally. When it opened in 1913, its owner, Earle C. Anthony, was already a well- known auto industry pioneer. Anthony built Los Angeles’ first electric carriage in 1897 – when he was only seventeen years old. He and his father then opened a dealership, the California Motor Company, in 1904 – at a time when he estimated that perhaps 50 people in the state owned cars. He started Southern California’s first automobile show in 1909. In 1913, the same year he moved his Packard business to the current location, he (and a group of investors) created the first full-service gas station in Los Angeles. 1913 was also when Anthony created the first-ever car payment installment plan – affecting how the entire American automobile industry conducted business. 27 Anthony spared no expense on his Packard dealership, which the Los Angeles Times touted at the time as “the largest and most completely-equipped automobile showroom and service building west of Chicago.” Parkinson and Bergstrom designed the ornate, four-story structure. John Parkinson would later create the 1928 Los Angeles City Hall [Figure 1.29] and one of the nation’s most famed art deco buildings, the 1929 Bullocks Wilshire department store (now restored as the Southwestern Law School’s library – another excellent example of adaptive reuse). [Figure 1.30]. His former partner, G. Edwin Bergstrom, progressed to even bigger projects – becoming the chief architect for the Pentagon (with the Department of Defense headquarters’ unique, pentagonal design being his idea). The already legendary Craftsman architecture firm of Greene and Greene designed the interiors of Anthony’s 56,000 square foot Packard 73 building – including an elaborate, ceiling bas relief featuring sunrays emitting from car radiator grills. 28 What Earle C. Anthony added to the exterior later, though, made the building even more important. In 1923, he installed the United States’ very first neon sign on the dealership’s wall, having commissioned the thirty-foot “Packard” sign from neon inventor Georges Claude in France. That was only a year after Anthony built a low- wattage radio transmitter and placed it on the roof in order to communicate with other Packard dealerships he owned across the state. He soon began using the radio signal to advertise his cars to the public, and then advertised others’ products as well – while adding regular news reports. Anthony thus founded the first commercial radio station in Los Angeles (the still-operational KFI 640 AM). 29 In 1927, Anthony built a 180,000 square foot addition to the dealership – its interior featuring marble and travertine columns, imported French limestone walls, and an innovative ramp system for moving cars between floors. It was the work of architect Bernard Maybeck, who had already designed some of the San Francisco area’s most notable buildings – including the Palace of Fine Arts, now the only surviving structure from the 1915 World’s Fair. [Figure 1.31]. The grand re-opening featured live radio broadcasts of speeches from the mayors of Los Angeles and San Francisco and included a 100-performer pageant depicting the history of transportation. Like the Packard Lofts’ opening ceremonies in 2006, it also offered a display of historical vehicles (including items such as Napoleon’s carriage). The expanded dealership attracted celebrities, with movie stars like Erroll Flynn and Jean Harlow buying Packards from Anthony. 30 74 The dealership finally closed in 1962, the year after Anthony’s death. (It had been selling Lincoln and Mercury cars, since Packard no longer existed.) Union Bank bought the building shortly thereafter and, in an early example of adaptive reuse, converted it into a processing center. Over the years, the original grandeur of the dealership was lost through alterations to the interior and the façade, so Packard Lofts developer Joseph Emrani could be excused for not immediately recognizing the importance of what one reporter termed a “faceless windowless building.” Upon his discovering it, however, Emrani wisely accentuated the dealership’s key place in automotive history – capped by his creation of a replica of Earle C. Anthony’s original neon sign as a crowning touch for the lofts’ facade. 31 [Figure 1.32]. Another residential-related reuse success story that could have had a much different ending is Lustine Chevrolet in the Washington, DC, suburb of Hyattsville, Maryland. The 1950, modernist dealership (which closed became the community center of the new housing development for which it was originally supposed to get demolished. [Figure 1.33]. In 2004, Smart Growth-oriented infill developer EYA purchased the long- empty, decaying property (along with numerous adjacent properties) with plans to tear it down to build Arts District Hyattsville. The project was part of a state-funded initiative to turn neglected Route 1 in Hyattsville and nearby suburbs into an arts corridor filled with studios, galleries, and artists’ lofts. Arts District Hyattsville would have a mix of rowhouses, live-work spaces, and condominiums – all featuring historical architectural styles, all fronting the street, and many sitting above retail, restaurant, and gallery space. [Figures 1.34 and 1.35]. More than simply a hip, artsy place, EYA was focused on creating a traditional “Main Street” atmosphere – with a major emphasis on being 75 pedestrian-friendly. Thus, EYA initially found little use for Lustine Chevrolet, an intrusive reminder of the auto-oriented suburban strip that it (and the state arts project) was trying hard to remake. 32 Others had a much different perspective, though. The Hyattsville Preservation Association, the Maryland Historical Trust, the University of Maryland School of Architecture, and the D.C. chapter of the Society of Architectural Historians all spoke out against Lustine’s destruction. 33 Lustine Chevrolet was not just another dead dealership; upon its 1950 opening, the Washington Post had hailed it as “one of the nation’s most modern showrooms and service centers” – and, at its height, Lustine was one of the seven largest Chevrolet franchises in America. It is also on the National Register of Historic Places as a contributing resource in the Hyattsville Historic District; its inclusion is not surprising, as it boasts truly unique architecture (designed by Francis Dano Jackley for Philip Lustine). According to a report by the “Modern Movement in Maryland” research project conducted by the university and the Trust, the striking structure – with its “curved show windows forming two staggered bays under a flat but sweeping canopy” – has “no precise equivalent in the United States.” [Figure 1.36]. The researchers further asserted that in the postwar decade, beyond simple uniqueness, “there was no new building of comparable visual impact and glamour, elegance and monumentality, in all of Prince George’s County, and very few of that caliber in the Mid-Atlantic region.” 34 Faced with strong opposition to its teardown plan, EYA then declared that it would add a curving glass window to the first floor of one of its multi-story condominiums in order to “echo the design” of the showroom. It also said it might possibly include either Lustine’s neon sign [Figure 1.37] or a replica of it. These small 76 concessions did not satisfy the preservationists, who stated in letters and community meetings that without incorporating Lustine, the supposedly traditionally oriented project would simply be “pretend history,” without authenticity or historical integrity. Many commenters presented examples of successful adaptive reuse projects across the country, including car dealership conversions (specifically mentioning Al’s Motors in nearby Arlington, Virginia, discussed later in this section). The city’s historic preservation commission was particularly strident in officially calling for Lustine’s preservation, insisting that, “If the historic building is considered important enough to be evoked as a design element of the ‘redevelopment’ project, [it] should be retained rather than demolished.” It also encouraged EYA to incorporate the dealership in order to make the development “location-specific rather than generic in character” – a key point, since Arts District Hyattsville would be the county’s first major Smart Growth project. 35 EYA finally saw the benefits in retaining the Lustine Chevrolet building as part of the Arts District Hyattsville development. In 2007, the developer’s press release headline proudly announced, “Lustine Showroom Restoration Complete – The Area’s Coolest New Community Center Is Now Open.” Called the Lustine Center, its gleaming glass curves now hold a fitness center [Figure 1.38], a recreation room, a juice bar, and – a crucial element for the artsy development – an art gallery. 36 EYA has since reveled in the positive press Lustine’s restoration achieved, including winning an annual statewide preservation award from the Maryland Historical Trust in 2008. (However, the Trust presented the award jointly to the Hyattsville Preservation Association, in recognition of its efforts to convince EYA to save the building.) The community also received the 2008 “Green Building Award” from the Maryland-National Capital Building Industry 77 Association – pointing to the eco-friendliness of adaptive reuse. Finally, Arts District Hyattsville won the “Best Urban Smart Growth Neighborhood” award at the 2008 International Builders’ Show (a major accolade given by the National Association of Home Builders and Professional Builder magazine). 37 [Figure 1.39]. Other car dealerships have found new life assisting their local communities in various ways as well. In Crowley, Louisiana, near Lafayette, the 1920 Crowley Motor Co. building reopened as the new City Hall in 2006. The three-story, 16,000 square foot Ford dealership (one of many that Ford’s in-house architect created using similar designs) had been empty for twenty years. According to Crowley’s mayor, Isabella de la Houssaye, “The building was literally about to fall down when we got it. The windows were boarded or cemented over. It was probably the greatest eyesore on our historic Main Street.” The $1.8 million restoration was able to retain a number of historic features, including its built-in exterior signage and the freight elevator that once moved cars down to the showroom, as well as the assembly rack (since the dealership originally received partially-assembled automobiles). 38 Now, the red brick building not only serves the local population through the City Hall but also attracts tourists with historical exhibits in several mini-museums. One is the Rice Interpretive Center, since Crowley – known as the “Rice Capital of America” – mills more rice than any other U.S. city. Another commemorates well-known Cajun, country, and blues music producer J.D. Miller – who, after the Ford dealership closed, had reused the building as his recording studio. Finally, an exhibit chronicles the automotive industry in Crowley – featuring two donated 1920s Fords, including one that originally came from the Crowley Motor Co. The restored building won an annual 78 historic preservation award from The Independent, Lafayette’s alterna-weekly newspaper, in 2006. 39 As Mayor Houssaye stated, “It was so important to preserve this building because it’s got such a part in our history” – noting that the city hall / museum would “tell these stories from our early days and be a vibrant part of our future.” 40 Across the country in Seattle, another former showroom also focuses on telling stories – although in a much more literal sense, because it is now the Washington Talking Book & Braille Library. [Figure 1.40]. The home of the state library for the blind originally opened in 1948 as S.L. Savidge Inc. Dodge Plymouth. Owner Samuel Leigh Savidge first started his dealership on Seattle’s “Auto Row” in 1926, but then moved to this location after local car dealerships began migrating to a new, second “Auto Row” – where his new dealership and a few others formed an extension. The business, which later became one of the largest dealerships in the Northwest U.S., attracted potential Dodge and Plymouth customers to its $1 million new building with an elaborate open house weekend. 41 The event offered dancing to an 11-piece orchestra, as well as music provided by a separate organist, and even a revue featuring what S.L. Savidge’s grand opening advertisement called “scintillating headline acts in a sparkling floor show.” 42 Attendees could also watch automobile sales films created by Dodge and Plymouth in an auditorium that the Seattle Times stated was “probably the smallest movie theatre in the country.” Customers could also enter a free drawing to win a 1948 Dodge, presumably displayed in the large showroom – where it and the other new cars would have been surrounded by some 500 square feet worth of mirrored walls and would also have shared floor space with a lit-from-below pool containing turtles and a three foot long alligator. 43 79 The dealership’s exterior was impressive as well. S.L. Savidge’s streamline moderne structure was the creation of the Seattle architecture firm Naramore, Bain, Brady, and Johanson (which became NBBJ, a still-operational global firm well known today for its major buildings – including corporate headquarters, professional sports stadiums, etc). Savidge’s corner locale allowed the architects to create a strikingly symmetrical dealership, with a curving corner façade boasting large, canted walls of glass topped by a canopy. The glassy showroom area sits recessed, with the second floor overhanging it on pillars. In that aqua, stucco-covered upper portion, a long, thin row of windows wraps around both sides of the building – topped by a wide band of glass blocks. The horizontal nature of the reinforced concrete structure is broken up on one side by a large, integral sign pylon. Overall, despite its later change in use, the S.L. Savidge building’s exterior still “retains excellent physical integrity” – as noted by the city’s historic resources inventory when it officially deemed the site eligible for landmarking, stating that it met the required historic criteria at both the city and national levels. 44 If domestic terrorists had succeeded, however, that beautiful streamline moderne structure would not have survived the 1970s. A radical revolutionary group called the George Jackson Brigade pipe-bombed the dealership in 1977 in support of an auto mechanics union’s lengthy strike against local dealerships. Within the span of about a month, the brigade set off pipe bombs and firebombs at four dealerships in the Seattle area, stating that it specifically targeted S.L. Savidge Inc. Dodge Plymouth because striking workers claimed that the dealership was leading efforts to break the union. Nevertheless, the S.L. Savidge building received only minor damage in the attack, and 80 none of its cars were lost. Two of the other attacked dealerships were not so fortunate, though, with several cars destroyed or damaged at each and with one sustaining minimal building damage. The bomb that the brigade set at a fourth dealership failed to detonate. As the FBI investigated the George Jackson Brigade’s illegal actions (including bank robberies and various bombings unrelated to the union’s strike), S.L. Savidge Inc. Dodge Plymouth continued to operate. 45 In mid 1978, the still-striking workers marched past it – and other downtown dealerships – in a protest march with hundreds of members of other local unions who supported the strike. The FBI closed its investigation into the George Jackson Brigade the same month as the march; by that time, all of the members of the George Jackson Brigade were either in jail or dead. Although the domestic terrorist group had not succeeded in destroying the physical dealership building, S.L. Savidge’s car sales operation did not outlast the turmoil for long, with the beleaguered business closing its doors at the beginning of 1980. 46 From that dark chapter in local labor history, though, soon sprang light – in the form of a major governmental community service operation, the Washington Library for the Blind and Physically Handicapped, which moved into the streamlined structure in 1983. It changed its name to become the current Washington Talking Book & Braille Library in 1994, two years before the former showroom received an interior renovation using a state grant. The library appreciates its unique home, with a section about the building on the library’s website noting that, “While the WTBBL building houses a wealth of history in book form, it also has a colorful past of its own.” 47 Today, the structure holds over 450,000 books in cassette, Braille, and large-print formats. It also 81 offers production services for creating both Braille and audio books, classes (such as Braille transcription), performances for children, and numerous other events for the visually impaired. The library even has its own radio service, spending almost 100 hours a week broadcasting useful, current information (like spoken versions of the day’s newspaper articles and of printed supermarket advertisements, etc.) to those with special receivers that the library supplies for free. Beyond serving some 11,000 state residents through the state-run library, that historic former dealership also aids the Seattle police. While the library utilizes the building’s two main floors, those are bookended by parking facilities for the nearby West Precinct. Police cars now fill the building’s basement and rooftop parking deck, just as vehicles would have in the decades when S.L. Savidge Inc. Dodge Plymouth occupied the space. 48 Much as that streamlined Seattle showroom now assists the blind, an art deco Studebaker dealership in Mishawaka, Indiana, has been helping both teens and the underprivileged have a brighter future. In 2003, Penn Township purchased the single- story, 10,800 square foot building – which opened in the mid 1920s along the famed Lincoln Highway – and turned it into a regional youth center called Studeo 315. 49 The unique spelling of “Studio” was an intentional reference to the word “Studebaker” – which is still visible in the terra cotta wheel logos that adorn the building, above bands of glass brick atop the original showroom windows. (The Studebaker brand has major significance in the area, since Mishawaka is a suburb of South Bend, which was the home of the Studebaker firm.) 50 82 Penn Township designed the youth center to include a café run by a local college’s culinary arts program, space for community service organizations to recruit students and work on projects, and a place for social program workers to meet with teens. Artwork – some created there, some made at local high schools – lined the walls. Along with being a place for teens to hang out and play games, Studeo 315 also featured a stage for performances by theater groups, poets, and local musicians. As the center’s director noted, garage bands playing there was quite appropriate, since the stage was located in the car service garage. Mishawaka’s mayor, Jeff Rea, called the Studebaker dealership’s conversion “very exciting, an investment in our downtown,” stating, “They’re taking a building that hasn’t been productive and making it very productive.” 51 Unfortunately, the center turned out to be somewhat a victim of its own success. It did indeed pull youth downtown, especially for the regular Friday night concerts – when over 100 teens would often show up. While business increased during these times at nearby teen-friendly venues such as Pizza Hut, other downtown neighbors – both workers and residents – were less pleased. One of the center’s main purposes was to get local youth “off the street;” however, when they were not actually inside the building, some of the center’s teens still loitered outside, ran through downtown, fought, left trash, and made noise (sometimes violating the town’s noise ordinance). Such problems and complaints might have been small individually, limited to just a fraction of the youth center’s overall clientele, but the situation eventually became untenable for Mishawaka and Penn Township officials. As a result, they reluctantly shut down Studeo 315 in mid 2007. 52 83 Nevertheless, the former Studebaker dealership did not lose its purpose of aiding the community. Just a few months earlier, a nonprofit food bank had come in to fill unused space within the structure after it suddenly found itself homeless in late 2006 – when its original location, the historic Albright United Methodist Church in Mishawaka, was struck by lightning and burned down. The charity, which became known as The Bridge at Studeo 315 after its move, was pleased to have extra room once the youth center closed. Since then, the entire showroom structure has hosted a much-expanded operation for the needy – although Penn Township took over the reins from The Bridge in 2008 in order to save money. 53 The operation is now simply called the Penn Township Food Pantry, but the narrow name belies its scope. Along with the original food bank full of non-perishable groceries, the dealership also holds a “clothes closet” offering free outfits and shoes, as well as additional donated items such as major appliances, furniture, and toys that are available for low-income residents. Meanwhile, a semi-monthly soup kitchen there serves the hungry and impoverished, with free breakfasts and lunches also available every weekday during the summertime for qualifying children and teens. Beyond the giveaways, the site also provides other valuable services for those in need. A local social service agency, Stone Soup, sets up shop there several times a week, offering free financial counseling as well as resources for those struggling with the cost of utilities, rent, prescriptions, and the like. Stone Soup also provides regular courses on basic skills, while a weekly visit from county Family Information Services staff provides additional counseling and assistance with job hunting. The American economic crisis and recession has made the former showroom’s services even more helpful, as shown by the increased 84 number of community members taking advantage of what it freely provides. Whereas the Penn Township Food Pantry fed some 3,200 people during the final quarter of 2008, that figure almost doubled – rising to over 6,100 – during that same period in 2009. Overall, in 2009, the operation aided over 21,000 people. 54 While that formerly church-based aid program utilizes a historic showroom in Indiana, an actual church does so in Southern California. Hope Chapel San Pedro, part of the national Hope Chapel church network, moved into San Pedro’s former Clark Cook auto dealership in 1996. [Figure 1.41]. That 1923 showroom, which originally sold Fords and Lincolns, had already been an example of reuse for decades. In the 1940s, it held DiCarlo’s Bakery (which added a second story to the building). For decades thereafter, the building served as a bowling alley. San Pedro Bowl opened there in 1960 with 24 lanes, a children’s playroom, and a cocktail lounge that had a Gay ‘90s theme. The alley’s name changed to Andy Marzich Pro Bowl around 1967 after its purchase by Marzich, a retired professional bowling champion (and future PBA Hall of Fame inductee) widely considered one of the pioneers of the PBA. The bowling alley retained that name until at least 1973, later becoming the San Pedro Bowling and Recreation Center. 55 Although the alley closed in 1991, its bowling lanes survived through the early years of Hope Chapel’s tenure in the building – with staffers having to configure church services around them. Although an $800,000 interior remodel eventually removed them, the church purposefully kept some of the lanes’ maple wood – using it to create a large cross that now hangs on the sanctuary wall. In 2008, using a $75,000 grant from the Los Angeles Community Redevelopment Agency, the church began working from historical 85 photos to restore the building’s exterior to its original design. Hidden underneath the bowling alley’s windowless, painted-stucco front was an intact, glazed-tile showroom with terra cotta elements and multiple, arched display windows. [Figure 1.42]. Today, with a car dealership’s façade outside and 700 church members worshipping inside underneath a wooden bowling-lane cross, Hope Chapel displays a respect for multiple eras of its city’s history. It also reaches out to the local community through an on-site coffeehouse, bookstore, and day-care center – its enterprises contributing to the revitalization of downtown San Pedro (which is why the redevelopment agency gave it a commercial grant). 56 Although the Clark Cook dealership no longer houses a bowling alley, numerous other converted dealerships host recreational and entertainment venues – including bowling alleys, as shown by Garage Billiards and Bowl in Seattle. That enterprise began in 1996 as simply Garage Billiards – in, as its name implies, the former service garage of an automobile dealership. [Figure 1.43]. Featuring an extensive, premium-oriented wine list, upscale food created by a Culinary Institute of America-trained chef (formerly employed by an elite Four Seasons Hotel), and swanky retro-modernist décor, the 7,500 square foot space quickly became one of Seattle’s hottest and most acclaimed pool halls. Adding to its credibility and hipness were its investors, which included Mike McCready, the guitarist for world-famous grunge band Pearl Jam – as well as Pearl Jam’s longtime manager, Kelly Curtis. 57 (Explaining why he decided to become an owner, McCready jokingly stated, “I’ll have something to fall back on if the band doesn’t work out.”) Because of the investors’ connections, Garage Billiards soon hosted several celebrity pool tournaments – featuring professional athletes from Seattle teams as well as members 86 of the Seattle music scene’s most famed bands, including Nirvana, Soundgarden, Alice in Chains, and (of course) Pearl Jam. 58 In 2002, the adjoining former showroom went up for sale, and the Garage’s owners leapt at the opportunity to purchase it. The Garage then could begin utilizing the whole of what had opened in 1927 as the Purdy Building, which had not actually started out as a dealership. Instead, the two segments of the fireproof, brick-and-concrete, one- story structure had housed the new locations of two preexisting automotive service and repair operations, one being the Seattle Auto Renovating Company and the other called Swartz and Bridgeman, Buick Specialists. By 1933, though, the Seattle Auto Renovating Company’s half of the building had become a salesroom for Dodge Brothers trucks. In fact, it was the S.L. Savidge Truck Store, a new branch of the successful S.L. Savidge Inc. Dodge Plymouth dealership, which was then still operating from its original location about a block away (on the opposite side of the street) on Seattle’s Auto Row. (That was a decade and a half before Savidge would create and move to the streamline moderne building that is now the Washington Talking Book & Braille Library, as detailed earlier. Like that structure, Savidge’s original home also survives today, with the large, multi- story, brick building – which Savidge opened in 1926 and expanded in 1935 – now hosting retail and restaurant uses.) 59 In 1941, Savidge expanded its commercial truck sales and service operation greatly. The enlarged facility then also utilized the address that had been Swartz and Bridgeman’s – the part of the Purdy Building that would later become Garage Billiards. After S.L. Savidge finally left, both segments of the Purdy Building housed various auto repair and service businesses from the late 1940s into at least the 1980s. Prior to Garage 87 Billiards buying the vacant showroom part in 2002, its most recent occupant had been a warehouse for wholesale seafood. 60 A fish warehouse would not exactly have been a major draw, but the building soon became one as part of the rechristened Garage Billiards and Bowl. [Figure 1.44]. The Garage’s owners turned the 23,000 square foot former truck showroom into a hip, 14-lane bowling alley for those ages 21 and over only. It was the first new alley to open in Seattle in over 40 years. The owners added high-gloss automobile paint and chrome throughout the inside in an effort to remain “true to its automotive past.” Also, as a throwback to historic bowling alley signage, they added a large, neon-lined, bowling pin- shaped “BOWL” sign outside [Figure 1.45]; it fits well thematically with the nearby retro-style, neon Garage sign, featuring a bulb-lit arrow pointing to the vibrantly painted building. [Figure 1.46]. The dealership’s former belowground parking level now holds the “Spare Room” (with the name a bowling pun); private parties use its six lanes, two pool tables, and bar. Such parties, especially corporate functions, make up over fifty percent of the Garage’s income (which is usually the case with the hip, upscale, new type of bowling alleys, as discussed in the section on bowling alley reuse). Adding bowling in the converted truck dealership proved quite successful, with revenue increasing from $1.6 million before to $3.8 million after. In 2008, the Garage opened a 20,000 square foot expansion that added six more lanes and new lounges and bars. 61 Across the country in Arlington, Virginia, the 1948 Al’s Motors building is now home to another recreational business. The oldest Chrysler / Plymouth dealership in Northern Virginia, it did not remained closed for long after its owner (the husband of the original owners’ daughter) retired in 2001. Its 40,000 square foot showroom quickly 88 became the flagship fitness center for the national Gold’s Gym chain. [Figure 1.47]. Additionally, Gold’s Gym moved its East Coast corporate headquarters into the adjoining service garage and a new addition it built (replacing a 1968 addition that had been the dealership’s car painting area). Gold’s Gym utilized historic preservation tax credits in the showroom’s conversion, and the Virginia Department of Historic Resources has lauded it as one of the tax credit program’s main “Preservation Success Stories.” 62 The dealership, designed by local architect J. Raymond Mims for owners Al and Bertha Wasserman, is one of the few surviving streamline moderne structures in Northern Virginia. The masonry showroom’s key architectural features remain intact, with its curved glass curtain wall now displaying fitness equipment instead of automobiles. [Figure 1.48]. Exercisers enter the workout area through a front door lined with glass bricks, underneath an overhanging band of aluminum and red speed lines that wrap around the sleek, rounded corners of the facade. Inside the wide-open, two-story space is the original terrazzo floor, which features a repeating starburst pattern. 63 Because of its architectural significance, Al’s Motors achieved designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 2003 – a significant feat, in that it occurred after Gold’s Gym was already reusing the building. As the nomination’s authors successfully argued, “Despite its change in use, Al’s Motors retains sufficient integrity of design, workmanship, materials, location, and feeling to reflect its original use.” 64 The phenomenon of car dealerships becoming recreational facilities is not limited to the United States. In the British city of West Bromwich, the former Guest Motors showroom now houses an upscale gaming enterprise called Shaftesbury Casino. Guest Motors had started in 1907 as one of England’s first Ford dealers. In the early 1950s, 89 owner Frank Guest expanded his historic downtown dealership, which sold both Ford cars and Fordson tractors. Taking over two storefronts adjacent to Guest Motors, including a prime corner spot, he turned them all into one integrated whole. The new, much larger dealership boasted a cohesive, streamline moderne design (making it a quite late example of that architectural style). In 1999, Guest Motors sold its Ford franchise to another company, which utilized it to immediately construct a brand new Ford dealership elsewhere in the area, rather than keeping the downtown location operating. (The family- owned Guest Motors business does, however, still operate other dealerships in England today.) 65 When car sales finally came to an end at Guest Motors’ West Bromwich home, the picturesque structure was still in demand. In 2001, the luxury-oriented Shaftesbury Casino opened inside the former dealership after a $2 million pound redevelopment. The converters kept intact the large, red brick structure’s impressive exterior, which features long rows of glass blocks topping both the many showroom windows and the dramatically curved, canopied entry area at the three-story building’s corner. The former showroom floor, featuring a detailed pattern comprised of small black and white tiles, also still remains under the casino’s elegant, contemporary décor. Along with offering multiple kinds of table games and slot machines, the Shaftesbury Casino also includes a sports bar and a dining area, which leads to another reuse category for car dealerships – that of restaurants. 66 A prime example is Albuquerque’s Jones Motor Company, which is now home to Kelly’s Brew Pub. When the dealership opened in 1939, advertisements lauded it as “one of the most modern and unique structures of its type in the Southwest.” 67 Architect Tom 90 Danahy designed the streamline moderne structure, which featured a Ford showroom, a large service department, and a Texaco gas station all in the same building. (Danahy also created the similarly streamlined Carothers and Mauldin Texaco station down the street, the reuse of which is described in the dissertation’s gas station chapter). The Jones Motor Company’s key focal point was a tall, tiered art deco tower in the center of the white, stucco building, flanked by garage doors. On each side of those jutted out massive, semi- circular wings; the one that fronted the street, which was more heavily curved, had large display windows around its length to entice passersby with the Fords in the showroom. Since the display areas were in the foreground while the tower / garage section was set back, the arrangement left room for cars to pull up to the gas pumps in front, beside the freestanding Texaco sign with its iconic red star-inside-a-circle logo. Today, with its stunning architecture intact, the building has won historic designation at the city, state, and national levels. [Figure 1.49]. The Jones Motor Company strove to serve a population far beyond that of just Albuquerque residents. Owner Ralph Jones placed his business in the rapidly developing, upscale Nob Hill district on what was then the eastern outskirts of town, facing eastward in a prime corner location along Route 66. Thus, the Jones Motor Company was one of the first gasoline and repair facilities that travelers heading westbound on Route 66 saw upon their arrival in Albuquerque. Opening at the height of the Dustbowl, amidst the resultant mass migration to California, the enterprise found itself perfectly positioned to take advantage of the influx. Ralph Jones soon became a prominent figure in the road-oriented business community; during the 1940s, he was the 91 president of the Route 66 Association, the chairperson of the New Mexico State Highway Commission, and the president of the Albuquerque Chamber of Commerce. 68 The Jones Motor Company moved its Ford showroom to a new location in 1958, and, after that time, the building went through a series of reuses. Retail operations included a Goodwill thrift store, a furniture shop, and an army surplus outlet, while more auto-oriented businesses included a moped store and an auto body / paint shop. By 1998, though, it had become a decaying eyesore. [Figure 1.50]. Homeless people had been illegally squatting in the boarded-up building, which had been vacant for four years. Once a successful business that attracted other businesses to the area, it had become a blight in the midst of the hip, revitalized Nob Hill district, with its array of quirky, independent shops, restaurants, and entertainment venues. 69 [Figure 1.51]. Bernalillo County planned to fix that problem by converting the Jones Motor Company into the Route 66 Community Cultural Center. It allotted money from a parks bond measure to buy the dealership for the community / arts center; it planned to then lease the building to the non-profit Nob Hill Highland Renaissance Corporation, which had asked the county to create the facility and which would operate it. However, the dealership had been for sale years before the 1998 election even occurred – and, according to the out-of-state sellers’ real estate agent, the sellers grew tired of waiting for something that might not happen. Thus, before the county ever made an offer or even appraised the building, the sellers accepted a bid from Dennis and Janice Bonfantine, who wanted to restore the building and make it the new home of Kelly’s Brew Pub, their popular restaurant on the same block. (The 9,500 square foot Jones Motor Company, which could hold approximately 250 patrons, is well over twice the size of their former 92 rented space – which they had outgrown.) The county then presented a backup offer for the appraised value of the structure, but that price was several hundred thousand dollars lower than the Bonfantines’ already-accepted bid. Escrow closed, and the new owners began removing the boards from the showroom windows and cleaning the interior, with its mattresses on the floor and its graffiti-covered walls. However, the physical process of renovating the former dealership was perhaps the least of the Bonfantines’ problems, as the county started taking unusual steps in what became a fascinating fight. 70 Significantly, unlike most preservation fights, this one was not over whether the building should survive, but rather over who would – and who had the right to – save it, and in what way. In what the press termed “the battle of the brewery,” 71 the county insisted that the property would still become a cultural center – “by any means necessary,” as one county official forcefully stated. Bernalillo County offered the Bonfantines the appraised value, as it had done to the previous owners. However, while waiting for a response, it officially prepared to begin eminent domain proceedings to condemn the building – which it had been threatening to do for months, even before the Bonfantines completed their purchase. Aiding the county’s efforts, zoning officials denied Kelly’s Brew Pub a conditional use permit for the building, citing potential increased traffic and parking problems – aspects stressed at a hearing by proponents of the cultural center plan. 72 In response, the Bonfantines requested a restraining order and an injunction against the condemnation, and then sued the county. While the owners dealt with property rights issues, their supporters argued the case on not only those but other merits as well. They insisted that the cultural center could go elsewhere on Bernalillo County’s 93 stretch of Route 66 (giving the county the opportunity to perhaps save another building with its allotted funds), whereas a business such as a brewpub was a better fit for the youthful, nightlife-oriented Nob Hill district. They stressed that the story of Nob Hill was one of preservation and revitalization through private enterprise – noting, among other successful examples, the restaurant reuse of the nearby 1936 Monte Vista Fire Station (a National Register-listed, WPA-built, pueblo revival-style structure). 73 [Figure 1.52]. As the Bonfantines’ lawyer explained, “If I were the county, I’d be leaping for joy that the public would be benefited with renovation of an historically significant building, and the continuation of a vibrant business, with no expenditure of the taxpayer’s dollar” – while also noting that the brewpub would create tax revenue. 74 The battle was the focus of many newspaper articles and editorials, as well as local TV news reports and hours of discussion and debate on local talk-radio stations. (Several talk show hosts even broadcasted live from the contested building.) 75 Finally, after months of contentious legal wrangling, Bernalillo County agreed to stop its efforts to take the Jones Motor Company and allow the business to open (with the city formally reconsidering its previous permit denial). As part of the agreement, the county gave $80,000 to the Bonfantines in exchange for the county owning a façade easement on the Jones Motor Company. An easement is a legal preservation tool that guarantees the preservation of a building in the future – regardless of who eventually owns it or of what use (or lack thereof) it eventually has. (It does so through transferring a portion of property rights to a preservation-related organization – in this case, the county – that will enforce the maintenance and preservation requirements of the easement 94 in perpetuity.) With the approval of the county, the Bonfantines began bringing the building back to its original grandeur, and Kelly’s Brew Pub opened there in 2000. 76 Today, red neon outlining the exterior gleams at night [Figure 1.53], matching the color on the two vintage Texaco gas pumps and the replica Texaco sign in front of the popular restaurant. On the sign, “Kelly’s” replaces the word “Texaco,” while the “T” inside the red star is now a “K.” Surrounding the pumps, the area where cars once pulled up to get gasoline now serves as a (frequently packed) patio dining space. While those aspects have been present for several years, Kelly’s Brew Pub’s façade gained additional elements around 2009-2010 that brought it even further in line with the Jones Motor Company’s original appearance. Historic photographs showed that the car dealership’s art deco tower once held the familiar “Ford” script, while above the three garage bays were the words “Service” and “Lubrication.” Now, above those bays (which now contain windows), text once again announces the former role of each as either a “Lubrication” or a “Service” area. Meanwhile, a new sign on the tower utilizes a blue color and a cursive font in order to resemble the typical “Ford” logo – although it now proclaims “Food” instead of “Ford.” 77 [Figure 1.54]. Inside, the restaurant features a long bar, built in the 1920s, that the Bonfantines brought in from Chicago to add to the art deco ambience. Jones Motor Company memorabilia lines the walls, including numerous historical photographs, old newspaper articles, and advertisements. Although Kelly’s Brew Pub occupies most of the large building, sections of its curving wings have been turned into storefront spaces – with the western one hosting a branch of the Coldstone Creamery ice cream chain and the eastern one holding a florist called The Flower Shop at Nob Hill. (Appropriately, the florist’s 95 sign and accompanying floral logo are comprised of red and green neon). 78 [Figure 1.55]. That addition of a small store illustrates another category of car dealership reuse: that of retail. An interesting – and very different – example exists in nearby Santa Fe, where the 1928 Quickel-Houk Motor Company building has been housing a tourist- oriented group of small shops called Santa Fe Village since 1971. [Figure 1.56]. Like the Jones Motor Company, this dealership originally sold Fords. 79 Moreover, it presumably had a connection to what was once Albuquerque’s only Ford dealership, the Quickel Auto & Supply Co., created by Cortez S. Quickel in 1910. Although a fire destroyed Quickel’s original downtown Albuquerque showroom in 1923, he reopened in the same location; that three-story, red brick building is now another successful conversion. [Figure 1.57]. Developers began turning it into the Sixth Street Lofts – with condominiums on the upper floors, above commercial spaces – in early 2005; its residential units sold out by mid 2006. While the Albuquerque structure still boasts the Quickel name on its façade 80 [Figure 1.58], Santa Fe’s Quickel dealership dropped that title around 1933, going through a number of different names over the years. It remained as the Houk Motor Company until 1938, when that company moved. The Don Carlos Motor Company replaced it the same year; then, in 1941, it changed again to the Withrow Motor Company – with all three iterations still selling Fords. 81 As with Albuquerque’s Jones Motor Company, this dealership had a number of other reuses prior to its current, long-standing one; however, in this case, several of those conversions occurred in between periods of new-car sales. After its stint as the Withrow Motor Company, the building housed the Saint Germaine Press from 1944 to 1953; the 96 next year, it reopened as a Dodge-Plymouth dealership called Zia Motors. Zia only lasted a short time, though, and in 1956 and 1957, the building functioned as a parking garage for New Mexico’s new (and quickly discarded) motor pool program for state workers. The building reopened a few months later as yet another dealership, Jones Lincoln- Mercury-Edsel Sales, Inc., which survived until at least 1962. By the mid 1960s, the building was serving as home to the State Motor Vehicles Drivers License Bureau. In 1970, the building finally left automobile-related uses behind and became the County Democratic Campaign Headquarters – an intentionally temporary reuse. 82 At that point, having had such a revolving door of uses, the huge building was something of a “white elephant” (as the press called it). 83 The building’s survival even until that point might seem surprising, considering its location in a prime downtown location in elite Santa Fe – where locals and officials have generally bemoaned roadside businesses and other recent structures as unwanted interlopers that work to undermine the city’s self-created touristic “status as a romantic regional enclave.” In a city criticized by public historians like Chris Wilson for its “pervasive inclination to remove evidence of the modern world” in order to achieve “an ahistorical unity of appearance,” one key factor in the showroom’s continued existence was probably its impressive pueblo revival architecture. With its stucco walls, uneven parapets, and projecting wooden vigas, it actually fit in quite well with its surroundings, where that style has dominated (especially through officially mandated design controls for new construction). 84 [Figure 1.59]. Still, its past as a car dealership was definitely not what Southwestern art collector and artist-biographer Nicholas Woloshuk wanted to accentuate when he took over the building in 1970. Instead, Woloshuk – who had previously restored several historic 97 homes – saw the opportunity to transform this site of the recent past into a vessel in which to recreate a commercial setting from the pre-automobile era. Thus, Santa Fe Village was born. On the exterior, Woloshuk played up the building’s original architecture – and played down its actual age – by adding portales (a common feature in the area), faux boarded-up windows, and patches of fake adobe that appear to be peeking through the stucco. [Figure 1.60]. Inside, however, the real transformation occurred. Removing existing partitions, Woloshuk’s craftspeople built an entire traditional-style village of what a reporter called “authentically styled and authentically constructed adobe buildings” within the structure. [Figures 1.61 and 1.62]. Meandering cobblestone paths separated the small shops (called tiendas) – the walls of which feature historic stained glass, posts, windows, doors, and other salvaged fixtures that Woloshuk found in both New Mexico and Mexico. 85 [Figures 1.63 and 1.64]. Although one local historian stated derogatorily that the result “looks like the work of an overeager Hollywood set designer,” 86 it was convincing enough to fool many. That fact was actually embarrassing (although amusing) for Woloshuk, who would have to set straight both tourists and locals whom he would overhear “claiming parts of the village to be centuries old” while walking around the interior. 87 While the actual building was not traditionally “historic” in that sense, advertisements for and articles about the enterprise insisted that it was still accomplishing preservation – not by saving a decades-old car dealership (which was rarely mentioned), but rather by being “dedicated to maintain and preserve historical New Mexico’s arts, crafts, and traditions….in the aura of a time gone by.” 88 98 With its unique and supposedly “authentic” setting housing approximately a dozen independent, arts-and-crafts oriented shops, local and out-of-state press lauded Santa Fe Village as a prime tourist attraction. It survives as such today, featuring Indian and Italian eateries and services such as a hair salon, a tailor, a jewelry repair facility, and an oxygen spa. Meanwhile, its quirky stores [Figure 1.65] are now devoted to items like hand-made, custom cowboy boots; folk and Native American art; and eco-conscious hemp wedding gowns – a far cry from the Fords that used to fill the showroom. 89 When it first opened, one of Santa Fe Village’s many shops was an antique store. 90 Considering the nostalgia factor inherent in many historic car dealerships (as also seen with gas stations, bowling alleys, etc.), antique stores are a logical primary tenant for this type of building. That has been the case for some 40 years in a former Studebaker dealership near Atlantic City (located in an area of Atlantic County that reports have variously called Egg Harbor Township, Pleasantville, or West Atlantic City). [Figure 1.66]. The showroom, constructed in 1926-1927, operated as Mathis Motors from its founding until 1968. By that time, it had outlived the company whose cars it sold – since it was still offering five new Studebakers for sale, produced before the last Studebaker factory shut down two years earlier. In fact, according to stained glass artist Amelia Arabia, upon her purchase of the building for an antiques / custom stained glass / architectural salvage store, dealership owner Bill Mathis “asked me if I wanted an old Studebaker to park out front. I told him no, that I needed all the parking spaces I could get” at the street-fronting structure. Arabia had actually hoped to reuse a different sort of historic building, envisioning housing her creations in a Victorian home where she could live above the shop. However, when Mathis Motors became available, she felt that its 99 eye-catching, historic architecture made it an appropriate place for her concept – which she originally named House of Glass but later changed to Beacon Street Shops (with the light-related term “beacon” referring to her emphasis on vintage lamps). 91 The 12,620 square foot antique store’s unique provenance has caused it to receive a fair amount of press over the years, with one reporter noting in 1992 that the mission revival-style showroom – with its stucco walls, arched display windows, tower elements, copper trim, and red tile roof – was “an antique in itself.” 92 [Figure 1.67]. Although the transition into a retail use necessitated some interior modifications, Amelia Arabia was always careful not to alter the exterior. That meant turning down numerous offers from classic car enthusiasts and collectors wanting to purchase the Studebaker signs that grace the façade [Figure 1.68]. As Arabia explained, those six, terra cotta wheel logos needed to remain, since “they’re part of the history of this building.” According to the magazine of the national Studebaker Drivers Club (cited in a Newark Star-Ledger article), the Mathis Motors structure can thus boast having the most surviving emblems – or at least the most that are still in good shape – of any former Studebaker dealership in America. 93 While Amelia Arabia and her family were still operating the Beacon Street Shops as of late 2009, the structure’s reuse as an antique store might be coming to an end. Arabia had considered retiring once before, putting the property up for sale in 1999 – although she insisted then that she would only sell it to a preservation-minded buyer, stating, “I love this building. Anybody who would buy it should be in love with the architectural design.” She even suggested compatible reuses, recommending, “Personally, I think it would make a great restaurant.” 94 That could still happen, as she offered the showroom for either lease or sale again in 2009 – including the opportunity 100 for a buyer to purchase the store’s antiques and simply keep the existing business running. Like ten years before, though, finding a purchaser who appreciates the significance of the structure has been key, with the real estate listing emphasizing that the property is “a unique mission revival architectural gem of a building.” 95 Although the longtime owner may hope for preservation after the sale, that outcome is far from assured, especially because of the property’s location along busy Route 40, making it desirable for new development. Especially concerning for supporters has been the fact that the historic showroom does not have landmark designation. (However, the federal Historic American Buildings Survey did indicate the dealership’s importance by officially documenting it, as did the National Park Service as part of its “Historic Theme Study of the New Jersey Heritage Trail Route”.) Worried about the potential fate of the building, the South Jersey chapter of the Studebaker Drivers Club made Mathis Motors the stopping point for its 2009 end-of-the-year classic car cruise, in an attempt to raise awareness. One member, Peter Crisitello, has taken the lead in trying to attain the dealership’s preservation – contacting preservation organizations and state agencies, considering a landmark nomination, etc. He has been trying to partner with other automobile enthusiasts in a business venture to purchase the structure and turn it into a combination of a classic car museum and either a salesroom for restored vintage cars or a shop supplying parts for the owners of such cars. 96 While Mathis Motors could thus possibly have classic automobiles filling its space once again, a former dealership in Buffalo has a much different use – although the restored car visible in its display window might seem to indicate otherwise to passersby. That dealership originally served as the flagship showroom for the Pierce-Arrow Motor 101 Car Co., which was based in Buffalo. The company built the art deco dealership in 1929- 1930 as a replacement for its original 1903 showroom (since demolished) – making a major move from downtown to the upscale, Frederick Law Olmsted-planned Parkside neighborhood, which already featured several Frank Lloyd Wright houses. Especially in such a setting, the dealership’s architecture was key. Its architects, H.E. Plumer Associates and Harold F. Kellogg, designed the tower-topped structure – with an interior featuring marble, bronze, and stone – to be an ornate showcase for the luxury cars and limousines that Pierce-Arrow sold to an elite clientele. Perhaps not surprisingly considering that focus, Pierce-Arrow went bankrupt in 1938 during the Great Depression; however, its hometown showroom had gone out of business slightly before the company’s collapse. The building survived, though, by hosting yet another high-end automobile brand, Cadillac, for over fifty years – starting with the Maxson Cadillac dealership in 1936 and ending with Braun Cadillac, which closed in 1998. 97 Testifying to the luxurious showroom’s lasting appeal, Greater Buffalo Savings Bank purchased the property just a year later. In 2002, the company opened a bank branch inside a portion of that 18,000 square foot structure and soon moved its corporate headquarters into the rest of the building – as well as into a much larger industrial building that Pierce-Arrow had built behind the showroom in 1933. The bank spared little expense on what it intended to be its main branch, adding authentic art deco, bronze, bank-teller window gates that it purchased from an architectural salvage business – and separating them with lines of blood marble that it imported from an Italian quarry. The original, geometric floor tiles remained, as did the patterned ceiling with its dangling art deco chandeliers; bronze doorways still featured deco swirls – similar to the terra cotta 102 ones lining the exterior. Capping off the appreciative restoration was the bank’s addition of a vintage, restored Pierce-Arrow automobile, displayed prominently inside – just as if the building were still a showroom. 98 First Niagara Bank purchased Greater Buffalo Savings Bank in early 2008, and the company kept the branch open despite its own corporate headquarters being elsewhere. With the bank no longer needing the bulk of the showroom or the adjacent industrial structure, the Buffalo area’s biggest construction company, LP Ciminelli, purchased the buildings later that year for its new headquarters. LP Ciminelli had previously operated out of another preservation success story, Buffalo’s 1888 Cyclorama building, an 8-sided structure that the company had renovated in 1989 after saving it from demolition. The preservation-minded company agreed to let First Niagara lease its existing bank-branch space within the dealership. Although financial transactions of another sort replaced the sale of high-end automobiles, the flagship nature of the grand showroom remained. 99 Cases such as the Pierce-Arrow showroom demonstrate that automobile dealerships do not have to maintain their original usage of car sales in order to be major business assets. Moreover, while renewed economic vitality can be an important benefit of adaptive reuse, such examples also reveal that an increasing number of communities are no longer conceptualizing their former dealerships simply in monetary terms. Instead, they are learning to see them as architectural treasures and historic resources, beginning to understand that these buildings have value – and potential – far beyond the financial aspects. 103 1 John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Motoring: The Highway Experience in America, Center Books on American Places (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2008), 86; Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 75; Robert Genat, The American Car Dealership (St. Paul, MN: Motorbooks International, 2004). 2 Liebs, Main Street, 79-81, 84 3 Sources for the transition from selling older modes of transportation to selling automobiles, and for the rise of the franchise system, include: Genat, American Car Dealership, 17-19, 39; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 88, 90; Robert Szudarek, The First Century of the Detroit Auto Show (Warrendale, PA: Society of Automotive Engineers, 2000), 265- 266, http://books.google.com/books?id=t6Zd_fMN2sIC (accessed July 12, 2010); Patricia Zacharias, "Michigan History: The Detroit Auto Show: From Beer Gardens to Tabernacles to Cobo Center," Detroit News, January 29, 2000, http://apps.detnews.com/apps/history/index.php?id=20 (accessed September 5, 2009); Leslie J. Allen, "The Franchise System: How It Began. The First Dealers: From Humiliation to Retail Success," Automotive News, September 25, 2006, http://www.autonews.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060925/SUB/60919024 (accessed September 5, 2009). Sources listing Metzger as 1896 include: Genat, American Car Dealership, 17; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 90. Sources listing Metzger as 1897 include: Automotive Hall of Fame, "William E. Metzger (1868-1933)," Inductees, http://www.automotivehalloffame.org/honors/index.php?cmd=view&id=766&type=inductees (accessed August 27, 2009). Sources listing Metzger as 1898 include: Allen, "Franchise System"; Associated Press, "The Auto Industry's Little-Known First," San Francisco Chronicle, January 3, 1985, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 11, 2010); Bob Hagin, "This Business of Cars Has Come a Long Way in Past Century," Contra Costa Times, September 6, 1996, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 11, 2010); New Jersey Record, "Gentlemen Starting Engines Set Off a Roar Across the World," June 11, 1996, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 11, 2010); Springfield (IL) State Journal Register, "First Car Dealerships," April 7, 1990, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 11, 2010); Szudarek, First Century, 266. Sources listing Koller as 1896 include: Genat, American Car Dealership, 17. Sources listing Koller as 1898 include: Allen, "Franchise System"; New Jersey Record, "Gentlemen Starting Engines"; Richard A. Wright, "A New Species of Dealer, Dealership Emerging - Mega Operations Are Called 'the Wave of the Future'" Chicago Tribune, June 18, 1989, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 11, 2010). New Jersey Record, and Wright. 4 Liebs, Main Street, 76, 78-81, 83-86; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 90; Genat, American Car Dealership, 40, 43-44, 154; Beverly Corbell, "Acadia Parish Towns See Expansion Continue in 2005," Lafayette Daily Advertiser, December 31, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed January 22, 2009). 5 Liebs, Main Street, 76, 78-81. 6 Genat, American Car Dealership, 36, 39, 47-48; Liebs, Main Street, 86-89; David Gebhard, The National Trust Guide to Art Deco in America (New York: John Wiley, 1996), 1, 9-10; Eva Weber, Art Deco (North Dighton, MA: World Publications Group, 2003. First published 1989.), 14, 18, 30; Richard 104 Striner, Art Deco, Abbeville Stylebooks (New York: Abbeville Press, 1994), 6-7, 12; Rudi Stern, The New Let There Be Neon: Enlarged and Updated, 3rd ed. (Cincinnati: ST Publications, 1995), 19, 24. 7 Liebs, Main Street, 90-93; Genat, American Car Dealership, 3, 37, 63; Clare Dowdy, "Hard Shoulder, Soft Sell," in Carchitecture: When the Car and the City Collide, ed. Jonathan Bell (Basel, Switzerland: Birkhauser, 2001), 101, http://www.amazon.com/Carchitecture-When-Car-City- Collide/dp/3764364548/ (accessed July 12, 2010). 8 James J. Flink, The Automobile Age, 4th ed. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993. First published 1988.), 217-218, 230; Stephen J. Dubner and Steven D. Levitt, "Where Do Car Dealerships Go When They Die?" New York Times blog: Freakonomics: The Hidden Side of Everything, web log entry posted November 6, 2008, http://freakonomics.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/11/06/where-do-car-dealerships-go-when- they-die/ (accessed January 27, 2009); Sharon Cohen and Associated Press, "End of Road for 4-Generation Chrysler Dealer," Seattle Times, June 13, 2009, http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2009335382_ap81yearsofcars.html (accessed June 13, 2009). 9 Soyoung Kim, "U.S. Car Dealers Scaling Back to Survive Downturn," Reuters, January 26, 2009, http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSN2649045720090126 (accessed January 27, 2009); Dubner and Levitt, "Where Do Car Dealerships"; Tom Krisher and Associated Press, "Automakers Hopeful for 2010 as Brutal Year Ends: Dismal 2009 Closes with Worst US Auto Sales in Nearly 30 Years; December Brings Optimism," ABC News, January 5, 2010, http://abcnews.go.com/Business/wirestory?id=9481700 (accessed January 7, 2010); Dan Strumpf, Tom Krisher, and Associated Press, "More Auto Cuts: GM Will Eliminate 1,100 US Dealers," San Diego Union-Tribune, May 15, 2009, http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/2009/may/15/us-auto-dealers-051509/ (accessed May 15, 2009); Cohen and Associated Press, "End of Road"; James B. Kelleher and Kyle Peterson, "Anger, Sadness as Ax Falls on Chrysler Dealers," Reuters, May 14, 2009, http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE54D5CV20090514 (accessed May 15, 2009); Peter Howe, "Finding Opportunity in Dealership Closings," Biz Day Buzz, May 28, 2009, http://www.bizdaybuzz.com/finding-opportunity-in-dealership-closings (accessed September 10, 2009); Scott Robinson Honda, "Reaching Out to the Community," http://www.whyscottrobinsonhonda.com/community-relations (accessed July 12, 2010). 10 Sheryl Jean and Terry Box, "Car Dealership Closures Have Aesthetic, Economic Impact on Dallas Area," Dallas Morning News, August 23, 2009, http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/dn/latestnews/stories/082309dnbuscardealerships.3223f25. html (accessed September 10, 2009); Steven Cole Smith, "Closed Auto Dealerships Just Gathering Dust," Orlando Sentinel, September 6, 2009, http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/2009-09- 06/news/0909040241_1_dealership-closed-dealers-johnson (accessed September 10, 2009); Howe, "Finding Opportunity"; Catherine Saillant, "Cities Kicking the Tires on New Ideas for Vacant Auto Lots: Facing a Revenue Void, Officials Look at Opening the Properties for Retail and Office Space or Even Housing," Los Angeles Times, February 23, 2010, http://articles.latimes.com/2010/feb/23/local/la-me-auto- malls23-2010feb23 (accessed February 23, 2010); Daniel Duggan, "Brokers Turn Closed Auto Dealerships into New Development," Crain's Detroit Business, May 13, 2009, http://www.crainsdetroit.com/article/20090513/BRIDGING96/305119994/1123 (accessed September 10, 2009); Julie Carr Smyth and Associated Press, "Car Showrooms Are Reborn as Places to Play, Learn," USA Today, December 27, 2009, http://www.usatoday.com/money/autos/2009-12-27-auto- showrooms_N.htm (accessed December 27, 2009). 11 Phil Keating, reporter, "Dealers Go Out of Biz, Cities Left with Big Empty Car Lots," in America's Newsroom, Fox News Channel, September 29, 2009; Steven Cole Smith, "Starling Chrysler Is Closing," Orlando Sentinel, March 24, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed September 29, 2009); Osceola County, "Osceola County Commissioners Approve Purchase of Starling Property," Press Releases, April 28, 2009, http://www.ideveloposceola.org/index.cfm?lsFuses=department/OsceolaOrg/33842 (accessed September 29, 2009); Jessica Solis, "County Buys Starling Property," Osceola News-Gazette, 105 April 29, 2009, http://aroundosceola.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3885%3Acounty-buys- starling-property&Itemid=94 (accessed September 29, 2009). 12 Robert W. Weyeneth, "Ancestral Architecture: The Early Preservation Movement in Charleston," in Giving Preservation a History: Histories of Historic Preservation in the United States, ed. Max Page and Randall Mason (New York: Routledge, 2004), 260-263; Sidney R. Bland, Preserving Charleston's Past, Shaping Its Future: The Life and Times of Susan Pringle Frost (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1999), 68-80, http://books.google.com/books?id=-Ri6sLJ66pMC (accessed September 7, 2009); Brent Lanford, "Station to Station: How Gas Stations Have Transformed Charleston (and Vice Versa)," Charleston City Paper, May 14, 2003, http://brentlanford.com/StationtoStation.pdf (accessed September 7, 2009); Charleston Museum, "The Joseph Manigault House," http://www.charlestonmuseum.org/topic.asp?id=19 (accessed September 7, 2009). 13 Smithsonian Institution, "Exhibition Detail: America on the Move," Smithsonian Exhibitions, accessed March 18, 2011, http://www.si.edu/Exhibitions/Details/America-on-the-Move-61; Smithsonian Institution, "Visit the Museum: America on the Move," National Museum of American History, http://americanhistory.si.edu/onthemove/visit/ (accessed January 12, 2010); Steven Lubar, "Curriculum Vitae," Research at Brown: The Directory of Research and Researchers at Brown University, 7, accessed March 16, 2011, http://research.brown.edu/pdf/10143.pdf; Smithsonian Institution, "America on the Move: Suburban Strip," National Museum of American History, http://americanhistory.si.edu/onthemove/exhibition/exhibition_14_1.html. 14 Smithsonian Institution, "America on the Move: Suburban Strip: Making the Sale," National Museum of American History, http://americanhistory.si.edu/onthemove/exhibition/exhibition_14_5.html (accessed January 12, 2010); Smithsonian Institution, "America on the Move: Collection: Wallace Buick Sales Brochure," National Museum of American History, http://americanhistory.si.edu/onthemove/collection/object_608.html (accessed January 12, 2010); Breslin and Wallace Buick Pontiac GMC, "Welcome to Breslin and Wallace Buick Pontiac GMC," http://www.breslin.gmpsdealer.com/HomePage (accessed July 22, 2010). 15 Kristen Peterson, "Mid-Century Modern Mania," Las Vegas Sun, January 14, 2007, http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2007/jan/14/mid-century-modern-mania/ (accessed August 27, 2009); Jack LeVine, "Moonlight Bus Tour of Mid Mod Las Vegas - Part 7: Morelli House Is Crown Jewel of Recent Historic Preservation in Las Vegas," Uncle Jack's Very Vintage Vegas, web log entry posted November 11, 2007, http://veryvintagevegas.com/2007/11/11/morelli-house-is-crown-jewel-of-recent- historic-preservation-in-las-vegas/ (accessed August 27, 2009); Jack LeVine, "Moonlight Bus Tour of Mid Mod Las Vegas - Part 6: Space Age Architecture Survives in the Vintage Urban Core of Las Vegas," Uncle Jack's Very Vintage Vegas, web log entry posted November 9, 2007, http://veryvintagevegas.com/2007/11/09/space-age-architecture-survives-in-the-vintage-urban-core-of-las- vegas/ (accessed August 27, 2009); Friends of Classic Las Vegas, "Architecture in Las Vegas," Classic Las Vegas: Helping Preserve 20th Century Las Vegas, web log entry posted May 20, 2009, http://classiclasvegas.squarespace.com/2010-untold-stories/2009/5/20/architecture-in-las-vegas.html (accessed August 27, 2009); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Nevada Car Showrooms," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/showrooms/nv.html (accessed August 27, 2009). 16 Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Sold Out: Modern Committee 20th Anniversary Tour: Modcom '20/20/20' - 20 Years / 20 Sites / 20 Bucks," Modcom, http://www.modcom.org/202020.shtml (accessed September 22, 2009); Los Angeles Conservancy Modern Committee, "Educational Events: Past Modcom Events," Modcom, http://www.modcom.org/events.shtml (accessed January 6, 2010); Los Angeles Times, "Valley Cool," November 19, 2000, http://articles.latimes.com/2000/nov/19/local/me-54478 (accessed January 6, 2010); Patricia Leigh Brown, "Ideas & Trends; California Revisited: How Googie Was My Valley," New York Times, November 26, 2000, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed January 6, 2010). 106 17 Los Angeles Times, "Westside - Group Honors Restorations," May 19, 1988, http://articles.latimes.com/1988-05-19/news/we-4658_1_beverly-hills (accessed July 31, 2009); Advent Resources Inc., "Advent Welcomes W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz," Advent Resource 1, no. 3 (May 2001): 1 , http://www.adventresources.com/uploads/newsletters/1077641977384_newsletter2001-05.pdf (accessed July 22, 2010); Santa Monica Mirror, "Simonson Celebrates 45 Years with Mercedes," June 5, 2002, http://www.smmirror.com/volume3/issue51/simonson_celebrates_years.asp (accessed July 31, 2009); Rosanne Keynan, "Ravaged by Fire, Landmark Mercedes Dealership Rebuilt with Love, Sweat," Los Angeles Times, February 11, 1988, http://articles.latimes.com/1988-02-11/news/we-42183_1_landmark- mercedes-dealership (accessed July 31, 2009). 18 Charles J. Fisher and La Brea-Hancock Homeowners Association, Historic-Cultural Monument Application: Lou Ehlers Cadillac, report (Los Angeles: Department of City Planning, May 27, 2008), 3-4, http://cityplanning.lacity.org/StaffRpt/CHC/7-17-08/CHC-2008-2749.pdf (accessed September 23, 2009); Los Angeles Conservancy, "Lou Ehlers Cadillac Demolished," Preservation Alerts & Issues, http://www.laconservancy.org/issues/issues_ehlers.php4 (accessed September 23, 2009); Office of Historic Resources, Recommendation Report: Historic-Cultural Monument Application for the Felix Chevrolet Showroom and Neon Roof Sign, report (Los Angeles: Department of City Planning, July 12, 2007), 1-3 (accessed September 6, 2009); Val Zavala, writer, "How Many Lives Does This Cat Have and Will It Block Progress?" in Life & Times, KCET (PBS), August 29, 2007, http://legacy.kcet.org/lifeandtimes/archives/200708/20070829.php (accessed September 23, 2009); Bob Pool, "Catapulted to New Heights: The Felix Chevrolet Dealership's Neon Cat Sign in Los Angeles Gets a Historic-Cultural Monument Designation," Los Angeles Times, July 13, 2007, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed July 22, 2010); Darryl Holter, "It's Your History, but It's Our Sign," Los Angeles Times, July 26, 2007, Opinion sec., http://articles.latimes.com/2007/jul/26/opinion/oe-holter26 (accessed September 23, 2009); Mary Klaus-Martin, Richard Barron, and Los Angeles Cultural Heritage Commission, "Walking Felix the Cat Backward; Re 'It's Your History, but It's Our Sign,' Opinion, July 26," Los Angeles Times, August 1, 2007, Letters to the Editor sec., http://proquest.umi.com (accessed July 22, 2010); Los Angeles Times, "Felix the Cat Sign Won't Get Historical Status," Los Angeles Times, October 11, 2007, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed July 22, 2010); Ashley Archibald, "Felix the Cat Loses One of Its Nine Lives: L.A. City Council Tables to Motion to Make Felix the Cat a Monument Without Ever Voting on the Matter," USC Daily Trojan, October 11, 2007, http://www.dailytrojan.com (accessed September 6, 2009). 19 Norman Tyler, Ted J. Ligibel, and Ilene R. Tyler, Historic Preservation: An Introduction to Its History, Principles, and Practice, 2nd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2009), 117-119; Michael A. Tomlan, "Preservation Practice Comes of Age," in Past Meets Future: Saving America's Historic Environments, ed. Antoinette J. Lee (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1992), 75-76; Richard Longstreth, "When the Present Becomes the Past," in Past Meets Future: Saving America's Historic Environments, ed. Antoinette J. Lee (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1992), 222-223; Paul Goldberger, "'Facadism' on the Rise: Preservation or Illusion?" New York Times, July 15, 1985, http://www.nytimes.com/1985/07/15/nyregion/facadism-on-the-rise-preservation-or-illusion.html (accessed July 22, 2010); Michael J. Lewis, "Fixer Uppers: How Much Change Is Too Much?" New York Times, April 7, 2002, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/04/07/weekinreview/07LEWI.html (accessed July 22, 2010); Christopher Hume, "Is a Little History Worse than None? It's Easy to Deride Facadism. But What Can We Propose in Its Place?" Toronto Star, November 30, 2008, http://www.thestar.com/comment/columnists/article/546013 (accessed July 22, 2010). 20 Roadside Pictures, "Postcard: Ken Clark Pontiac Dealership, Los Angeles, California, 1960's [sic]," Flickr, May 17, 2005, http://www.flickr.com/photos/54177448@N00/49244327/ (accessed April 29, 2011); Herb J. Wesson Jr., "Reenergizing the Crenshaw Corridor: The Tenth Welcomes Coliseum Center," Eye on the Tenth: 10th District 1, issue 2 (May 2006), http://www.ens.lacity.org/council/cd10/cd10newsletter/cd10cd10newsletter265339925_08162006.pdf (accessed January 13, 2010); Daniel Miller, Los Angeles Business Journal, "Giving Crenshaw a New Look," February 12, 2007, http://www.thefreelibrary.com (accessed January 13, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Super Signage: California: Los Angeles (Page 1)," Roadside Architecture, accessed April 29, 2011, 107 http://www.agilitynut.com/signs/cala.html. See also Robert Genat, The American Car Dealership (St. Paul, MN: Motorbooks International, 2004), frontispiece, title page, copyright page, 48. 21 Heritage Consulting Group, Central City Development and Redevelopment Projects, report (Portland, OR: Portland Business Alliance, April, 2005), 4, http://www.portlandalliance.com/pdf/2005DevRedevReport.pdf (accessed September 10, 2009); Brewery Blocks, "History - Family/Brewery History," The Brewery Blocks in Portland's Pearl District, http://www.breweryblocks.com/history/ (accessed September 10, 2009); Janet Christ, "A New Kid on the Brewery Blocks," Oregonian, March 6, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed September 10, 2009); Brian Libby, "Mixed Use Brewery Blocks," Architecture Week, May 11, 2005, http://www.architectureweek.com/2005/0511/environment_1-2.html (accessed June 24, 2007). 22 Leef Smith, "A Sign of Times Past Bows Out in Ballston as Car Dealer Closes: Builder Buys Vintage Chevy Showroom," Washington Post, May 4, 2006, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- dyn/content/article/2006/05/03/AR2006050300844.html (accessed August 18, 2007); Arlington Heritage Alliance, "Arlington on Alert: Arlington's Most Endangered Places 2007," Cap Access: Greater Washington's Community Network, http://www.capaccess.org/arlingtonheritage/Arlington_on_Alert_2007Report.pdf (accessed May 28, 2008); Stephanie Smith, "D.C. Area to Lose Midcentury Modern Car Dealership," Preservation, May 14, 2008, http://www.preservationnation.org/magazine/2008/todays-news/dc-area-to-lose-midcentury-m.html (accessed May 28, 2008); DC Metrocentric: New Buildings, Construction, Destruction, Planning, Real Estate, and Gossip as It Happens in the Nation's Capital, "Bob Peck, from Cars to Condos," web log entry posted March 12, 2008, http://dcmetrocentric.com/2008/03/12/bob-peck-from-cars-to-condos/ (accessed May 28, 2008). 23 Charles Phoenix, Cruising the Pomona Valley 1930 thru 1970 (Los Angeles: Horn of Plenty Press, 1999), 90-91, 106-107; T.M. & Gomer Jones Studebaker Dealer, "Advertisement," Covina Argus Citizen, April 12, 1956, Valley Classified Ads sec., http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 22, 2009); Google, "155 W. Commercial St, Pomona, CA," Google Maps: Street View, accessed April 29, 2011, http://maps.google.com/. 24 Suzanne Tarbell Cooper, John W. Thomas, and J. Christopher Launi, Long Beach Art Deco, Images of America (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2006), 34-35, http://books.google.com/books?id=Jr_gOFpYyYIC (accessed January 27, 2009); Long Beach Development Services, "Hancock Motors," City of Long Beach, http://www.longbeach.gov/civica/filebank/blobdload.asp?BlobID=12010 (accessed January 26, 2009); Long Beach Development Services, "Historic Landmarks," City of Long Beach, http://www.lbds.info/planning/historic_preservation/historic_landmarks.asp (accessed July 26, 2010).California Travel News, LLC., "Long Beach Historic Landmarks - 4," BeachCalifornia.com, 16.52.690, http://www.beachcalifornia.com/lbhis4.html (accessed January 27, 2009); Louise Ivers, "Preservation: Hancock Motors Building," Los Angeles Times, November 10, 1994, http://articles.latimes.com/1994-11-10/news/hl-60948_1_exposition-des-art-decoratifs-building-in-long- beach-anaheim-street (accessed July 26, 2010); Historical Society of Long Beach, "Our History," Welcome to Long Beach Historical Society, http://www.historicalsocietylb.org/briefhistory.html (accessed January 27, 2009). 25 Stuart R. Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens in L.A.," Old Cars Weekly, July 6, 2006, 80, http://www.veniceinvestments.com/pdf/reopens.pdf (accessed January 22, 2009); Andrew Moyle, "Packard Building Shifts into New Gear - Venice Investments Turns 92-Year-Old Structure into 116 Lofts," Los Angeles Downtown News, February 6, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed January 22, 2009); Bob Pool, "Major Overhaul for Classic Car Lot," Los Angeles Times, February 3, 2006, http://articles.latimes.com/2006/feb/03/local/me-packard3 (accessed January 22, 2009). 26 Pool, "Major Overhaul for Classic". 108 27 Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens"; Cecilia Rasmussen, "Youth's Electric Carriage Led to an Empire," Los Angeles Times, June 21, 1998, http://articles.latimes.com/1998/jun/21/local/me- 62147 (accessed January 29, 2009); Los Angeles Times, "Transportation Pageant Opens New Anthony Building Tonight; Mayors to Lend Grace to Event," February 22, 1929, http://www.latimes.com (accessed January 29, 2009). 28 Los Angeles Times, "Ornate Packard Home Is Planned: Earle C. Anthony to Build on Hope Street," June 25, 1911, http://www.latimes.com (accessed January 29, 2009); Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens"; Parkinson Archives LLC, "Firm History," The Parkinson Architectural Archives, http://www.parkinsonarchitecture.com/firmhistory.html (accessed July 27, 2010); Gebhard, National Trust Guide, 199; Striner, Art Deco, 85; Preservation, "Sparkling Survivors: Once Admired, Later Scorned, Now Cherished Again, Art Deco Buildings Still Enliven Streetscapes Across the United States. Here Are Six of Our Favorites," July/August 2008, 45; Hannah Heidi Levy, Famous Wisconsin Artists and Architects, Famous Wisconsin (Oregon, WI: Badger Books, 2004), 245-246, http://books.google.com/books?id=mLuiKdgFfUwC (accessed July 30, 2010); ArchINFORM, "George (Edwin) Bergstrom," International Architecture Database, http://eng.archinform.net/arch/18323.htm (accessed July 30, 2010); U.S. Department of Defense, "History: Concept to Early Construction (1941- 1942)," The Pentagon Official Web Site, http://pentagon.afis.osd.mil/history.html (accessed July 30, 2010); David Gebhard and Robert Winter, An Architectural Guidebook to Los Angeles, 5th ed. (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2003), 154, http://books.google.com/books?id=WWl29hn0C9gC (accessed January 31, 2009); University of Southern California School of Architecture, "Project: Earle C. Anthony Automobile Showroom," Greene & Greene Virtual Archives, http://www.usc.edu/dept/architecture/greeneandgreene/106.html (accessed January 31, 2009). 29 Stern, New Let There Be Neon, 19, 24; Randall L. Caba, "Finding the Neon Light, Part Three - The Father of Neon," SignIndustry.com: The Online Magazine for the Sign Industry, January 14, 2004, http://www.signindustry.com/neon/articles/2004-01-14-RC-FindingPt3.php3 (accessed January 29, 2009); Pool, "Major Overhaul for Classic"; Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens"; Rasmussen, "Youth's Electric Carriage Led"; Barry Mishkind, "Pioneer Profiles: Earle C. Anthony Drives KFI to Fame," The Broadcast Archive, January 10, 2006, http://www.oldradio.com/archives/stations/LA/kfi.htm (accessed January 29, 2009). 30 Gebhard and Winter, Architectural Guidebook to Los Angeles, 154; Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens"; Daniella Thompson and Berkeley Heritage, "Inspired by Precedent, Part 2: Built in 1957, Anthony Hall Looks Like a Maybeck Building for a Reason," East Bay: Then and Now (October 24, 2006): , http://berkeleyheritage.com/eastbay_then-now/inspired_by_precedent2.html (accessed January 29, 2009); Maybeck Foundation, "Maybeck and His Work," Maybeck Foundation: Celebrating the Work of Bernard Maybeck, http://www.maybeck.org/maybeck.html (accessed January 29, 2009); Los Angeles Times, "Transportation Pageant Opens"; Rasmussen, "Youth's Electric Carriage Led". 31 Blond, "Legendary Packard Building Re-opens". See also Bill Dredge, "Motor Minding: Pioneering Auto Dealers Recalled," Los Angeles Times, May 6, 1962, http://www.latimes.com (accessed January 29, 2009); Pool, "Major Overhaul for Classic"; Moyle, "Packard Building Shifts". 32 Sharon H. Sweeting and Hyattsville Preservation Association, "Letter (and Enclosures) to 'Fellow Preservationist': Lustine/ Route 1 Redevelopment," Preserve Hyattsville (January 31, 2005): , http://www.preservehyattsville.org/support letter 2.pdf (accessed January 30, 2009); City of Hyattsville, Summary (Final): Special Community Meeting: EYA Presentation of Proposal for Development of the Route 1/Lustine Site, report (City of Hyattsville, March 2, 2005), 1, 2, 4, http://www.hyattsville.org/images/hy/2002/CM_Rt1final.pdf (accessed January 30, 2009); Joe Coombs, "Deal Turns Car Lot into Townhomes," Washington Business Journal, August 5, 2005, http://washington.bizjournals.com/washington/stories/2005/08/08/story7.html (accessed January 30, 2009); Joe Coombs, "Rt. 1 Development in Md.," Washington Business Journal, July 20, 2007, http://washington.bizjournals.com/washington/stories/2007/07/23/story11.html (accessed January 30, 2009); Darragh Johnson, "A Haven Grows in Hyattsville: An Arts District Pioneer Helps Revitalize Prince 109 George's County's Faded Route 1 Corridor," Washington Post, March 5, 2006, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/28/AR2006022800949.html (accessed January 30, 2009); Robert Charles Lesser & Co., "On the Ground: Cutting-Edge Urban Infill in Downtown Hyattsville, MD," The Advisory (February 2008): http://www.rclco.com/generalpdf/general_Feb2620081141_TheAdvisoryFeb08_rev2.pdf (accessed January 30, 2009). 33 Sweeting and Hyattsville Preservation Association, "Letter (and Enclosures)"; City of Hyattsville, Summary (Final): Special Community, 5-6; Outlook Online: The University of Maryland Faculty and Staff Newspaper, "Preserving the Past to Help the Future," March 7, 2005, http://www.outlook.umd.edu/article.cfm?id=1824 (accessed January 30, 2009); Ruth Grover, Memorandum: Subject: Detailed Site Plan, DSP-04076, EYA Hyattsville (MD: Urban Design Section, Development Review Division, Prince George's County Planning Board, August 11, 2005), 2, 6, in Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, http://mncppcapps.org/planning/Resolutions/2005%20Resolution%20PDFs/DSP-04076.pdf (accessed January 30, 2009). 34 Isabelle Gournay, "Hyattsville Then and Now: Lustine Dealership Showroom," Hyattsville Preservation Association, http://www.preservehyattsville.org/hythenandnow.htm (accessed January 30, 2009). 35 City of Hyattsville, Summary (Final): Special Community, 2, 4-6; Timothy Davis, "Re: [Planning Committee] June 7. 2005, Comments on EYA -- DRAFT," Yahoo! Groups message board, Hyattsville Preservation, June 13, 2005, http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hyattspreservation/message/373?var=1 (accessed January 30, 2009); Gournay, "Hyattsville Then and Now"; Grover, Memorandum: Subject: Detailed Site, 7-8. 36 EYA, "Lustine Showroom Restoration Complete -- The Area's Coolest New Community Center Is Now Open," In the News Newsletter, September 2007, http://www.eya.com/News/Corporate/Lustine_Showroom_Restoration_CompleteThe_areas_coolest_new_ community_center_is_now_open (accessed January 30, 2009); Grover, Memorandum: Subject: Detailed Site, 15; Ruth E. Grover, DSP-04076/01. Project Name: EYA Hyattsville (Lustine Properties)-First Revision (MD: Development Review Division, Prince George's County Planning Department, 2006), 2-4, in Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission, http://mncppcapps.org/planning/Resolutions/2006%20Resolution%20PDFs/DSP-04076-01.pdf (accessed January 30, 2009); Johnson, "Haven Grows in Hyattsville"; Robert Charles Lesser & Co., "On the Ground". 37 Maryland Historical Trust, "33rd Annual Maryland Preservation Awards: 2008 Award Recipients," State of Maryland, http://mht.maryland.gov/awards_2008.html (accessed July 30, 2010); EYA, "Restoration of Lustine Center Honored with Preservation Award," In the News Newsletter, June 2008, http://www.eya.com/News/Corporate/Restoration_of_Lustine_Center_Honored_with_Preservation_Award (accessed January 30, 2009); EYA, "Arts District Hyattsville Wins Green Building Award," In the News Newsletter, October 2008, http://www.eya.com/News/Arts_District_Hyattsville/Arts_District_Hyattsville_Wins_Green_Building_Aw ard (accessed January 30, 2009); EYA, "EYA Wind Two 'Best in American Living' Awards," In the News Newsletter, February 2008, http://www.eya.com/News/Arts_District_Hyattsville/EYA_Wins_Two_Best_in_American_Living_Awards (accessed January 30, 2009). 38 Jordan Hernandez, "Crazy Dream Becomes a Reality in Crowley: Former Ford Motor Co. Building Becomes City Hall," Lafayette Daily Advertiser, June 15, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 30, 2006). See also Acadia Parish Tourist Commission, "Crowley / Ford Motor Company Building," Zydeco Cajun Prairie Scenic Byway, http://www.zydecocajunbyway.com/images/crowley/slideshow/pages/Dscn2245.htm (accessed January 28, 2009); City of Crowley, "Cultural Attractions," Crowley: Where Life Is Rice and Easy, http://crowley- 110 la.com/RETIREMENT/retire_attractions.html (accessed February 4, 2009); R. 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See also See also Washington State Library, "About WTBBL and the Building," Washington Talking Book & Braille Library, http://www.wtbbl.org/wtbblhistory.aspx (accessed September 10, 2009); Wikipedia, "NBBJ," Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NBBJ (accessed September 30, 2009); Thomas Street History Services, Context Statement: Denny Triangle. 45 Federal Bureau of Investigation, "George Jackson Brigade," FBI Records: Our Freedom of Information/Privacy Act Website, http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/georgejacksonbrigade.htm (accessed September 10, 2009); Daniel Burton-Rose, "Creating a Movement with Teeth: The Complete Communiques of the George Jackson Brigade," George Jackson Brigade Information Project, http://www.gjbip.org/comm_teeth.htm (accessed September 10, 2009); John Arthur Wilson, "Fugitive's Thumbprint on Letter, Says F.B.I.," Seattle Times, October 19, 1977, H1, accessed September 23, 2010, http://nl.newsbank.com; John Arthur Wilson, "Support for Auto Strike: Sherman Admits Fire-Bombings," Seattle Times, April 27, 1978, C5, accessed September 23, 2010, http://nl.newsbank.com; Sukant Chandan, "The George Jackson Brigade," Sons of Malcolm, web log entry posted January 4, 2008, http://sonsofmalcolm.blogspot.com/2008/01/george-jackson-brigade.html (accessed September 10, 2009); Federal Bureau of Investigation, "George Jackson Brigade: Part 03," FBI Records: Our Freedom of Information/Privacy Act Website, 15, 17, 20, 24-25, 36, http://foia.fbi.gov/brigade/george_jackson_brigade_pt03.pdf (accessed September 10, 2009). 46 No Separate Peace: A News-Magazine for Construction Workers, "750 Strong Support Auto Mechanics Strike," May 1, 1978, 1, http://courses.washington.edu/hist450/pdf/nsp/NSP0578.pdf (accessed September 10, 2009); Federal Bureau of Investigation, "George Jackson Brigade: Part 03," 15; Federal 111 Bureau of Investigation, "George Jackson Brigade"; Seattle Department of Neighborhoods, "Historical Sites: Summary for 2021 9th"; Pucci, "Incentives Aid Chrysler Sales". 47 Washington State Library, "About WTBBL and the Building". 48 Washington State Library, "Services Offered by Washington Talking Book & Braille Library," Washington Talking Book & Braille Library, http://www.wtbbl.org/servicesoffered.aspx (accessed September 10, 2009); Seattle Public Library Foundation, "Washington Talking Book and Braille Library," HistoryLink: The Free Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History, http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=pf_output.cfm&file_id=4155 (accessed July 31, 2010); Dick Lilly, "City Finds Likely Police Precinct Site -- Downtown Parcel Sought as Part of Deal with State," Seattle Times, December 8, 1992, http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19921208&slug=1528984 (accessed September 10, 2009); Seattle City Council, Council Bill Number: 116602; Ordinance Number: 123064 (Seattle, WA: City Clerk, August, 2009), http://clerk.seattle.gov/~scripts/nph- brs.exe?s1=%40dtir%3E%3D20090420&s2=&s3=&s4=&Sect4=OR&l=200&Sect1=IMAGE&Sect2=THE SOFF&Sect3=PLUROFF&Sect5=LEGI2&Sect6=HITOFF&d=LEGI&p=4&u=%2F~public%2Flegi2.htm &r=746&f=G (accessed September 10, 2009). 49 Note: accounts differ about the dealership’s year. The National Park Service survey lists it as being from 1925, while the Ransbottom article claims it was built in 1928. 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The Bridge at Studeo 315, web log entry posted December 7, 2007, http://thebridgeatstudeo315.blogspot.com/2007/12/what-is-studeo-spelled- way-it-is.html (accessed January 24, 2009; site now discontinued); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Studebaker Showrooms," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/showrooms/stude.html (accessed January 22, 2009); Northern Indiana Center for History, "The Industries of South Bend and Mishawaka: The Studebaker Manufacturing Company," St. Joseph County, Indiana History Chapter Two, http://www.centerforhistory.org/indiana_stjoe_history2.html (accessed January 24, 2009). 51 Ken Bradford, "Mishawaka Welcoming Downtown Youth Center," South Bend Tribune, March 24, 2004, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed January 24, 2009). 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Madness," Albuquerque Weekly Alibi, September 13, 1999, Editorials sec., http://weeklywire.com/ww/09-13-99/alibi_news.html (accessed January 30, 2009); Albuquerque Journal, "No Need to Fight Over Building Rescue," Albuquerque Journal, September 24, 1999, Editorials sec., http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed March 6, 2009); Albuquerque Journal, "Property Rights Observed in Breach," Albuquerque Journal, October 2, 1999, Editorials sec., http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed March 6, 2009). TV news reports and talk-radio broadcasts are listed at: NM Apartment Report, "Nob Hill Landmark - Jones Automotive," Special Projects in the Works, http://www.nmapartment.com/projects.html (accessed October 3, 2006). 116 76 Barol, "Brewery, County Agree"; Albuquerque Journal, "Beer Mugs Hoisted to Nob Hill Partners," October 18, 1999, Editorials sec., http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed March 6, 2009); National Park Service, "Historic Preservation Easements: A Historic Preservation Tool with Federal Tax Benefits," Technical Preservation Services, http://www.nps.gov/hps/TPS/tax/easement.htm (accessed February 9, 2009); Michael Turnbell, "New Project Sought for Bond Money," Albuquerque Journal, December 30, 1999, http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed March 6, 2009); Michelle Pentz, "Kellys [sic] Survives the Troubles," Albuquerque Journal, May 8, 2000, http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed January 30, 2009). 77 National Park Service, "Jones Motor Company: Albuquerque, New Mexico"; Albuquerque Landmarks & Urban Conservation Commission, "Jones Motor Company"; Charlotte Balcomb, "Kellys [sic] Serves Hefty Portions of Fun," Albuquerque Journal, September 29, 2000, Restaurant Reviews sec., http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed August 7, 2010); Olsen, Route 66 Lost and Found, 97; Alex Tucker, "Former Jones Motor Company & Texaco Gas Station, Now Kelly's Brewpub," Flickr, January 16, 2011, accessed April 30, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/madronaway/5553303055/. 78 Pentz, "Kellys [sic] Survives the Troubles"; Dena Braun, "A Historic Taste of Albuquerque: Get the Flavor of New Mexico in Two Iconic Restaurants," New Mexico Travel, web log entry posted June 6, 2009, http://new-mexico-travel.suite101.com/article.cfm/a_historic_taste_of_albuquerque (accessed August 8, 2010); Heather Harrison, "Cold Stone Creamery to Open Seventh NM Store," New Mexico Business Weekly, February 4, 2003, http://tampabay.bizjournals.com/albuquerque/stories/2003/02/03/daily9.html (accessed January 30, 2009); John Hagstrom, "66c Albuquerque, NM - The Flower Shop at Nob Hill," Flickr, June 19, 2009, accessed April 30, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/11311958@N06/3643136210/. 7979 Kingsley Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk Through Time (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2004), 134- 135, http://books.google.com/books?id=JpskTc9Mk_kC (accessed January 27, 2009). 80 Ralph Emerson Twitchell, ed., The Leading Facts of New Mexican History, Vol. III (Cedar Rapids, IA: Torch Press, 1917), 40, http://books.google.com/books?id=GUUOAAAAIAAJ (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "Quickel Auto Plant Burned in Duke City," June 29, 1923, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Quickel Auto & Supply Co., "Advertisement," Albuquerque Journal, March 27, 1929, 8, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 22, 2009); Abby Roedel, "Downtown Is Flourishing," New Mexico Business Weekly, May 19, 2006, http://www.bizjournals.com/albuquerque/stories/2006/05/22/focus5.html (accessed August 10, 2010); Google, "600 Central Ave SW, Albuquerque, NM," Google Maps: Street View, accessed April 30, 2011, http://maps.google.com. 81 Houk Motor Company, "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, January 13, 1938, 5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "Village Gossip of Old Santa Fe," March 15, 1938, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Don Carlos Motor Co., "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, August 10, 1938, 5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Don Carlos Motor Co., "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, April 5, 1941, 5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Withrow Motor Company, "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, June 22, 1941, 11, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009). 82 Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk, 134; Zia Motors, "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, December 21, 1954, 9A, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "Motor Pool Program Abandoned By State," May 14, 1957, 1, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Jones Lincoln-Mercury-Edsel Sales, Inc., "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, August 12, 1957, 10, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Jones Lincoln-Mercury-Edsel Sales, Inc., "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, June 5, 1962, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "Theft Reported," October 26, 1964, 2, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Kay Wiest, "Formal 117 Opening Planned," Santa Fe New Mexican, July 31, 1970, A7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); 83 Santa Fe New Mexican, "The Birth of a Village," May 23, 1975, 54, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009). 84 Chris Wilson, The Myth of Santa Fe: Creating a Modern Regional Tradition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001. First published 1997), 254-262, 313; Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk, 134; Flynn, ed., Treasures on New Mexico Trails, 33. 85 Cradoc Bagshaw, "New Santa Fe Village Is a World of Its Own," Pasatiempo: The New Mexican Sunday Feature Section, April 18, 1971, 1, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "The Birth of a Village," May 23, 1975, 54, 58, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk, 134-135; Calla F. Hay, "Paso Por Aqui," Santa Fe New Mexican, January 31, 1971, Sec. 3 p. 1, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Cradoc Bagshaw, "Santa Fe Village: Photo Feature," Santa Fe New Mexican, February 28, 1971, A12, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "Gallery and Shop Centers Preserve Ancient City Style," August 29, 1971, 12, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009). 86 Hammett, Santa Fe: A Walk, 134. 87 Santa Fe New Mexican, "The Birth of a Village," 54. 88 Santa Fe Village, "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, May 14, 1971, A23, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009). 89 Santa Fe Village, "Advertisement"; Calla F. Hay, "Paso Por Aqui," Santa Fe New Mexican, September 29, 1971, A7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 27, 2009); Santa Fe New Mexican, "The Birth of a Village," 54, 58; La Casa Santa Fe, "Santa Fe Shopping," La Casa Santa Fe: Your Vacation Home in the Heart of Santa Fe, http://www.lacasasantafe.com/santa-fe-shopping.html (accessed January 27, 2009). 90 Santa Fe Village, "Advertisement". 91 David Enscoe, "Bring Back the Studebaker: For the Past 25 Years, This 1920s-Era Studebaker Dealership Has Been Home to an Antique Shop," Press of Atlantic City, September 10, 1999, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 31, 2010). See also Studebaker National Museum, "The History of the Studebaker National Museum," Official Studebaker National Museum Website, http://www.studebakermuseum.org/history.asp (accessed August 11, 2010). 92 Steve Sless, "South Jersey Big on Collectibles," Press of Atlantic City, October 2, 1992, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed January 22, 2009). 93 Thomas Barlas, "Route 40 Bicentennial - A Road Long Traveled: From Delaware to Atlantic City, Its 65 Miles Are Highlighted by Different Personalities," Press of Atlantic City, June 26, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed January 22, 2009). See also Enscoe, "Bring Back the Studebaker"; Old Cars Weekly, "Can Former Studebaker Dealership Be Saved?" August 24, 2009, http://www.oldcarsweekly.com/article/former_Studebaker_dealership_rescue/ (accessed July 31, 2010); Denis Mercier, "Wheels: A Slew of Studebakers at the Shore," Newark Star-Ledger, November 12, 2009, http://www.nj.com/gloucester-county/towns/index.ssf/2009/11/wheels_a_slew_of_studebakers_a.html (accessed July 31, 2010). 94 Enscoe, "Bring Back the Studebaker". 118 95 Ron Cohen, "Studebaker Dealership Atlantic City Mission Revival Architectural Gem 9k Sf Bldg. 1 Acre Busy Rt 40," INetGiant Classifieds: Real Estate for Sale: Business and Commercial Real Estate, accessed July 31, 2010, http://www.inetgiant.com/AdDetails/Studebaker-Dealership-ATLANTIC- CITY-Mission-Revival-Architectural-Gem-9K-sf-Bldg-1-Acre-BUSY-Rt-40/2278552. 96 Mercier, "Wheels: A Slew"; Historic American Buildings Survey, "Studebaker Dealership, U.S. Highway 40, Pleasantville, Atlantic, NJ," Library of Congress: Prints & Photographs Online Catalog, http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/nj1428/ (accessed August 11, 2010); National Park Service, "Appendix A: Existing Documentation," Resorts & Recreation: An Historic Theme Study of the New Jersey Heritage Trail Route, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/nj2/appa.htm (accessed January 22, 2009); Chris Collins, "Peter Crisitello, SDC Regional Manager for New Jersey (Atlantic Zone) Is Leading an Effort," The Hillholder: North Georgia Chapter of the Studebaker Drivers Club 34, issue 12 (December 2009): http://www.studebakerclubs.com/NorthGeorgia/Hillholders/BackHillholders/H0912.pdf (accessed July 31, 2010); Old Cars Weekly, "Can Former Studebaker Dealership"; Peter Crisitello, "Thread: The Last Dealership," Online posting on a forum thread, The Studebaker Drivers Club Forum, November 11, 2009, http://forum.studebakerdriversclub.com/showthread.php?25194-The-Last- Dealership&p=256373&viewfull=1 (accessed July 31, 2010). 97 West Coast Perspective, "Vernor Building Demo Underway," Buffalo Rising: Your Guide to Buffalo NY News, Arts, Events, web log entry posted May 4, 2007, http://archives.buffalorising.com/story/breaking_vernor_building_demo (accessed March 9, 2009); Parkside Community Association, "History of the Parkside Area and Community," Welcome to Historic Parkside, Buffalo, NY, http://www.parksidebuffalo.org/history.html (accessed January 23, 2009); Hamilton Houston Lownie Architects, LLC, "Greater Buffalo Savings Bank Corporate Headquarters and Main Bank Branch," HHL Portfolio, http://www.hhlarchitects.com/projects/PDFs/gbsb%20jewett.pdf (accessed January 23, 2009); Gregg D. Merksamer, "Commemorating the Centennial of the First Pierce-Arrow Automobile, Built in 1901," Popular Mechanics, October 2001, http://www.popularmechanics.com (accessed January 23, 2009); David M. Rote, "34-A Braun Cadillac Showroom (1995)," City of Buffalo, http://www.ci.buffalo.ny.us/Home/OurCity/Buffalo_My_City/Buffalo_My_City_Watercolors/34A_Braun_ Cadillac_Showroom_1995 (accessed January 23, 2009); Chuck LaChiusa, "A Short History of the Pierce- Arrow Showroom," Buffalo as an Architectural Museum, http://buffaloah.com/a/main/2421/hist/index.html (accessed August 11, 2010). 98 LaChiusa, "Short History"; Jonathan D. Epstein, "Greater Buffalo Savings Bank Unveils Renovated Building at HQ Site," Buffalo News, May 17, 2005, http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed January 23, 2009); West Coast Perspective, "LPCiminelli Is Parkside Bound," Buffalo Rising: Your Guide to Buffalo NY News, Arts, Events, web log entry posted September 9, 2008, http://archives.buffalorising.com/story/lpciminelli_is_parkside_bound (accessed January 23, 2009); Hamilton Houston Lownie Architects, LLC, "Greater Buffalo Savings Bank"; Parkside Community Association, "History of the Parkside"; Debra Jane Seltzer, "New York Car Showrooms," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/showrooms/ny.html (accessed August 11, 2010). 99 Thomas Hartley, "Acquisition Consolidates Market for First Niagara," Business First of Buffalo: Western New York's Business Newspaper, September 14, 2007, http://buffalo.bizjournals.com/buffalo/stories/2007/09/17/story1.html (accessed January 23, 2009; James Fink, "$4.7 Million Buys LPCiminelli New HQ Site," Business First of Buffalo: Western New York's Business Newspaper, September 8, 2008, http://www.bizjournals.com/buffalo/stories/2008/09/08/daily8.html (accessed January 23, 2009); West Coast Perspective, "LPCiminelli Is Parkside Bound"; Sharon Linstedt, "LP Ciminelli Moving Headquarters to a Larger Space Uptown," Buffalo News, September 10, 2008, http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed January 23, 2009). 119 CHAPTER 2 Progressing Past the Pumps: The Adaptive Reuse of Gas Stations The gas station holds a crucial place in American society. Beyond supplying the fuel that keeps cars running, its role as a provider of repairs, maintenance, and parts has made it invaluable to drivers over the years – giving them the ability to travel (especially long distances) freely. Although the station has now largely ceded its automotive service aspect to other businesses, it still remains a welcoming place for drivers to take a break from driving, buy a drink and a snack, go to the restroom, and get directions. As the most common commercial building type in the country, the gas station is a familiar part of the landscape – whether fitting in with surrounding structures so that locals perceive it as a good neighbor, or sticking out stylistically so that passing drivers notice it. Regardless of the gas station’s great utility and despite (or perhaps because of) its ubiquitous nature, the American public has often held it in low esteem. However, as appreciation is rising for both its important role in history and its architecture, gas station preservation and/or adaptive reuse efforts have become increasingly frequent nationally. 1 Before the advent of gas pumps and then gas stations, filling up an automobile’s gas tank was problematic. Early motorists generally purchased gasoline at bulk fuel depots, rare sites typically located inconveniently in outlying areas. There, they had to transfer flammable fuel from massive storage tanks through a series of containers, 120 funnels, and filters into the car. Refueling was a dangerous, dirty, time-consuming process. A much safer, more efficient system for distribution, the gas pump, became widely available in 1905. Pumps – utilizing fuel that oil companies delivered to underground tanks – began popping up in front of existing businesses such as car dealerships, garages, general stores, and markets. By 1919, nearly fifty percent of America’s gasoline came from such curbside operations. However, they created problems – jamming traffic, blocking trolley tracks and stops, and causing car crashes. By 1923, fourteen cities had already banned new curbside pumps, and numerous other areas followed. 2 Thus began the era of the drive-in filling station – located on a separate lot where refueling drivers could pull their cars fully off the street. Some preceded curbside stations’ decline; the first, which was the Automobile Gasoline Company’s chain, started in 1905 in St. Louis. Filling station ownership differed, ranging from oil companies to gasoline distributors to independents who purchased gas from those sources. By 1929, approximately 143,000 drive-in stations sold 91.7 percent of all gasoline. In the beginning, most were essentially shacks or sheds, small structures housing just an office – with pumps out front. Increasingly, though, competition and outside pressure (from local residents, officials, and especially proponents of the City Beautiful movement) prompted owners to beautify what many considered blights. Oil companies realized that improving their station designs could raise their image and increase sales – ascertaining that the quality of a station structure could influence public perception of its brand’s gasoline quality. 3 121 Several major design types originated during this improvement period. Some architects utilized historical styles to make stations look similar to prominent civic structures (such as banks, city halls, and courthouses), seeking to gain respectability and dignity for these so-called “artistic” stations (and their brands) through association. In the East, these miniature monuments frequently featured neoclassical and Colonial Revival architecture, while in the West and Southwest, many boasted Spanish Colonial Revival and mission styles. Locals generally perceived such sites to be beautiful assets to their communities. 4 Meanwhile, “domestic” stations blended in with their surroundings through residential design, looking like small houses, cottages, or bungalows (sometimes even including a porch-like pump canopy). When stations resembled existing homes, residents were less likely to object to their arrival. In addition, owners could easily construct them using common, affordable materials. Further, the buildings’ familiarity could help attract travelers on the road by conjuring up valuable visions of family, comfort, and security. Premiering their quaint prototypes in 1927, Pure Oil and Phillips 66 pioneered the “domestic” type, which quickly became the era’s most popular station style. 5 Another trendy type was the “fantastical” station, aimed at catching passing drivers’ attention. These mostly-independent stations were often representational, taking the guise of giant gas pumps, lighthouses, windmills, icebergs, tepees, etc. This eye- catching but costly form died out after 1930 due to corporate consolidation and marketing / structural standardization. 6 The period’s other main type was entirely standardized – prefabricated, in fact. Termed “crackerboxes” by the industry, these stations – which existed as early as 1915 – 122 were metal structures that factories shipped in pieces. Their simple, cheap, and quick assembly resulted in solid-looking, durable buildings. Thus, they proved ideal for both startups and expanding companies. 7 Companies’ standardization went beyond having identical stations, though. They created distinctive but cohesive brand identities through not just architecture but also through consistently matching attendant uniforms, signage, pump-topping globes, and products such as oilcans. All of these items generally featured prominent corporate colors and logos, some of which went on to become American advertising icons (like Socony / Mobil’s flying red Pegasus and Texaco’s red star). Known as “place-product- packaging,” this integrated design and marketing concept helped drivers choose where to stop for gas on their travels – especially in unfamiliar areas – by giving corporate stations an easily recognizable image that (their companies hoped) represented chain-wide quality. The lack of a familiar look and a known product hurt independent stations and even stations that were part of local chains, as they had trouble attracting brand-loyal passersby. 8 As competition increased, stations began offering new features. Originally, gas station attendants just pumped gas and provided a few free, goodwill-promoting services, like cleaning windshields and checking cars’ oil and tire pressure. Drivers needing repairs typically patronized dealerships, independent garages, or repair shops that manufacturers established for their own car brands. However, with automobiles booming nationally, gas station owners recognized a valuable opportunity. Thus, during the 1920s, filling stations began transforming into service stations, offering an array of repairs, services, and parts and accessories for sale (as well as customer restrooms, which the 123 traveling public increasingly expected). Across the nation, existing stations added service areas or risked becoming obsolete. In the beginning, service areas were sometimes located outdoors, but new, separate buildings became more common (including those created by prefabricated stations’ manufacturers). Many garages, though, sat as additions to the original structures – as with a 1930 Phillips 66 station in Chandler, Oklahoma. In 1957, the tiny cottage received two attached service bays. [Figure 2.1]. (However, a Route 66 enthusiast who bought the vacant property removed the additions in 2007 as part of his still-ongoing effort to restore the station to its original appearance and turn it into a historical site.) 9 By the late 1920s, newly constructed stations included built-in service bays and integral, windowed, product showcases. Previously favored, weather-protecting pump canopies went out of style for new stations (except in some hot areas), since their posts could block entrances to the garages and sales areas. For the same reason, gas pumps moved farther away from the station structures. With these increasingly necessary new configurations, a sleek, rectangular station style that emphasized machine-like functionality – often called “the icebox” – became the common mode. Its biggest innovator was Texaco, for which renowned industrial designer / architect Walter Dorwin Teague created prototypes. Unveiled in 1937, over 500 Teague-designed icebox stations existed by 1940, and the number eventually climbed as high as 10,000. Historians generally believe that Teague’s creation, which mixed streamline moderne and International Style architecture, became America’s most well known gas station. Teague’s Texaco stations featured a smooth, gleaming, white exterior (typically made of porcelain enamel), topped by three green, raised speed lines and, above that, Texaco’s red 124 star emblems. Those elements are all still visible at Mac’s Texaco Service (now a repair shop called Auto Quality Care) in Orange, California. [Figure 2.2]. In Texaco’s successful wake, most other major chains debuted their own versions of the oblong box design. 10 A decade after Teague’s icebox premiered, another gas station innovation began: self-service, which would revolutionize the industry. George Urich, an independent operator in Los Angeles, began a chain of what he called Gas-A-Terias in 1947. As with their namesake, cafeterias, Urich figured that having customers pump their own gas would speed up the process and decrease costs for him, since the method required less labor and less money spent on attendants. He could then pass those savings along to customers by lowering the price of gas. Urich’s successful concept caught on, especially as automated pumps became widely utilized in the 1960s and beyond. As of 2010, only two states in America (Oregon and New Jersey) still require stations to be full-serve. 11 Along with the new serving process came new architectural styles. By the 1950s and ‘60s, the icebox had become so ubiquitous that, to some oil companies and independents, it seemed boring and bland. With massive competition, they needed their stations to stand out to passing drivers. Thus, they turned to modernism and googie to provide eye-catching structures. During this period, even famed modern architects designed gas stations. Frank Lloyd Wright created the Lindholm Service Station in Cloquet, Minnesota, for gas station entrepreneur Ray Lindholm – for whom Wright had previously designed a house. Lindholm’s station, which Wright designed in 1955 but which opened in 1958 under the Phillips 66 brand, still operates today. The structure, with its copper, cantilevered pump canopy, glass walls, and tall, lighted, rooftop sign 125 pylon, became part of the National Register of Historic Places in 1985 – before it even turned 30 years old, demonstrating its great significance. A decade after Wright’s station opened came an Esso brand gas station in Montreal, with Mies Van Der Rohe the designer of that canopied, glass box. (This dissertation describes that station’s forthcoming adaptive reuse later.) 12 Those modernist gas stations were not singular instances; chain-wide transitions occurred as well. Most notable nationally for their full switch to modern architecture were Phillips 66 and Mobil. Wright’s innovative design for the Cloquet station was a direct influence on Phillips 66, which left its iconic, cute cottages far behind with its new model in the late 1950s and ‘60s. The company utilized a simplified, more googie-style version of some of the Lindholm Service Station’s features, with its stations of the era offering canted office windows under a v-shaped, vaulting canopy that was lined underneath with neon and punctured at the end by a tall, steel-framed tower – as still evident at Mac’s 66 Service, which opened in 1956 in Overland Park, Kansas. [Figure 2.3]. Mobil’s modernist prototype came into being slightly later, with prominent architect / industrial designer Eliot Noyes creating its new look in 1964. Noyes’ creation featured attention-grabbing, circular canopies over unique, brushed-aluminum pumps, all sitting in front of a building with a large wall of glass surrounded by brick or stone. 13 However, just as had been the case with the earlier, shack-type stations, many civic activists did not approve of modern stations’ flashy facades – especially combined with other visible, unattractive items common outside stations (like garish advertisements, used tires, phone booths, and the like). One of the most prominent advocates of change was President Lyndon Johnson’s wife, Lady Bird Johnson, who in 126 1966 targeted gas stations as part of a national beautification campaign. Some cities banned new station construction, as they had decades earlier for curbside stations, and many enacted new zoning requirements regarding placement and aesthetics. In response, oil companies reverted to a design that had pleased their critics decades before, bringing back domestic architecture. This time, instead of cottages, they created stations that looked like what was then a very common mode for suburban subdivisions: the ranch house. Shell pioneered the ranch house type of gas station in the late 1950s; one of its many stations of that design, featuring two sloping gables with overhanging eaves, is the operational Peter’s Shell in Pomona, California. [Figure 2.4]. In 1964, Texaco followed the trend, leaving behind its Teague iceboxes with a station prototype it called “the Mattawan.” Although more boxy than Shell’s design, it featured elements typically found in suburban tracts of the era. The Mattawan’s mansard roof and fieldstone-covered walls are still in evidence at the former Zaragoza Texaco (now Complete Auto Sales), located on Route 66’s early alignment in Albuquerque. 14 [Figure 2.5]. During this contentious period, existing gas stations’ owners (and parent brands) sought to change their stations’ look to something more appropriate, especially considering the era’s emphasis on the environment (as the environmentalist movement was increasingly portraying cars, and thus the gas stations that fueled them, in a negative light). Thus, stations often received modernizing makeovers, with designers remodeling out-of-date exteriors through the cosmetic application of currently appreciated, natural looking materials. For instance, just down the street from that ranch house-style Shell in Pomona sits a much older station (now Andy’s Tires & Wheels), the side and back of 127 which still display its original, raised speed lines. [Figure 2.6]. The façade no longer shows the lines, though, since a mansard of brown shingles covers its upper portion. The mansard also surrounds the station’s canopy, which now has red brick encasing its columns. [Figure 2.7]. Similarly remade – albeit with different earth-related materials as appliqués – is the former Griffin Texaco Service (now Albuquerque Auto Glass), located on the same street as the newer, Mattawan-style Texaco. Griffin’s station was a Teague design, of the popular type that added a twin-finned canopy to the icebox (a feature Texaco frequently included in hot areas). The typical speed lines are still visible on its canopy, but brown stucco now completely obliterates the ones on the building itself. Meanwhile, fieldstone (like that at the nearby Mattawan) now coats the station’s base below the office windows, as well as the vertical segments between the service bays. 15 [Figures 2.8 and 2.9]. Numerous gas stations across the country had already closed by the time this “environmental look” trend hit, though, and more closures were looming. Along with increased competition, a major factor in the demise of many stations was the 1950s and 1960s opening of the interstates – and other limited-access or divided highways – across the nation. Their arrival bypassed stations sitting in what had previously been prime locations on major roads, whether regional thoroughfares or famed ones like Route 66. Since passing traffic from commuters, tourists, and other travelers was mostly gone, the stations had to depend on a local clientele – which frequently did not provide enough business to support them. 16 Stations that survived the interstate onslaught soon had to face competition not just from newer, bigger, better-located stations but also from new, chain businesses that 128 were springing up in the 1970s. Places like Jiffy Lube and Midas Muffler offered specific services, often at a discount; meanwhile, discounted parts from franchised auto parts stores gave car owners more power to perform their own work. Such operations – combined with the fact that new car models were more reliable and so required fewer repairs than had once been the case – made the previously invaluable “service” segment of service stations much less necessary. The number of repair-providing gas stations dropped sharply, going from 135,000 in 1978 to only 59,000 in 1987. 17 However, the steep decline was not limited to stations with service. Other factors had greatly affected the entire industry, causing the amount of gas stations nationally to plummet to 111,657 in 1990, down from 226,459 in 1972. The biggest contributor to the loss of over half of America’s gas stations was the Arab oil embargo. It began in 1973, when the Middle Eastern nations comprising OPEC (the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) first increased the price of oil by 100% and then banned fuel exports to the U.S. (as political retribution for America’s support of Israel during the Yom Kippur War). The embargo caused massive gas shortages, meaning that car owners had to deal with long lines and rationing and often had to greatly curtail their driving. Stations could not get the fuel they needed – or, if they could, it was often not at a cost that would allow them to make a profit (and, as a result, gas prices at the pump increased dramatically). The problems were especially severe for independent stations, since oil companies delivered what little fuel they had to their own corporate stations first. The embargo ended in 1974, but thousands of stations had already gone out of business in that short time – and the embargo’s financial impact on the industry was far from over. In the embargo’s wake, dozens of the biggest American oil companies soon underwent mergers 129 or corporate buyouts, making many of their stations redundant. Also, to save money, some companies pulled out of their less-profitable regions of operation, canceling their contracts with those areas’ stations en masse. Thanks to such corporate consolidation/survival tactics, scores more stations closed. 18 In 1979, because of the Iranian revolution, gas shortages occurred again – worsening the situation. Then, the 1980s brought environmental regulations, which required gas stations to get costly new upgrades and insurance – making survival even harder for those stations still in operation. At that point, the survivors also found themselves competing against a quickly rising amount of newly constructed behemoths known as corporate superstations – the type still typical today. Providing multiple rows of self-serve pumps under huge, freestanding canopies, and offering useful amenities such as convenience stores and automated car washes, the superstations’ arrival (especially in well-trafficked locations at major exits and in new suburban areas) helped seal older stations’ fate. The era of the “mom and pop,” independently owned, small station was over, and owners increasingly closed such obsolete sites – leaving them vulnerable to decay and demolition. 19 Preservationists and roadside architecture aficionados have increasingly championed saving these old-fashioned stations, but that regard has not always been the case, and it definitely does not hold true everywhere. In fact, in a number of significant cases, preservationists and historians have viewed gas stations as enemies – harmful properties that sprang up in the place of older, much more beloved buildings that the stations’ creation destroyed. For those who saw stations in that negative light, later 130 preservation attempts for those very properties – or even for gas stations in general – could seem both ridiculous and horrifying. A case in point is the response to a 2006 effort by local preservation consultant Devin Colman (who later became, and still serves as, the national Recent Past Preservation Network’s president) to save a gas station in Burlington, Vermont. Its owner planned to demolish the small, 1940s station, with its rounded, streamline moderne style, to build a new, larger, combination gas station and convenience store (part of the Champlain Farms chain) on the site. A 2003 survey by the state Division for Historic Preservation (which has employed Colman since 2008 as its Historic Buildings Specialist) had deemed the station an “important, early, and increasingly rare example of a relatively intact, modernist gas station.” Unlike the state, however, the owner did not appreciate the rundown station’s architecture, writing to Colman, “I sincerely appreciate your efforts, but…I am not interested in keeping this atrocious-looking building. It is hideous, and that is saying it politely.” Some other locals detested the station for different reasons, though. As one stated in a letter to the editor, “This service station replaced a magnificent Victorian home with matching carriage barn set in park-like grounds which even included pools stocked with goldfish.” Therefore, that angry author argued sarcastically, the station did deserve preservation – “though not as an icon of 1950s style but rather as a monument to human shortsightedness.” Not surprisingly, that station met the wrecking ball and a new facility soon replaced it, thus keeping the site’s historic-resource-destroying trend intact. 20 A few years earlier in 2003, the demise of a circular, modernist gas station in downtown Providence gained controversy for similar reasons. The former City Gulf 131 station had opened in 1968, as part of a new, urban renewal district planned by famed architect I.M. Pei. 21 As occurred in Vermont, a historic resource survey by the Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission had included the structure, stating that it “transcends pop trends in roadside architecture to achieve a thin but engaging monumentality.” By the mid 1990s, it had become the only gas station still operating in downtown. (It stopped pumping gas in 1996 and then served as a repair shop.) 22 However, the City Gulf’s rare status and unique style did not dissuade its new owner, former Providence Mayor Joseph Paolino, from demolishing it – without the required demolition permit – for a parking lot. The unexpected destruction left the Providence Preservation Society outraged at the loss of what it considered “one of the few good examples of mid-20th-century architecture remaining” in the city. 23 However, the organization’s position dismayed the local newspaper’s architecture critic, David Brussat. As he explained, the gas station’s immediate environment was the only built segment of a much broader urban renewal plan that did not otherwise come to fruition. To him, the gas station thus apparently represented the damage and destruction that the urban renewal efforts could have wrought upon the rest of downtown. Pointing out that “the people who started the preservation movement” could see where that era’s “appetite for the sleek, the spare, and the sterile would lead,” Brussat insisted, “Today’s... preservationists who see what happened and still promote modernism have no excuse.” 24 Perhaps the nation’s most significant example of the anti-station phenomenon occurred in Charleston. As the dissertation’s section on car dealerships discussed, Charleston preservationists understandably fought to prevent an 1803 mansion’s demolition for a car dealership. Their successful effort to save the Joseph Manigault 132 House resulted in the creation of the city’s first preservation organization in 1920. Just ten years later, roadside architecture again became Charleston activists’ primary foe. To build a gas station, the Standard Oil Company tore down three historic residences, all built from 1782 to 1805 – including the home of Gabriel Manigault, the locally renowned architect who had designed the now-preserved Joseph Manigault House for his brother. This destruction resulted in yet another pioneering moment for the preservation movement – not just for the city, though, but also for the United States. In response to the public outcry, in 1931 the city passed a zoning and landmark ordinance that established the country’s very first historic district and its first architectural review board. Municipalities across the nation would soon follow in Charleston’s groundbreaking steps. 25 Ironically, though, as the segment about gas station reuse will describe below, Charleston’s main preservation organization actually ended up preserving and converting that destructive Standard Oil gas station. Further, it is far from the only example of gas station preservation and conversion in Charleston. The section below relates the case of another local station’s restoration and reuse as well. Both of those stations feature upscale Colonial Revival architecture, however – a fact that, early controversy aside, makes their reuses less unlikely than they might initially sound. As those converted examples in Charleston help reveal, gas stations with impressive (rather than humble) designs stand a better chance of gaining recognition. Take, for instance, the result of a 2009 “People’s Choice” poll, conducted by the Los Angeles Conservancy as part of its “The Sixties Turn 50” initiative, to determine locals’ favorite 1960s retail or commercial building in the region. With some 2000 votes split 133 between 20 prime sites of the era (including office towers, banks, department stores, restaurants, and the like), the winner was actually a gas station. That Union 76 in Beverly Hills, though, is no ordinary station. Designed in 1965 by William Pereira and Associates’ renowned firm, the googie structure’s soaring, winged canopy resembles a gigantic bat ray swimming through the air. [Figures 2.10 and 2.11]. Aside from its striking architecture, the Union 76 is notable as Beverly Hills’ last operational gas station. 26 Being the last or first increases a site’s historical importance and thus greatly improves its chances of appreciation and preservation. That was also a factor with the rebuilding of the Lake Anne Chevron, the first gas station in the influential, 1960s “New Town” of Reston, Virginia. The nationally pioneering master-planned community’s groundbreaking gas station sustained major damage in 2006 after a drunk driver crashed his SUV through one of the modernist building’s floor-to-ceiling windows, setting the station on fire. However, over a year later, the locally loved, 1964 gas station did reopen. (Prior to being a Chevron, it sold Gulf gasoline; then, sometime after its 2007 reopening, it switched brands again – becoming the Reston Mobil station.) 27 [Figure 2.12]. A 1928 gas station in McLean, Texas, has even wider historical importance, since it was Phillips Petroleum Company’s first station outside its home of Oklahoma. Appropriately, when the Old Route 66 Association of Texas (now called the Texas Route 66 Association) purchased the closed, cottage-style station in 1992, it became the very first Route 66 gas station to receive a restoration. Today, with its vintage-style gas pumps and signage and even a classic truck, it is reportedly one of the most photographed sites on all of Route 66. 28 [Figures 2.13 and 2.14]. 134 Moreover, it started a trend, with various Route 66 organizations and cities restoring stations – not to reopen them, but simply to have them serve as frozen-in-time historical sites that provide a valuable window into the past. While the McLean station’s restorers focused on the exterior only, others now offer period-appropriate interiors or museum-like displays inside – as with two stations awarded grants by the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program. With the help of a 2002 grant, the city of Vega, Texas, restored the 1920s Magnolia Station – a decades-vacant, boarded-up building missing its original canopy. [Figure 2.15]. In 2004, the site opened to the public, with the interior now displaying old photographs, oral histories, and station memorabilia, and with the outside boasting an old pump under a re-created canopy. 29 The same year, the Route 66 Association of Illinois used another grant from that program to help turn Soulsby’s Service Station in Mt. Olive into a similar interpretive site. That 1926 Shell station, one of the highway’s longest-operating stations, had closed in 1991. [Figure 2.16]. Now, though, it looks much as it did in its early years; vintage Shell pumps sit outside, and the inside is filled with old Shell signs, Shell oil cans, and other site-specific antiques. Soulsby’s Service Station gained designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 2004. 30 In fact, numerous gas stations have become landmarks at various levels. Unlike Soulsby’s, though, many still sit empty and un-rehabilitated. In cases like those, landmarking can help defend them against potential destruction that might otherwise easily occur in the future. Such is the situation with another Route 66 gas station, the 1915 Cucamonga Service Station in Rancho Cucamonga, California. That boarded-up, long-vacant, mission style station – along with its separate service garage – became a city 135 landmark in 2009. [Figures 2.17 and 2.18]. The property’s designated status became key in early 2011, when a major storm caused part of the service garage to collapse [Figure 2.19] – after which the owner requested city permission to tear the structure down. However, city officials believed that the garage and station were both restorable and significant, and thus began negotiating with the owner to purchase the whole property. 31 Old gas stations on Route 66 are not the only ones receiving formal recognition, though. For instance, in Dallas, the art deco, 1939 Good Luck Gas Station received city landmark status in 1992. [Figure 2.20]. Another closed station that garnered designation is the 1929 Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station in Goleta, California. Its ornate, Spanish Colonial Revival architecture was designed by the famed firm of Morgan, Walls, and Clements. [Figure 2.21]. The Barnsdall-Rio Grande Oil Company had situated its flagship station along the then bustling, but now bypassed, Coast Highway at the entrance to its oceanfront oil field. The still-grand gas station now sits behind a fence, amid tall weeds. [Figure 2.22]. However, the protections it gained as a Santa Barbara County Landmark help secure it. 32 Some attractive, early gas stations that have received high levels of recognition still operate, though. One such case is the 1937 Embassy Gulf Service Station in Washington, D.C., which gained designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 1993. Because of the capital’s aesthetic regulations and review processes – which were especially strict due to the site’s location next to Rock Creek Park and near Embassy Row – Gulf Oil’s design had to meet the approval of the National Park Service, the National Capital Parks and Planning Commission, and even the Commission of Fine 136 Arts. Thus, the building that today serves as the Embassy Sunoco station ended up with high-style architecture, boasting a temple-like, neoclassical façade. 33 [Figure 2.23]. Five years earlier, the Higgins Service Station, located about a mile away along the scenic Rock Creek and Potomac Parkway, had to have the commissions approve its design as well. Today, operating as the Watergate Exxon station, it still features its original domestic design. [Figures 2.24 and 2.25]. With the gas station being one of Washington, D.C.’s only examples of rustic-style commercial architecture, the federal Historic American Buildings Survey / Historic American Engineering Record (HABS/HAER) honored it with documentation (including photographs and a historical report) in 1992. 34 That was just a year before the former Embassy Gulf became part of the National Register. However, the Embassy Gulf almost did not survive to attain that status. In 1972, Gulf announced its upcoming replacement by a new, contemporary style station. The public was not pleased, though – as demonstrated by a remarkably early outpouring of support for recent past preservation. Complaints poured in to the Commission of Fine Arts. 35 Moreover, the outcry even swayed the station owner/manager’s opinion. He explained, “A customer came in – he comes from an embassy – and he said, ‘You Americans will never have any tradition. Whenever a building gets a few years old, you tear it down instead of trying to preserve it.’ It makes sense when you think about it.” After Gulf executives met with neighbors and the Commission of Fine Arts, in 1973 they announced they would restore the station instead of destroying it. 36 All of these preserved gas stations still sit in their original locations. However, occasionally preservationists have had to move such buildings in order to save them. The 137 typical landing sites for the diminutive structures have been museums, history parks, and regular parks. For instance, in 2003, a lot adjacent to the R.C. Baker Memorial Museum in Coalinga, California, became the new home for the Richfield Service Station. [Figure 2.26]. Its owner had donated the 1934 station, a metal, dual-canopy structure, to the local historical museum. In 2005, the moved, restored, and now artifact-filled gas station [Figure 2.27] became a Fresno County Historic Landmark. [Figure 2.28]. As of 2008, the museum was planning to turn its surrounding area into a new transportation exhibit, giving the station further context. 37 [Figure 2.29]. Situating moved buildings contextually is key to the purpose of history parks, where multiple saved, historic structures all sit together in a village-like setting. [Figure 2.30]. The addition of gas stations to such sites demonstrates preservationists’ increasing appreciation for more recent eras in local history. Such is the case in two other California cities. The San Jose Historical Museum (now called History San Jose) moved the 1927 Associated Oil Company Service Station to the San Jose History Park in 1978 to save the vacant building from a scheduled demolition – making it a quite early example of recent past / roadside preservation. [Figure 2.31]. Later, in 1989 in Bakersfield, the Kern County Museum received the Sonora Street Service Station as a donation. [Figure 2.32]. In the museum’s large historical park, the mission style, 1936 station sits amid restored neon signs saved from local businesses. 38 [Figure 2.33]. Still other saved gas stations, however, now sit surrounded by green space and playgrounds – since they have become part of actual parks. For instance, in Seattle, Oxbow Park now hosts the iconic Hat ‘N’ Boots gas station. [Figure 2.34]. The 1954 station – featuring a giant cowboy hat covering the office and pumps, as well as gigantic 138 cowboy boots containing restrooms – was decaying after its 1988 closure. In 2002, it became a city landmark, and local preservationists and residents’ fundraising helped them purchase and move the station to a new city park in 2005. Today, the Boots sit restored [Figure 2.35], but the restoration of the Hat [Figure 2.36] waits for more funding. 39 Fully restored, though, is a 1936 gas station in a park in Glendale, California. [Figure 2.37]. Almost 650 local residents signed a petition supporting the long-vacant station’s incorporation into the Adams Square Mini Park, which the city had planned for its site – and which opened in 2007. [Figure 2.38]. The windows of the station (a twin- canopy, metal Richfield like the one in Coalinga) now hold displays about the history of the station and the Adams Square neighborhood. [Figure 2.39]. One of its canopies even shades a picnic table. 40 [Figure 2.40]. The Glendale Richfield’s restoration demonstrates how a gas station’s existing structural features can become helpful amenities in a new context. Although its restorers essentially only utilized its exterior surfaces, numerous full conversions have used canopies, garages, and other typical station elements in interesting ways – described in multiple examples below, as this dissertation discusses the amazingly wide scope of adaptive reuse possibilities for historic gas stations. In 1974, architect Albert L. Kerth self-published a short book whose title and topic, A New Life for the Abandoned Service Station, foretold an important trend. The book came directly on the heels of the infamous 1973 Arab oil embargo. Although the thousands of gas station closures that the embargo would cause were just beginning at the time, Kerth did correctly “anticipate an acceleration of service station closings in the very near future.” 41 Kerth had a personal reason for wanting to ensure the survival of 139 American gas stations, in structure if not in use. He had been an architect at Getty Oil for 28 years, supervising that major oil company’s station design and construction. Thus, those small structures sitting vacant or getting torn down across the country were not eyesores to him. Rather, they were the often unappreciated, but still highly useful, products of his own hard work and that of others in his field. 42 Kerth thus hoped that by “illustrating a series of ‘practical conversions’ to other uses,” his book could not only help remedy the blight caused by abandoned stations, but also cause those buildings to become productive, profitable members of the business community again. 43 That contention went against conventional wisdom; as Kerth explained, “industry representatives advocate demolishing the abandoned station[s] after the premises have been left vacant for an extended period.” However, he insisted that reuse was a much more financially sound and logical alternative. In the face of rising construction and land costs, he argued that remodeling could cost half as much as building new, especially if station owners followed his instructions – which included detailed floor plans, as well as pre- and post-conversion renderings of how reused stations might look. 44 Kerth’s many option-illustrations ranged from those displaying architecturally-related common sense (such as a drive-through bank and a motorcycle dealership / repair facility) to some perhaps less immediately evident to potential property owners (like a shoe shop). 45 Of course, the problem of station closures – both before and since – has resulted not only from the oil crisis that prompted Kerth’s book, but also from common factors such as technological or perceived obsolescence, size, and location. Regardless of the root causes involved, Kerth’s then-uncommon idea – that, “although the economic life of 140 the service station may be at an end, a designer or architect with a little imagination can convert the closed station to another commercial or business use” 46 – was right on target. Innumerable former gas stations across the nation have since successfully taken on a wide array of new purposes – with many of them still keeping their original exteriors intact, disproving Kerth’s assertion that “the appearance of the building must change to attract new customers.” 47 Financial considerations, in terms of simply utilizing existing building stock as Kerth recommended, have certainly been the driving force of many such conversions. However, both the genesis and the customer appeal of an increasing number of station reuse undertakings have sprung, in large part, from an appreciation of the stations’ nostalgic, architectural, and/or historical value (a factor that Kerth did not mention and presumably never even considered). This is especially true in auto-obsessed, tourism-oriented places such as Route 66, where government programs have greatly enhanced the opportunity for people to create tourist draws in former gas stations. One incentive is the possibility of receiving grants – such as those available from the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, which has funded the restoration of several reused stations discussed below (as well as of other restored, but not reused, ones above). A cleanup program on a portion of the route – the Arizona Department of Environmental Quality’s Route 66 Initiative – has also made station reuse efforts easier. The initiative began in 2004 as an attempt to both improve the local environment and make the use of former gas station sites more economically viable by removing abandoned, leaking gasoline storage tanks and cleaning up their contamination (while paying for 90 to 100 percent of the cost). Prior to the program, the existence of the tanks and the resulting contaminated soil and groundwater 141 often dissuaded developers who might otherwise have been interested in the properties, but who did not want to take on the cost, effort, and potential future liability issues relating to cleaning up the environmental hazards. That Arizona program’s success resulted in it becoming a model for other states, as well as for the federal Environmental Protection Agency, paving the way for future initiatives beyond Route 66 – to which the reuse phenomenon is by no means limited. 48 As Albert L. Kerth’s numerous idea renderings demonstrated, the scope of possibilities for reuse is also relatively unlimited – at least for businesses small enough to fit into gas station buildings. For instance, a prototypical, English Tudor cottage-style Pure Oil station in Wilmington, North Carolina that opened in 1930 has since held a furniture store, a consignment store, a flower shop, a bookstore, and even a combination tattoo parlor / art gallery (its current use). 49 Occasionally, a single, larger station can contain multiple reuses at once – such as occurs on Route 66 in Moriarty, New Mexico (near Albuquerque). There, the 1947 W.G. Tillery Chevron, a canopied, streamline moderne structure, now hosts three separate businesses. [Figure 2.41]. Its curved, glass- brick-accented, office portion holds a gift shop [Figure 2.42], while its two service bays have, respectively, an interlock equipment dealer and a small café – which also extends into an addition at the station’s end. (The station canopy’s fading rooftop sign still attests to its earlier use as an auto repair facility – although, in 1999, the entire building was operating as a motorcycle sales and service business called Route 66 Cycle. [Figure 2.43]. That business moved in 2000.) 50 Also representative in its variety is the tiny, rural community of Knox City, Texas, where former, canopied gas stations [Figures 2.44, 2.45, and 2.46] now house not just an auto paint / body shop but a hair salon and a business 142 called Eagle Tubing Testers, which provides services for local oil fields. Despite this great diversity, looking at the phenomenon on a national scale today, several major reuse trends have emerged that are worthy of discussion. 51 One of the most common (and easiest) types of reuse is not exactly a reuse at all, but more of a natural continuation or appropriation of typical station functions – simply without the original station raison d’etre, gasoline sales. In many cases, the service part of “service station” has remained 52 – as occurred with Knox City’s aforementioned Lewis Deluxe Paint and Body Shop, which in 2007 received a “Shining Stars of Business” award from the local Chamber of Commerce, honoring its “50 or more years of service.” 53 In that same vein, although a 1923 station on Route 66 in Bristow, Oklahoma, stopped selling gas in 1955, it nonetheless continued one of its original services: selling and repairing tires. Today, the canopied, Italian Renaissance Revival station, which attained designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 1995, is simply named the Bristow Tire Shop. 54 [Figure 2.47]. Similarly, the early concept of buying gasoline curbside at a general store, which eventually came full circle to the current concept of buying products at a station’s mini- mart, continues through the existence of small markets and liquor stores in former stations. For instance, on Route 66 in Joplin, Missouri, Paddoc Liquors tips its hat to its site’s former identity as the 1925 Gray and Archer Filling Station with a restored pump under its canopy. [Figure 2.48.] Meanwhile, Dorchester, Massachusetts’ Beacon Oil station (which features the chain’s distinctive, colonial-inspired rooftop dome) became Colby’s Market – before later turning into the office of a used car dealership. 55 143 That shift points to another reuse tendency. New businesses often move beyond gas stations’ historical uses while still staying in the recognizable realm of the automobile – playing into the image that potential customers might still associate with the buildings. That happened in Manitou Springs, Colorado, with an art deco, tower-topped gas station named Chambers Skelly Service, which was still open as of 1965. Two years later, it became Colorado Steam Equipment, a self-service car wash. [Figure 2.49]. The new operation promptly sold off the gas station / service garage’s own equipment and began providing 25 cent washes. Colorado Steam Equipment was still offering that deal in 1995, when its impressively low cost helped it win the “Best Car Wash” award in the Colorado Springs Gazette’s annual readers’ poll. The car wash continued reusing the station until at least 2006. (After that, the structure became a gift / curiosity shop, bringing it more in line with the resort town’s tourist orientation. In 2009, with that business still utilizing the service bays, a tattoo parlor took over the office part of the comparatively large station.) 56 Another station structure that discontinued gasoline sales but remained focused on drivers’ needs is located in Albuquerque. Since 2002, a business called MVD Now (originally known as MVD Specialists) has operated in a relatively new, corporate- supercenter-style, converted Texaco station (which features a massive canopy stretching over what was previously the station’s office / convenience store in the middle). [Figure 2.50]. Since MVD Now is part of a chain providing contracted field services for New Mexico’s Motor Vehicle Division (MVD), the former station offers a convenient place for locals to register cars, take driving tests, receive drivers’ licenses, pay traffic tickets, and such. 57 [Figure 2.51]. 144 Tulsa’s stretch of Route 66 offers a couple of impressive examples of the automobile-related reuse type as well. In 2006, a National Register-listed cottage station, the 1931 Vickery Phillips 66, received a restoration grant from the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program. With the help of the grant, the station, which had closed as a gas station in the 1970s, reopened as an Avis car rental office in 2007. 58 Two years later, the owner of the T-Town Trolley, the free bus system serving Tulsa’s entertainment districts, announced that it would restore and reuse a 1924, art deco Gulf Oil station. That station, now known as the Blue Dome Building because of its distinctive blue dome (similar to that in Dorchester), will become the system’s main office and downtown depot. 59 Beyond facilitating transportation directly, another image traditionally associated with gas stations is that of tourists stopping to get directions. A number of historically and/or architecturally significant stations in appropriate locations have taken that cliché to the extreme by becoming official visitor centers. Such promotionally aimed centers typically provide a free service to the public by offering tourism-related local information – such as guidebooks and maps; listings of upcoming events; and brochures for attractions, hotels, restaurants, and guided tours. Staff members are usually on hand to provide recommendations, and many centers contain displays related to regional history and culture. The 1965 Tramway Gas Station [Figure 2.52] provided an ideal location for just such a center, being highly visible as the first major site that tourists notice upon entering Palm Springs while driving on the main highway (coming from the Los Angeles area). The fact that the soaring, modernist structure [Figure 2.53] was designed by a renowned 145 regional architect, Le Corbusier student Albert Frey (the subject of a Princeton Architectural Press biography), most likely helped its cause. In 1996, after a developer purchased the boarded-up property and planned to demolish the parabolic station for tract homes, preservationists – led by the local recent past preservation organization, the Palm Springs Modern Committee – campaigned to have the structure landmarked. The owner’s official opposition prevented the city-level designation at that time, though. However, the developer’s subdivision plan died, and he put the Tramway Gas Station up for sale again in 1998 – allowing buyers who appreciated its modern style to purchase it. They carefully converted it into an art gallery, even consulting with Albert Frey in order to repaint the station in its original color scheme. After the gallery closed, in 2002 the city bought the station (which had finally become a city landmark) and fully restored it. In 2003, that striking structure reopened as the Palm Springs Official Visitor Center. [Figure 2.54]. The saved station’s position both symbolizes and helps to foster Palm Springs’ booming cultural/heritage tourism market, which is based around the resort area’s status as home to America’s largest collection of mid-century modern architecture. 60 While the former Tramway Gas Station features stunning, unique styling, some less architecturally distinctive stations have also become prominent visitor centers. In such cases, a connection to a figure of importance can be a major aid in preservation efforts (as also demonstrated with the Albert Frey issue above). That held true in Iowa with the Union County Visitor’s Center. Its placement in one of the Phillips 66 chain’s prototypical cottage stations in the town of Creston certainly makes sense in the context of Frank Phillips. Phillips, who began his first career (as a barber) as a teenager in 146 Creston, eventually went on to found Phillips Petroleum – with that 1931 Creston building being one of that company’s very first stations in the state. Thus, the restored station – which the county received as a donation in 1994 and reopened in 1996, complete with Phillips 66 gas pumps and signage – does more than just provide the expected tourist information. Also known as the Frank Phillips Information Center, it serves as a tribute to a local hero, providing visitors with background on Frank Phillips and his famous company. 61 Beyond such examples, however, gas stations that receive these high-profile designations are typically those in nationally known, automobile-oriented environments. A prominent example is a tiny, 1918 Standard Oil station that was not only the town of Rochelle’s first gas station, but also the very first on Illinois’s stretch of the transcontinental Lincoln Highway. After its closure, when its owner removed not only its pumps but its canopy, the structure served as a barbershop and then a taxi office. Finally, aided by a state Tourism Attraction Development grant, the city restored the filling station in 2001 – adding a vintage pump and Standard Oil signage, and even replicating the missing canopy. The station then began serving a dual role as the office of the Rochelle Tourism and Visitor’s Association and as a city visitor center, aimed at tourists traveling what is now the Illinois Lincoln Highway National Scenic Byway. 62 Several centers of this type also exist across the length of Route 66. A case in point is the 1932 Standard Oil Gas Station in the Village of Odell, Illinois. The station, which closed in the 1967 after an interstate bypassed Odell’s segment of Route 66, managed to survive as an auto body shop into the late ‘70s. Then, it simply sat and decayed. By the mid 1990s, seven of the village’s nine other gas stations on that same 147 road had all been demolished. Fearing that the same fate would befall the Standard Oil Gas Station, the Illinois Route 66 Association stepped in to ensure the preservation of the then decrepit, “house with canopy” style structure (which had added two service bays in 1937, in order to be able to compete with the many other stations then operating nearby). [Figure 2.55]. In 1997, the association’s preservation committee successfully nominated the Standard Oil Gas Station to the National Register of Historic Places – an achievement followed by the Village of Odell receiving ownership of the station in 1999. 63 Volunteers then restored it, with the funding coming from an impressive assortment of sources – including the state Tourism Attraction Development program, the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, the village’s National Park Service cash-match, the Hampton Inn hotel chain’s Save-A-Landmark program, and fundraising activities by the Illinois Route 66 Association. The finished product (complete with classic signage and pump) finally reopened in 2002 as the village’s visitor center, 64 which the state program’s press release called “an interpretive site for Route 66 visitors [providing] the opportunity for the distribution of tourism materials as well as an historical experience.” 65 Subsequent to its repurposing, the station received widespread acclaim, including winning the National Historic Route 66 Federation’s annual award for the best preservation project on Route 66 in 2002. 66 Moreover, the American Automobile Association (AAA) even included it in AAA’s 2006 Best of the Mother Road commemorative map – which featured a photograph of the “lovingly restored” station and stated that it “no longer pumps gas but touts a nifty gift shop inside.” 67 That gift shop element is important to the survival of many such visitor centers; as the Illinois Route 66 Association president explained, tourists stopping at the Standard Oil Gas 148 Station “provide continued support for the station through the purchase of T-shirts, hats, and cash donations.” 68 The same year that the Odell visitor center opened, the owners of Ambler’s Texaco Station, located in nearby Dwight, donated it to that village. Before Ambler’s stopped pumping gas in 1999, that 1933 facility – which is stylistically very similar to the one in Odell, including in terms of its later addition of two service bays – had been one of the longest-operating gas stations on all of Route 66. [Figure 2.56]. A 2002 grant from the Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program assisted the village in its restoration efforts, which even included replacing the station’s newer Marathon-brand signage with its original, freestanding Texaco sign (which Ambler’s owner had sold to a collector after starting to sell Marathon gas, but which he managed to buy back and then donate to the village). After finally completing the restoration, the National Register-listed station reopened as the village’s welcome center in 2007. 69 The year before the Dwight station’s feat, the Baxter Springs Historical Society in Kansas had received a similar grant from the Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, in order to restore a 1930 station and turn it into another welcome center. The station’s creator was the Independent Oil and Gas Company, which utilized its prototypical chain design there. The elaborate, Tudor Revival style structure features brick walls, cross- timbered gables, a chimney, and even a bay window made out of copper. The Independent Oil and Gas Company merged with Phillips 66 the same year that its Baxter Springs station opened, and Phillips 66 continued to operate the station until 1958. The station continued to pump gas under the aegis of various other oil companies, but today, locals, preservationists, and tourists generally still refer to it as a Phillips 66 station. 149 After gasoline sales finally ended, the station turned into office space in the 1970s. Following that conversion, the building hosted a number of separate reuses over the years, including a dog-grooming business, a chiropractor, and a staffing services company. [Figure 2.57]. In 2003, the former gas station attained designation on the National Register, and two years later, the Baxter Springs Historical Society bought the property. The restored station opened as the Kansas Route 66 Visitors’ Center in 2007. 70 While the station’s earlier, business reuses had oriented themselves toward locals rather than travelers passing through, a crucial impetus for the welcome center’s creation was the historical society’s hope that it would “provide a bump in the town’s economy by luring tourists to linger awhile” in Baxter Springs – thus aiding both groups of people at once. 71 That has indeed been the case elsewhere, such as in Odell, where the Standard Oil Gas Station’s transformation into a welcome center did have a broader positive impact. The Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program’s “Success Stories through Partnerships” article touted how, while tourists are in Odell to patronize the converted station, “they stop at shops and businesses in downtown Odell, whether they are just buying a cold drink, or picking up Route 66 merchandise.” 72 The Baxter Springs and Odell gas stations thus show some of the potential offered by preservation – moving beyond the basic idea of saving sites on principle to the concept of doing so for profit as well. Along those lines, a number of Route 66 gas stations have become souvenir shops, squarely aimed at the road’s many heritage tourists. An excellent example is located in Cool Springs, Arizona. The 1920s Cool Springs Station, which had originally been part of a gas-food-lodging complex, burned down in the mid 1960s. All that survived of the gas station was a foundation, a few partial stone 150 walls, and the former stone canopy pillars. [Figure 2.58]. The station’s picturesque ruins became a popular photo stop for tourists, and in 2001, one of those travelers bought the property. After much construction work, the rebuilt Cool Springs Station reopened in 2005, not to sell gasoline (despite the vintage-style pumps out front) but to sell Route 66 memorabilia. Another example on Arizona’s stretch of Route 66 is the Return to the 50’s [sic] Gift Shop in Seligman, which operates inside an icebox style gas station that had closed in 1985. 73 [Figure 2.59]. That store’s name is indicative of the nostalgia-fueled marketing concept driving many such conversions. As a business model, it makes sense. Such shops’ generally small nature fits the size of the existing gas stations well, while the stations’ freestanding, often prominent locations attract attention and help pull tourists off the road. Moreover, souvenirs that tourists might purchase there could receive an added aura of authenticity and uniqueness due to their historic, contextually significant setting. Moving beyond basic souvenirs, those same concepts also fit antique stores, gift shops, and other similar ventures that occupy former gas stations – as shown with the previously-mentioned one in Manitou Springs, Colorado. Another such site, an antique/craft shop intriguingly titled Why Not, was operating as of 1999 on Route 66 in Amarillo, Texas. [Figure 2.60]. It reused the Adkinson-Baker Tire Co. #2, a 1939 Texaco station (later known as the Sixth Street Chevron) that closed for gas sales in 1962 but had then continued to operate as an auto body shop. By 2004, however, the icebox style station, with Texaco’s common speed lines and twin-finned canopy, was vacant and decaying. With the help of a grant from the Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, its 151 new owner restored the station to its historic appearance; it now serves as the office for a flooring contractor. 74 Although Amarillo’s example of gas-station-based antique sales failed, the idea has succeeded elsewhere. For instance, small town Aurora, Oregon (near Portland) is known both as the antiques capital of the state and as one of the best antique-shopping towns in the country – according to articles from both the Travel Channel’s website and major web portal MSN. With so many antique stores in Aurora’s National Register-listed historic downtown, operating in an attractive former gas station can help such a business stand out from the rest. That is the case with the Aurora Colony Auction House – a large, house-style gas station with a porch-like pump canopy – which an antique / estate auction company utilizes for its semimonthly auctions (auctions that both articles mentioned). 75 [Figures 2.61 and 2.62]. Grabbing the attention of moneyed visitors is also an important factor at the newest location of Sports Tahoe, a chain of small, high-end skiwear shops in Northern California’s famous Lake Tahoe ski resort area. In 2008, a Sports Tahoe branch opened in a restored, 1930s gas station in downtown Truckee, a mountain town that is a popular gateway to Lake Tahoe. Amid the downtown historic district’s array of gourmet restaurants and upscale shops in turn-of-the-century structures, the gas station had previously been perceived as a blight – sitting vacant, with its icebox-style building and long, curved canopy hidden under an incongruous, brown-shingled, mansard roof. Peeking out above the mansard, though, was one key identifying element that the “environmental look” makeover had not masked: a short, circular, corrugated-edged, stair-stepped tower common in former Flying A stations from the art deco era. Today, 152 thanks to an appreciative developer and the city’s Historic Preservation Action Committee, the station once again looks like it used to (albeit with an unobtrusive addition at the back). Its bright white façade, red replica pumps, and matching red, Flying A neon signage all help draw tourists’ eyes (and thus their dollars) to Sports Tahoe’s new store. 76 [Figure 2.63]. Another type of business that frequently capitalizes upon and embraces the gas station locale is that of eating/drinking establishments. Across the country, owners of historic gas stations are changing traditional conceptualizations of service stations to reflect the service of wait staff rather than gas jockeys, while also redefining notions of patio dining and drive-through fast food. Architecturally, gas stations have several advantages in this regard. Stations with canopies already have the opportunity for dining alfresco literally built in, and numerous new businesses use them as such (as seen in several examples below). Some station owners even enclose their canopy areas, thus providing indoor dining in an environment that might otherwise have been too small – as happened at Caffé Michelangelo, located in one of the oldest gas stations in Albuquerque. [Figure 2.64]. That diminutive, house-with-canopy style structure, which was operating as the Ramirez Fina Service Station in the late 1950s, became a carryout restaurant in 1971 – making it an early example of roadside adaptive reuse. When Caffé Michelangelo moved into the building in 2007, it originally utilized the canopy as a cover for patio seating; however, by 2010, the coffeehouse’s outside had become the inside. 77 [Figure 2.65]. A canopy can also serve as weather protection for customers’ parked cars while they dine inside, like one does at La Salsita, a Mexican fast-food restaurant in the hot 153 environment of Mesa, Arizona. [Figures 2.66 and 2.67]. Alternately, canopies can become covers for drive-through windows, as occurs at the appropriately named Filling Station Espresso in Olympia, Washington. The tiny, 1935 station’s twin canopies have served that purpose since 1994, providing on-the-go coffee lovers with a convenient and fast way to get drinks while still staying dry, since they do not have to exit their cars and face the region’s frequent rain. [Figure 2.68]. Service bays sometimes fill that drive- through function instead, though, as seen at Java GoGo / Wraps 360 on Route 66 in Monrovia, California. [Figures 2.69 and 2.70]. More frequently, however, bays become seating areas, with their original garage doors often replaced by windows, like those at the icebox-style Filling Station Coffee Company in Bakersfield, California – a former Richfield station that also has a freestanding canopy that, with the aid of a small building in the middle, doubles as a drive-through. 78 [Figures 2.71 and 2.72]. Many of these eateries use their buildings’ history and architecture as unique selling points that promise a novel experience, intentionally highlighting their gas station and roadside associations through their décor and even their names. Some monikers are straightforward references, like those of the canopied former stations that now operate as the Town Pump Tavern [Figure 2.73], located in the town of Mount Vernon in Washington State, and the Gourmet Station – a 1934 structure that is part of Miami’s city-designated MiMo [Miami Modern] historic district. [Figure 2.74]. Even more specific regarding its building’s history is Signal Station Pizza, which opened in 2005 in a restored, National Register-listed, art deco Signal Gas Company station from 1939 in Portland, Oregon. [Figures 2.75 and 2.76]. Meanwhile, other names feature a clever play on words. For instance, the “fuel” in the title of Fuel Pizza Café could refer to either 154 gasoline or the food served under the canopies of the North Carolina chain’s three reused gas stations – two of which are practically identical, house-with-canopy style, Pure Oil stations from the 1930s. 79 Similarly, regarding decoration, Route 66 station-restaurants are far from the only ones to play “up the theme with a terrific collection of old gasoline pumps, filling station signs and other road-traveling memorabilia” – as Yahoo! Travel’s “Grand Canyon Eat & Drink Guide” admiringly described the environment at the canopy-dining-oriented Cruiser’s Café 66 in Williams, Arizona (originally the 1930s C. Bene Gas Station). 80 [Figure 2.77]. Off-route places such as the Fuel Pizza Café chain (which typically spends $5000 to $8000 for each restaurant’s thematic accoutrements) 81 and the self- explanatorily-named Filling Station Café do the same. [Figure 2.78]. Since the Filling Station Café opened in 1999 inside the 1913 Baker’s Service Station in Orange, California, diners have been able to eat either under the canopy beside a restored gas pump, or inside – sitting surrounded by more vintage pumps, old gas and oil cans, and numerous historic photographs of the station (and its owner) over the decades. As the restaurant’s website explained, “our intent is to integrate…with the historic significance of [the] community in which we operate by creating a nostalgic atmosphere that reflects the local communities [sic] history and heritage.” 82 [Figure 2.79] Still, situating a new restaurant in an old gas station is especially useful along Route 66, where retro-themed, nostalgia-oriented newer restaurants and genuinely historic eateries are both commonplace; there, the setting can provide a real edge, at least in terms of marketing and gaining publicity. The attention that a major website like Yahoo! Travel paid to Cruiser’s Café 66 helps demonstrate that concept – as does the 155 property’s use as the July photograph in a 2009 Route 66 calendar. Travel guides created by Fodor’s, Frommer’s, Lonely Planet, and even National Geographic have also recommended the restaurant to tourists visiting the Grand Canyon nearby, with all of those guides mentioning the restaurant’s gas station heritage and memorabilia as part of its appeal. 83 The chic Standard Diner in downtown Albuquerque also highlights the positive publicity possibilities involved. That deceptively named restaurant has won fame for not just its unique setting, but its surprising, upscale twists on classic diner dishes. (For instance, instead of country fried steak or a tuna salad sandwich, it serves a country fried tuna entrée, accompanied by wasabi guacamole, pickled ginger tartar sauce, and couscous. Meanwhile, in addition to regular French fries, truffle Pecorino Romano fries are also available.) The elegant eatery is housed in the 1938 Carothers and Mauldin Texaco station [Figure 2.80] – a large, curved, canopyless, streamline moderne structure that was the creation of Tom Danahy. (That architect also designed the Jones Motor Company, another streamlined structure on Route 66 in Abuquerque; its reuse as another popular restaurant is discussed in this dissertation’s chapter on car dealership reuse). Prior to the Standard Diner’s opening in 2006, the former gas station had held a classic car showroom – yet another appropriate reuse. In fact, the Standard Diner’s owner originally got his idea for the restaurant when he bought a 1969 Cadillac convertible from the dealership in 1990 and recognized what an excellent dining space the building could be. When the property finally became available, he jumped at the opportunity. That interesting bit of information came from interviews with the owner, including one in the popular Food Network program Diners, Drive-ins, and Dives, which 156 featured the Standard Diner in a Route 66-themed episode in the show’s fifth season in 2009. The Standard Diner, which has numerous historic photographs amidst its appropriately art-deco-style interior design scheme, has also received acclaim in major travel guides such as Fodor’s and Frommer’s. 84 While travel writers, tourists, and locals seem to feel that dining, drinking, and buying collectibles in historic former gas stations are enjoyable activities worth recommending, many Americans might still be reluctant to consider using such properties for certain other purposes. Numerous incongruous reuses do exist, though, with the owners of those businesses sometimes downplaying the structures that house them. Actually, the “house” concept is crucial – for that is not simply what the stations do, but also what many look like, as described above regarding the design evolution of gas stations. Thus, some potential customers of businesses operating out of these reused “domestic” style stations, as well as those of other architectural types that belie today’s stereotypical gas station images, may not actually even recognize them as former gas stations. Take, for example, the tiny, columned box with art deco detailing in San Francisco that now holds a hot dog stand (part of the local What’s Up Dog chain), 85 but which started its life in 1930 as a gas station. [Figure 2.81]. After being moved to save it from destruction in 1990, the former Union Oil station sat vacant in a high-traffic, office- complex area for a decade – where, as a newspaper article explained, “resembling a ruin of another era, the structure [was] something of a mystery to passers-by and office workers.” One of those people (somewhat surprisingly, a landscape architect) told the newspaper reporter that he “walked by there for about eight years and had no idea what that thing was.” 86 [Figure 2.82]. 157 In that type of situation, some gas-station-based, new enterprises and endeavors that could seem inadvisable at first thought actually do make sense. For instance, people might normally be suspicious of any expensive jewelry for sale at a typical gas station. However, the architect for Wadham’s Oil and Grease Company designed Wadham’s stations as ornate pagodas that were supposed to resemble Japanese teahouses. In that context, buying a wedding ring at the reused, 1926 Wadham’s station / jewelry store in Cedarsburg, Wisconsin, works conceptually – tying into the chain’s original desire to appeal to motorists’ “romantic sense of exotica and adventure.” 87 Cottage and house-type stations are the easiest to reuse in this regard, though. For example, choosing an attorney whose office is in a gas station might initially sound like a plot from some television show. (Actually, the situation bears similarities to the concept of Ed, the 2000–2004 CBS dramedy about a lawyer who ran his law practice from the office of a vintage bowling alley that he owned and operated, and that he successfully campaigned his small town to landmark.) However, that general idea seems less odd when the law firm’s New Bern, North Carolina, home is a truly homey, architecturally impressive, Pure Oil cottage station – featuring the chain’s typical gabled roof, dual chimneys, and bay windows. Similarly, purchasing a house from Key Realty, based in yet another cute cottage – the National Register-listed, 1938 Cities Service Station in Rison, Arkansas – would seem appropriate. 88 Another homelike, interestingly reused example is a large, 1930 Richfield Beacon station just outside Eugene, Oregon, which today goes by the name of Beacon House. With the Richfield Beacon chain’s Norman revival, domestic architecture, that quaint, two-story structure looks so much like a real, historic house that Beacon House’s website 158 simply called the building a “sixty-five year old Normandy styled home.” Of course, considering that Beacon House is a banquet facility for weddings, receptions, and other major functions, advising potential guests of its provenance as a gas station might somewhat affect their perspective – especially regarding the website’s contention that the property is “one of the Eugene area’s most beautiful locations to hold your next special event.” 89 Not only do couples get married in that former gas station, though, but some people even live in such places. As strange as that concept might seem, overall, gas station reuse was common enough by the post-Arab oil embargo period that residential gas stations were the subject of a 1978 editorial cartoon in The New Yorker. The magazine’s cartoon depicted an upper class party scene, at which one well-dressed attendee proudly told another, “We live a few miles from here in an architecturally significant former gas station.” 90 While that cartoon was clearly in jest, stations of both grand and humble designs have actually become homes. In fact, one such station-turned- house is another Richfield Beacon station in Mt. Shasta City, California. It operated from 1930 to 1964 and was vacant as of 1999 but was serving as a residence by 2009. Architecturally, it is practically identical to the wedding chapel conversion in Eugene. Aside from its dual canopies, which look rather like porches anyway (and which the Eugene station apparently enclosed), it simply appears to be a normal house. Unlike those domestic-appearing Richfield Beacon stations, however, a residence in Irving, Texas, clearly declares its original nature as a gas station. As shown in This Old House magazine, the 1920s, former Sinclair station still features its large canopy and pumps – although the garage door areas now hold windows. Inside, the station’s preservation- 159 minded owners/residents/restorers even kept some existing interior features – for instance, utilizing the station’s storage shelves (which originally held spare parts, oilcans, etc.) as some of their kitchen cabinets. 91 Elsewhere in the country, two other former Sinclair stations now serve important business functions. Unlike the much plainer, Irving residence, both are prototypical examples of the chain’s mission style stations of the 1930s, with their tiled roofs, parapeted canopies, and stucco façades. Despite their more impressive architecture, their canopies would still render their prior purpose easily recognizable to passersby. 92 Rather than seeing that as a drawback, though, the converters of the Sinclair in Santa Fe were, just as in Irving, focused on keeping the station’s appearance as close to what it once was as possible. In fact, because of that Santa Fe station’s status as a contributing member of a local historic district, “the structure had to maintain the original style” – as a 1995 grand opening advertisement for First State Bank proudly explained about the bank’s new branch, in what it stated was “a former Sinclair, Gulf & Exxon station prior to the renovation.” [Figure 2.83]. That renovation added an architecturally compatible addition and turned the garage doors into windows, while also using the station’s canopy to the bank’s best advantage – making it into a drive-through ATM area, with the ATM machine located where the pumps used to sit. 93 [Figure 2.84]. Meanwhile, on Route 66 in Chandler, Oklahoma, an almost identical Sinclair station (originally the Les Allen Service Station) now serves as a Farmer’s Insurance agent’s office. Previously, though, it was the office of a Century 21 realtor instead – showing that cottage- and house-style stations do not have a monopoly on the potential to sell actual homes. [Figures 2.85 and 2.86]. Financial affairs like those taking place in 160 the Chandler and Santa Fe stations also occur at a reused, 1936 station of a much different architectural type in Tucson. Known as the Old Pueblo Shell in the 1950s and later as a Union 76 station, that art deco structure – designed by architect Cecil Moore with curves, speed lines, and a round, tiered tower – has hosted an accountant’s office since 1981. 94 [Figure 2.87]. Overall, people can generally accept the idea of getting tax advice or negotiating insurance options at a former gas station, especially a well-kept, architecturally attractive one. Even so, a gas station is still not a place where the public would expect to find certain tenants. For instance, sitting under the canopy of a former icebox style station wrapped with blue speed lines in Clarendon, Texas, are not gas pumps but, instead, headstones. [Figure 2.88]. The Wallace Monument Company next door has been utilizing the station’s exterior as a display area for its funeral products (while apparently using the station’s office for storage). [Figure 2.89]. Similarly surprising is the current use of the former Stan’s Mobil Station on Route 66 in Albuquerque. Unlike the previously mentioned Carothers and Mauldin Texaco / Standard Diner, which is located down the street, this building’s canopy clearly marks it as a former gas station. Its occupant is now a medical office for Planned Parenthood. 95 [Figure 2.90]. Perhaps the most incongruous reuse of all, however, is less a reuse than an ideological transformation – that of turning gas stations, icons of the car culture and all of its environmental problems, into places devoted to nature. Several restored gas stations now sit in parks, as demonstrated by those described in the preservation segment above; while they act primarily as closed, nostalgic historical sites, others have purposes that are more practical. That is the case in Kentucky, where the city of Bowling Green restored a 161 long-vacant, 1921 Standard Oil station in 2008. The diminutive, “house with canopy” style structure now hosts reproduction pumps, Standard Oil signage, and even a vintage- style air pump, all in its new role as the public bathrooms for the city’s adjacent park – which opened that same year. For its efforts in saving and reusing the station (which included removing a later garage addition in order to return the site to its original appearance), the state preservation office, the Kentucky Heritage Council, honored the city with one of its annual preservation awards in 2009. Preservation magazine also featured the reused station, with that major article’s title aptly indicating just how far recent past / roadside preservation has evolved in terms of acceptance within the field: “Gold Standard: A Restored Filling Station in Kentucky Represents Preservation at Its Best.” 96 As with other initially strange-sounding reuses, this common shift of former stations toward parks, florists, plant nurseries, garden equipment stores, etc., actually makes a great deal of sense in context. This is, after all, an eco-conscious era, one in which the Rails to Trails movement has converted over 15,000 miles of unused American railroad tracks into recreational paths and greenways; meanwhile, the costliest public works project in American history, the Big Dig, was designed to move Boston’s highway system underground and then replace the existing highway structures with parkland. Additionally, changing gas stations into eco-oriented businesses or civic institutions is just another logical step beyond the de-modernizing actions of gas station owners during the 1960s and ‘70s (as detailed above). During that era, responding to changing societal opinions, they tried to make their stations appear more “natural,” and thus more environmentally friendly, by adding items like wooden shingles and stone facings. 97 162 However, the environmentally oriented businesses housed in former gas stations today typically do not show evidence of that rather simplistic, literally surface-level approach to cultural accommodation. Instead, the products they proffer inside are proof of a more fundamental, permanent change. In fact, attempting to cover up the true origins of their buildings with appliqués might seem anathema, since owners are likely proud of turning what many see as a necessary public nuisance into something good. The theme is similar at the 1924 Marquez Filling Station, better known as the Canyon Service Station, in Los Angeles. After finally closing in 2004 (before which it had been the oldest continuously operational station in the city), it became endangered when its owner put it up for sale. Fearing its future demolition, preservationists succeeded in gaining the station designation as a Los Angeles Historic-Cultural Monument – an effort that was the subject of an incredulous New York Times article. In 2006, the landmarked station became studio space for a local architectural firm. [Figure 2.91]. While that reuse itself is not environmentally focused, the physical transformation of the station definitely was, with the firm focusing on issues such as sustainability and efficiency. The firm even applied for the renovated station’s certification through LEED, the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design Green Building Rating System – a widely recognized standard that offers independent verification of a new or existing building’s environmentally friendly nature (in terms of such matters as renewable resources, energy, water, carbon dioxide emissions, etc.). 98 Especially considering the concern mentioned earlier about gas stations leaving pollution in their wake (with leaking gas tanks contaminating local soil and groundwater), this idea of turning a station into a “green” building – whether structurally 163 or in terms of what surrounds it or what it sells – is a potent one. Environmentally related business types located in former gas stations include the canopied A-1 Garden Equipment [Figure 2.92], which has sold and serviced lawnmowers and such on Route 66 in Fontana, California, since 1987, and Sledd Nursery – which has occupied a Walter Dorwin Teague-style Texaco station in Austin since 1978. That plant nursery has reused Texaco’s traditional freestanding sign and kept Teague’s typical green speed lines and red stars. Another example is the Market of Ahs (formerly named Galer’s Roadside Market) in Hillsboro, Illinois. It sells a variety of outdoor decorative items, such as concrete statuary, yard art, fountains, and benches – along with perennial plants, displayed under the station’s canopy. 99 [Figure 2.93]. The Market of Ahs is a boxy station structure with two service bays. However, returning to the earlier concept of house/cottage-style stations being particularly useful for future business purposes due to their appearance and positive connotations, the sight of that particular type of building displaying flowers for sale does not seem that strange. For instance, even though the flower shop was simply one of a revolving door of reuses for the Wilmington, North Carolina, Pure Oil station mentioned earlier, it was still an appropriate reuse – visually speaking – for the quaint cottage. 100 Of course, even at non cottage/house-style stations, canopies can work well for shading and displaying plants to passersby, as occurs in Hillsboro. Some canopy stations open up their service bays for display purposes instead, though, as Ivy’s Flower Station does in Glendale, California. [Figure 2.94]. Its canopy still serves a useful purpose, though, having become a drive-through - which allows patrons to quickly pick up pre- ordered bouquets without leaving their cars. Along with that unique element, when the 164 florist opened in 2006, its owner not only accentuated the building’s origins as a 1923 Mobil station through the shop’s name, but also kept key station features – including Mobil signage [Figure 2.95], tire racks, and even the mechanics’ pit / car lift area (which she covered with a goldfish pond). 101 Keeping the station’s historic appearance has been important to the business, the website for which touts the florist’s “unique and original environment” as providing a “trip back in time.” That nostalgic appeal is key for attracting not only customers, though, but also the creators of various films, television shows, and commercials, who have used the Hollywood-close station as a shooting location. As the florist’s website proudly noted, the station has appeared in everything from classic episodes of The Andy Griffith Show to recent fare such as a Jeep commercial and a 2009 episode of the CBS drama The Mentalist. 102 Across the country in Charleston, South Carolina, another gas-station-turned- flower-shop has used different tactics in terms of both gaining funding and utilizing the existing station structure. Tiger Lily Florist enclosed with glass the large canopy area of its unique, Colonial Revival style station, which the Economy Oil Company had created in 1928-1929. That change, and the restoration and reuse of the decade-vacant, fuel- contaminated building in general, occurred in 2002 with the help of a $425,000 grant from the federal Housing and Urban Development (HUD) agency’s “Renewal Community” program. Beyond helping to revitalize a neighborhood through bringing in a new business and creating job opportunities, a stated goal was to “preserve the architectural integrity of the building while providing additional service and display area” that would make the enterprise more viable. With Tiger Lily Florist having since been voted the best florist in Charleston by newspaper readers for multiple years in a row and, 165 in 2004, having won both the Charleston Small Business of the Year Award from the Charleston Metro Chamber of Commerce and an annual award from the Preservation Society of Charleston, the effort seems to have succeeded. 103 That brings up an interesting point, since in the early days of Charleston preservation efforts, local preservationists saw gas stations not as architecturally and historically significant buildings deserving of awards, but rather as destructive entities that should be kept out at all costs – as described above. However, by the time Tiger Lily Florist opened in a cupola-topped, arched-windowed structure that resembled a traditionally historic building much more than a gas station (especially with its canopy enclosed and facing sideways rather than forward), the Charleston preservation community had already crossed that boundary. In the 1980s, in an ironic twist, the Historic Charleston Foundation acquired, as a gift, one of the gas stations that had originally caused so much trouble there – the very same Standard Oil station whose 1930 construction followed the demolition of three historic houses and led to the city enacting America’s first preservation ordinance. The foundation turned the station (which had closed in 1981) into the Frances R. Edmund Center for Historic Preservation, which opened in 1986. The center, devoted to public education, contains not only meeting rooms and a fundraising gift shop but also exhibits about Charleston history and preservation – which even include salvaged elements from demolished historic buildings. 104 The latter element is strangely appropriate, since that physically attractive station’s own structure included bricks, columns, and other elements taken from the Gabriel Manigault House, one of the mansions that Standard Oil had destroyed. Utilizing 166 those salvaged features was part of Standard Oil’s attempt to improve its image with the local public after the demolition debacle – as was its decision to hire Albert Simons to design the station. Simons, an active preservationist, was Charleston’s most renowned architect of the era and was, moreover, particularly prominent in the field of restoration architecture. The ideal designer for that controversial task, he created a sophisticated, Colonial Revival style structure that blended in well with its historic surroundings. (It would have been practically unrecognizable as a service station, if not for the gas pumps.) Thus, beyond simply being tangible evidence of a crucial chapter of the city’s history and a valuable cautionary tale, the reused station also now serves as a visual reminder of the idea that good design can create buildings worth saving – regardless of the circumstances of their creation. Moreover, as with the polluting gas stations that became florists and plant nurseries, turning the site of something harmful into a positive place is a powerful concept. 105 Overall, an increasing number of preservation organizations and civic groups are showing an appreciation for the cultural and architectural significance of gas stations in their communities, using stations for their own offices and purposes. Perhaps most prominently, Preservation North Carolina, the statewide preservation organization, purchased, restored, and has since reused a Shell station in Winston-Salem. Far from a typical gas station, this was one of just eight stations that the Quality Oil Company, an early Shell distributor, built during the 1930s in the form of giant seashells. The 16-foot tall, yellow, shell-shaped gas stations stood as concrete (and wood and wire) representations of Shell’s corporate logo – serving as a powerful, physical form of advertising directed at passing drivers. Despite being eye-catching, most of these stations 167 did not survive long, especially since the shells’ unique design made them too tiny to be able to provide most then-expected services – or, at least, to provide them inside, as was typical at other service stations. The 1930 Winston-Salem example was fortunate, becoming an early case of adaptive reuse when a lawnmower repair shop (yet another eco-oriented conversion) opened inside it in 1970. It even achieved designation on the National Register in 1976. By the time Preservation North Carolina stepped in during the mid 1990s, it was the only one left of its kind, and it was decaying – used only for storage. An extensive restoration then occurred, with Preservation North Carolina utilizing funds and donations from the state Department of Cultural Resources, Quality Oil, and even Shell Oil. The organization’s efforts included repainting the station its original color, bringing in restored pumps, and even replicating the original, freestanding, outdoor car-wash shelter. The station reopened in 1997 as Preservation North Carolina’s northwest regional office. 106 That same year, across the country, the Albuquerque Conservation Association received a 1937, house-style Conoco station [Figure 2.96] as a donation from its longtime owners, H.B. and Lucille Horn. (The station had remained a Conoco until 1960, after which the Horns operated it until the mid 1980s as part of their Horn Oil chain, which by the late 1970s had become the largest independent oil company in New Mexico.) The organization promptly turned it into the appropriately titled H.B. & Lucille Horn Preservation Station, as a sign on the restored structure proclaims. [Figure 2.97]. The reused station now serves as the association’s office and also hosts the monthly meetings of the local Huning Highlands Historic District Neighborhood Association – volunteers 168 from which turned the station’s surrounding open lot into a community garden in 2010. The Preservation Station became part of the National Register of Historic Places in 2006. 107 Meanwhile, on Route 66 in Shamrock, Texas, yet another former Conoco – known as the Tower Station because of the 1936 structure’s neon-bedecked, art deco tower [Figure 2.98] – also plays an important role in its town. The National Park Service’s “Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary” for Route 66 described the National Register-listed station as being “one of the most imposing and architecturally creative buildings along the length of the road” [Figure 2.99], and it is certainly one of the most famous as well. Cars, Disney/Pixar’s 2006 film, an Oscar-nominated smash hit set on Route 66, even featured the station prominently – with its tale of anthropomorphic automobiles including an animated version of the Tower Station as Ramone’s House of Body Art. While providing cars with elaborate, customized paint jobs was the station’s function in that movie, in real life, the Conoco has housed Shamrock’s Chamber of Commerce since 2002 – following the station’s full restoration utilizing money from fundraisers as well as a Federal Transportation Enhancement Grant. This reuse of the National Register-listed gas station clearly acknowledges the importance of both the automobile and the road to the town’s economic survival, both past and present. 108 The significance that a single filling station can have for a community is also apparent in the reuse of a large, English Tudor style station in St. Charles, Illinois. The 1928 McCornack Oil Company station, which had been sitting boarded up since 1990, reopened in 2001 as the nonprofit St. Charles History Museum, providing local history exhibits and archives. Other stations also fulfill useful functions that aid their areas. For 169 instance, in Eaton, New York, a former Tower Gas station – one of a chain of stations that the Colonial Beacon Oil Company built, each featuring a large lighthouse as a “beacon” to attract passing travelers – serves as a post office (although, before that, it had a restaurant reuse). 109 Along those same lines, in 2002 in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, a 1929 structure switched from being a gas station to a police station. The house-type station (one of many that Texaco built across Canada in a stucco-covered, tile-roofed, mission revival style) was originally called the West Side Service Station. Following a 1943 ownership change, it became known as the Little Chief Service Station, which was the inspiration for the Saskatoon Police Service substation’s official moniker as the Little Chief Community Station. The converted building, which even features a retro-style Texaco pump out front, became a city landmark (or, in Canadian preservation parlance, a Municipal Heritage Property) in 2003. Its restoration and reuse also garnered awards in 2004 from both the city of Saskatoon and the Saskatchewan Architectural Heritage Society (the province’s main preservation organization). 110 Another Canadian example of recent past / roadside reuse, mentioned earlier in this chapter of the dissertation, is legendary modern architect Mies Van Der Rohe’s 1968 Esso Gas Station on Nuns’ Island (or Ile des Soeurs) in Montreal. The modernist station closed in late 2008, with Esso removing its gas pumps and signage and boarding up its floor-to-ceiling glass walls, which had previously made the pavilion-style structure practically transparent. (The director of the city’s preservation organization, Heritage Montreal, dubbed it “the ‘Ritz’ of gas stations.”) Fortunately, the local borough council quickly sprang into action, declaring barely two months later that it would convert the 170 large station into what it termed a “House of Generations” or “Generational House.” That community facility will include both a youth center (in the station’s former office) and a senior center (in the former garage area). Hundreds of supporters later packed a Heritage Council of Montreal hearing regarding the structure’s reuse as well as its proposed city historical monument status. Enthusiasts (including members of the Quebec branch of the international modernism-preservation organization Docomomo) spoke out in support of the landmark nomination, seeing designation as crucial to preventing possible physical changes to the striking structure during the conversion. 111 However, as a local magazine reporter noted about the borough’s intentions regarding the station (in an article several months before Montreal did name it an official historical monument), “There is no question about changing the appearance of the building, for its heritage value is undisputed.” 112 That statement is truly impressive, considering not just the gas station’s comparatively young age but also, of course, its very nature as a gas station. As discussed above regarding the city visitor center that opened in Albert Frey’s modernist gas station in Palm Springs, though, unique architecture and an association with a major figure can both go a long way toward validating the continued existence of even a traditionally humble, lowbrow building type like a gas station. However, community- reused chain stations, whose identical versions once spanned multiple states, have received major acclaim and appreciation as well. That is the case in Providence, where a prototypical, Walter Dorwin Teague- designed, Texaco icebox station now holds the office of a nonprofit group called the West Broadway Neighborhood Association. The organization has tied its identity so 171 strongly to the 1930s station, which it bought in 1996, that the structure’s iconic speed lines and red stars now actually form the group’s logo. In honor of the association’s volunteer-driven restoration and reuse of the streamlined station (which even included adding a vintage gas pump out front), the Rhode Island Historical Preservation & Heritage Commission presented it with an annual preservation award in 1999. The state commission contended, “The renovated headquarters establishes a highly visible presence for an important neighborhood group, preserves a rapidly disappearing historic resource, and sets a fine example for future redevelopment” in the area. 113 Reuses such as these serve as de facto stamps of approval – from civic leaders, business owners, tourists, and locals alike – for a type of building that was widely reviled as a blight upon the landscape only a short time ago. 114 As the Los Angeles Conservancy noted regarding the converted Marquez Filling Station when it won one of the organization’s annual preservation awards in 2007, projects like that have saved “increasingly rare example[s] of…roadside architecture while illustrating that even relatively small pieces of history matter.” The phenomenon of gas station restoration and reuse is thus indicative of the transformation of the American preservation field as a whole. 115 1 Daniel I. Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up: An Architectural History of America's Gas Stations (New York: Macmillan, 1979), xiii; John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, The Gas Station in America, Creating the North American Landscape (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), 3, 5, 17, 228-229. 2 Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 95-97; Michael Karl Witzel, The American Gas Station (St. Paul, MN: Motorbooks International, 1992), 12-16, 36-37; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 3-4; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 49-50, 74, 135-136; John Margolies, Pump and Circumstance: Glory Days of the Gas Station (Boston: Little, Brown, 1993), 9, 44. 172 3 Liebs, Main Street, 97-99; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 52-54, 112, 131-132, 137- 138; Witzel, American Gas Station, 16, 18-19, 39, 44; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 30, 44; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 7, 30. 4 Liebs, Main Street, 99; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 27-33; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 56; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 12, 140-142, 157-160. 5 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 14, 41-42, 50, 78; Witzel, American Gas Station, 48-49, 52; Michael Karl Witzel, "Gas Station Memories" (1994), in Roadside Americana: Gas Food Lodging, by Michael Karl Witzel and Tim Steil (St. Paul, MN: Crestline, 2003), 115; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 54-55; Liebs, Main Street, 100-101; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 138-141, 160-161, 168-169, 172- 176, 197-198. 6 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 15, 20, 26; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 56-58; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 157-158, 230. 7 Liebs, Main Street, 99-100; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 7; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 54; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 55. 8 Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 1-4, 36-47; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 40; Witzel, "Gas Station Memories," 138, 143-146, 161-167; Witzel, American Gas Station, 77-82, 120-121, 134, Liebs, Main Street, 106, 112. 9 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 8-9, 45; Liebs, Main Street, 102-103; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 142, 144; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 100-105; Witzel, American Gas Station, 104, 111; Jim Ross, "Fill 'Er Up! In Chandler, Oklahoma, Preservationist Bill Fernau Pieces History Together at His Classic Service Station," American Road Magazine, Summer 2003, 50-54, http://www.patinaproperties.com/patinastation.pdf (accessed January 17, 2010); Mark Potter, "Phillips 66 Station, Chandler," Flickr, March 4, 2006, http://www.flickr.com/photos/mark_potter_2000/2890684701/ (accessed April 29, 2011); Lori Biever-Launder, "Former Phillips 66 Station, Chandler, OK (Route 66)," Flickr, April 29, 2007, http://www.flickr.com/photos/npllori/477712587/ (accessed February 1, 2010). 10 Liebs, Main Street, 103-107; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 144-150; Witzel, American Gas Station, 85-89, 92-94; Tim Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, Enthusiast Color Series (St. Paul, MN: MBI, 2002), 69; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 51, 56-59, 69; North Glassell Street, Orange, California, 1944, 1944, Orange Public Library Local History Collection, Online Archive of California, Orange, CA, http://www.oac.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/kt496nb979/?layout=metadata&brand=oac4 (accessed January 27, 2010); City of Orange Economic Development Department, "Map to Shopping, Dining, Services & Public Parking Destinations in Old Towne Orange," City of Orange, November 2008, http://www.cityoforange.org/civica/filebank/blobdload.asp?blobID=7163 (accessed January 27, 2010). 11 Liebs, Main Street, 108; Witzel, American Gas Station, 113; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 113; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 74; Charisse Jones, "N.J. Just Says No to Pumping Gas," USA Today, May 17, 2006, http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-05-16-nj- gas_x.htm (accessed January 27, 2010). 12 Liebs, Main Street, 111-113; David Galbraith, "Top 15 Modernist Gas Stations," Oobject: A Curations Creation - Daily User Ranked Lists, http://www.oobject.com/category/top-15-modernist-gas- stations (accessed September 7, 2009); Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 70-77; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 64; Scott Stein, "Architect's Dream Realized in Cloquet," Duluth News Tribune, October 2, 2009, http://www.duluthnewstribune.com/event/article/id/148052/ (accessed February 1, 2010); Edward Lifson, "The Most Beautiful Gas Station in the World," Hello Beautiful! Something Beautiful Every Day, web log entry posted January 28, 2009, http://edwardlifson.blogspot.com/2009/01/most-beautiful-gas-station-in- world.html (accessed October 22, 2010). 173 13 Minnesota Historical Society, "Lindholm Oil Company Service Station," Minnesota's National Register Properties, 2007, http://nrhp.mnhs.org/property_overview.cfm?PropertyID=29 (accessed October 26, 2010); Arlene Sanderson, ed., Wright Sites: A Guide to Frank Lloyd Wright Public Places, 3rd ed. (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2001), 72, http://books.google.com/books?id=A4QQXjROdlMC (accessed October 26, 2010); Collin Freeman, "Mac's 66, 8139 Metcalf Ave, Overland Park," Flickr, 2003, http://www.flickr.com/photos/38582842@N07/4754632737/ (accessed October 26, 2010); Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 64-65, 72-75; Liebs, Main Street, 112-113; Witzel, American Gas Station, 121-122, 138-139. 14 Liebs, Main Street, 111-112; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 151-152; Witzel, American Gas Station, 123, 126-128, 137; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 51-54, 88-89; Google, "Peter's Shell, Pomona CA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed January 28, 2010); Google, "2020 4th Street Northwest, Albuquerque, NM," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed October 26, 2010); Texaco, "Advertisement," Albuquerque Tribune, September 13, 1973, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed February 13, 2010); New Mexico Motor Vehicle Division, "MVD Related Businesses: List of Dealers," State of New Mexico, http://www.mvd.newmexico.gov/Commercial-Services/MVD-Related-Businesses/List-of-Dealers.html (accessed October 9, 2010). 15 Liebs, Main Street, 111-113; Witzel, American Gas Station, 126-128; Google, "Andy's Tires & Wheels, Pomona, CA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed October 26, 2010); Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 52-53, 69, 71; Ring In Chemical Products Co., "Advertisement: Every Car Needs Ring In: Obtainable at the Following Locations," Albuquerque Journal, November 23, 1952, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 28, 2010); Albuquerque Auto Glass, "Albuquerque Auto Glass: We'll Make a Difference in Your View," http://www.abqautoglass.com/ (accessed October 26, 2010); Google, "4204 4th St NW, Albuquerque NM," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed January 28, 2010). Note: although Google Maps Street View shows the former Griffin Texaco best at 4204 4th St. NW, the station’s actual address is 4201. 16 Witzel, American Gas Station, 135-138. 17 Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 115; Liebs, Main Street, 113. 18 Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 110, 115; Witzel, American Gas Station, 138-139; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 76-78; Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 83-84; Liebs, Main Street, 113. 19 Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 84; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 110, 113, 116-117, 120; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 72-75, 78-80, 154, 227; Witzel, American Gas Station, 115, 139; Witzel, "Gas Station Memories," 109; Liebs, Main Street, 114-115. 20 John Briggs, "Progress or Desecration?" Burlington Free Press, June 21, 2006, http://www.burlingtonfreepress.com (accessed July 2, 2006). See also Recent Past Preservation Network, "Officers," RPPN: Recent Past Preservation Network, http://www.recentpast.org/about/officers (accessed January 27, 2010); Devin Colman, "Devin Colman: Historic Buildings Specialist," LinkedIn, http://www.linkedin.com/pub/devin-colman/5/57b/bba (accessed October 5, 2010). 21 David Brussat, "Ask Dr. Downtown," Providence Journal, May 8, 2003, Editorials sec., http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 27, 2010). 22 Gregory Smith, "Paolino Razes Landmark Gulf Station: Preservationists Fume Over the Loss of the Circular Structure, While Former Mayor Joseph R. Paolino Insists He Did Not Knowingly Break the Law," Providence Journal, April 22, 2003, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 27, 2010); Ken Mingis, "Downtown Runs on Empty; Whether Another Service Station Eventually Opens on the Site of Downtown's Only Station Depends on Cumberland Farms and Gulf, Which Forced the Autiello Brothers 174 Out," Providence Journal-Bulletin, December 12, 1996, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 27, 2010); Rhode Island ArtInRuins, "A.I.R.'s Cruelest, Most Negligent and Most Nefarious Demolitions: The Circular Gulf Station (Paolino Properties)," http://www.artinruins.com/arch/?id=rip&pr=gulfstation (accessed January 27, 2010). 23 Smith, "Paolino Razes Landmark Gulf". See also Gregory Smith, "Providence Moves to Save Downcity District," Providence Journal, September 17, 2004, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 27, 2010). 24 Brussat, "Ask Dr. Downtown". 25 Robert R. Weyeneth, Historic Preservation for a Living City: Historic Charleston Foundation, 1947-1997, Historic Charleston Foundation Studies in History and Culture (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2000), xiv, 2, 4-7, 16-17; Brent Lanford, "Station to Station: How Gas Stations Have Transformed Charleston (and Vice Versa)," Charleston City Paper, May 14, 2003, http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:TH5ms0bhaNUJ:brentlanford.com/StationtoStation.pdf+bren tlanford.com&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEEShVrQyKTxsKp5NJ31rw- 90MtG1V2T1Ax5PJZ4GsEScNN7vMN_b4WwEjjqlE5SR40HN-GFJyVr6ywai59LmMwc- aZo6XrdzBIxzMc-sPlZJh6Jg33p6EcoIFLHRXwJLI4771dIeI&sig=AHIEtbQdLhp3L- 6DJHyVckJSuu3dAmrVPA (accessed January 27, 2010); Sidney R. Bland, Preserving Charleston's Past, Shaping Its Future: The Life and Times of Susan Pringle Frost (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1999), 85-86, accessed September 7, 2009, http://books.google.com/books?id=- Ri6sLJ66pMC. 26 Los Angeles Conservancy, "Power to the People: Your Favorite Sixties Buildings in Los Angeles County - Meet the Winners," The Sixties Turn 50: The Los Angeles Conservancy and Its Modern Committee Celebrate Greater Los Angeles' Rich Legacy of 1960s Architecture, Which Starts Turning 50 Years Old in 2010, http://lac.laconservancy.org/site/PageServer?pagename=60sWinnersPage (accessed January 14, 2010); Eduardo Medrano, "Roadside: The 76 Ball," So Cal Auto News: Online Newsletter for Southern California Motorists, http://www.socalautonews.com/article_roadsidethe76ball.php (accessed January 18, 2010). 27 Nicholas Dagen Bloom, Suburban Alchemy: 1960s New Towns and the Transformation of the American Dream, Urban Life and Urban Landscape Series (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 2001), 1-32; Jason Hartke, "Station Awaits Repairs: Bobby Kapoor Starts Over After SUV Crashes into and Destroys Lake Anne Chevron," Reston Connection, May 31, 2006, http://www.connectionnewspapers.com/article.asp?article=253512&paper=71&cat=104 (accessed January 13, 2010); Claire Compton, "Lake Anne Chevron Reopens After 14 Months: Over a Year Ago, Charles A. Miller, 46, Drove His Ford Expedition Through a Gas Station Pump and into the Lake Anne Chevron Station, Wreaking Havoc on the Station and the Lives of Its Owners, Bobby and Neeta Kapoor," Fairfax Times, May 23, 2007, http://www.fairfaxtimes.com/cms/archivestory.php?id=226633 (accessed January 13, 2010); Stan Ries, Photograph: Lake Anne Village Gulf Station, Front View, May 7, 1996, Reston: Planned Community Archives, George Mason University Libraries - Mason Archival Repository Service (MARS), Fairfax, VA, http://digilib.gmu.edu:8080/xmlui/handle/1920/5483 (accessed April 29, 2011); Bobby Kapoor, "Reston Mobil Est-1964," Reston Mobil: Welcome to Our One Stop Care Center, http://www.restonmobil.com/index.html (accessed October 6, 2010). 28 Delbert Trew, "Phillips 66 Service Station, McLean, Texas," Texas Escapes Online Magazine: Travel and History, http://www.texasescapes.com/TexasGasStations/Route66-Phillips66-Service-Station- McLean-Texas.htm (accessed January 14, 2010); Bill McKibbon, "Route 66 Restored Phillips 66 Gas Station McLean Texas," Flickr, July 28, 2008, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/21055823@N07/2711914733/; John Hagstrom, "51a McLean TX - Phillips 66 Service Station 01," Flickr, June 19, 2009, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/11311958@N06/3642386896/. 175 29 National Park Service, "Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program Funded Projects - 2002," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, 4, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/grnts/Funded%20Projects%2002.pdf (accessed January 14, 2010); National Park Service Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, "Preservation Success Story: Magnolia Station - Vegas, Texas," Route 66 Corridor Preservation News 3 (October 2004): 3, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/news/Newsletter3.pdf (accessed January 14, 2010); National Park Service, "Cost-Share Grant Project Spotlight: Magnolia Service Station, Vegas, Texas," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/grnts/MagnoliaSpotlight.pdf (accessed January 14, 2010). 30 National Park Service Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, "Preservation Cost-Share Grants Awarded for 2004," Route 66 Corridor Preservation News 3 (October 2004): 1-2, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/news/Newsletter3.pdf (accessed January 16, 2010); Tom Teague, "Soulsby Station Restoration Journal," Route 66 Association of Illinois, web log entry posted March 2004, http://il66assoc.org/content/soulsby-station-restoration-journal (accessed January 17, 2010); John Hagstrom, "14b Mount Olive IL - Russell Soulsby's Service Station 05," Flickr, June 18, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/11311958@N06/3639277489/ (accessed January 19, 2010). 31 Historical Preservation Association of Rancho Cucamonga, Inc., Historic Landmark Nomination: Subject: Consideration of the Empty Richfield Service Station (Circa 1915) Located at 9668 Foothill Blvd. (Rte 66)..., report, www.insidesocal.com/rcnow/GasStation.doc (accessed March 13, 2009); Wendy Leung, "Council Vote Gives Rancho Station Historic Nod," Inland Valley Daily Bulletin, April 20, 2009, http://www.dailybulletin.com (accessed April 21, 2009); Wendy Leung, "Pump Past Prime: Group Wants to Restore Gas Station," Inland Valley Daily Bulletin, January 15, 2011, http://www.dailybulletin.com/rss/ci_17106412 (accessed January 16, 2011). 32 Dallas Landmark Commission, "Designated Landmark Structures: Good Luck Gas Station," City of Dallas, Texas, http://www.dallascityhall.com/historic/html/good_luck_gas_station.html (accessed January 14, 2010); Dallas Landmark Commission, Ordinance No. 21340: Establishing Historic Overlay District No. 56 (Good Luck Gas Station) (City of Dallas, Texas, June 17, 1992), 1, http://www.dallascityhall.com/historic/pdf/21340.pdf (accessed January 14, 2010); Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 52; Jeff Ircink, "Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station," Passion = Truth: How Jeffrey James Francis Ircink Sees the World, web log entry posted July 27, 2009, http://jeffircink.blogspot.com/2009/06/barnsdall-rio-grande-gas-station.html (accessed January 15, 2010); Santa Barbara County Historic Landmarks Advisory Commission, "Landmarks - December 2008," Santa Barbara County Planning and Development, http://www.sbcountyplanning.org/boards/hlac/about.cfm (accessed January 15, 2010). 33 D.C. Historic Preservation Division, "District of Columbia Inventory of Historic Sites, Updated to July 1, 2002," H-DC: Washington, D.C. History Network, 29, http://www.h-net.org/~dclist/shpo.pdf (accessed January 28, 2010); National Park Service, "Washington, DC: A National Register of Historic Places Travel Itinerary," National Register of Historic Places, http://www.nps.gov/history/NR/travel/wash/text.htm#embassy (accessed March 24, 2009); Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 82-83; Laura Hughes and Laura Trieschmann, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: Embassy Gulf Service Station (Washington, DC: National Park Service, August 27, 1993), http://pdfhost.focus.nps.gov/docs/nrhp/text/93001014.pdf (accessed January 28, 2010). 34 Google, "Get Directions: 2200 P St NW, Washington, DC 20037 to 2708 Virginia Ave NW, Washington, DC 20037," Google Maps, http://maps.google.com (accessed January 20, 2010); Amy Ross, HABS No. DC-665: Higgins Service Station (Watergate Exxon): Photographs, Written Historical and Descriptive Data, report (Washington, DC: Historic American Buildings Survey, Summer 1992), 1-4, http://memory.loc.gov/pnp/habshaer/dc/dc0700/dc0756/data/dc0756.pdf; Historic American Buildings Survey, "Higgins Service Station, 2708 Virginia Avenue, Northwest, Washington, District of Columbia, DC," Library of Congress: Prints & Photographs Online Catalog, http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/DC0756/ (accessed January 20, 2010). 176 35 William Claiborne, "Razing Gas Station Generates Protest," Washington Post, December 2, 1972, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 20, 2010); Mike Livingston, "In D.C. Even a Gas Station Can Have 'Dignity and Stature'" Washington Business Journal, January 10, 2003, http://washington.bizjournals.com/washington/stories/2003/01/13/focus7.html (accessed January 28, 2010). 36 J.Y. Smith, "NW Gas Station Will Be Preserved," Washington Post, April 27, 1973, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed January 20, 2010). 37 R.C. Baker Memorial Museum, "Restored 1934 Richfield Service Station," 2008, http://www.rcbakermuseum.com/Richfield.html (accessed June 26, 2008); R.C. Baker Memorial Museum, "Transportation Exhibition Coming Soon," 2008, http://www.rcbakermuseum.com/TransportationExhibition.html (accessed April 30, 2011). 38 Kern County Superintendent of Schools, "Visitor's Guide," Kern County Museum, http://wwwstatic.kern.org/gems/kcMuseum/KCMVisitGuideweb.pdf (accessed October 8, 2010); History San Jose, "Visiting HSJ: Site Map: Click on the Map to Find Out More About the Buildings at History Park," History San Jose: Silicon Valley from A to Z, http://www.historysanjose.org/visiting_hsj/buildings/history_park/map.html (accessed October 8, 2010); History San Jose, "Visiting HSJ: Associated Oil Company Service Station," History San Jose: Silicon Valley from A to Z, http://www.historysanjose.org/visiting_hsj/buildings/history_park/gas_station.html (accessed October 8, 2010); Kern County Superintendent of Schools, "Sonora Street Service Station," Kern County Museum, http://www.kcmuseum.org/stories/storyReader$88 (accessed October 8, 2010); Kern County Superintendent of Schools, "Pioneer Village: Click on the Buildings to Learn More About Them," Kern County Museum, http://www.kcmuseum.org/ourCollection (accessed October 8, 2010); Kern County Superintendent of Schools, "Historic Neon Signs of Bakersfield and Kern County," Kern County Museum, http://www.kcmuseum.org/stories/storyReader$1220 (accessed October 8, 2010). 39 Robert L. Jamieson Jr., "Trail's End for Hat 'N Boots? Nope," Seattle Post-Intelligencer, June 28, 2001, http://www.seattlepi.com/jamieson/29182_robert28.shtml (accessed May 16, 2007); Docomomo WeWA, "Endangered Properties: Hat 'N' Boots, Seattle," Docomomo WeWA: Documentation and Conservation of the Modern Movement, Western WA, http://www.docomomo- wewa.org/endangered_detail.php?id=5 (accessed May 16, 2007). 40 Robert Chacon, "Gas Station Will Be Part of Park," Glendale News-Press, July 7, 2005, http://articles.glendalenewspress.com/2005-07-07/news/export958_1_gas-station-historic-preservation- commission-park-s-design (accessed January 21, 2010); Ryan Carter, "Pumping Life into Vacant Shop," Glendale News-Press, June 17, 2003, http://articles.glendalenewspress.com/2003-06- 17/news/export17855_1_gas-station-service-station-ryan-carter (accessed January 21, 2010); Margaret Foster, "Park Opens with Restored 1936 Gas Station," Preservation Online: Today's News, November 8, 2007, http://www.preservationnation.org/magazine/2007/todays-news-2007/park-opens-with-restored.html (accessed November 14, 2007); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Restored Richfield Gas Station, Glendale, CA," Flickr, March 29, 2008, http://www.flickr.com/photos/agilitynut/2370581696/ (accessed October 8, 2010). 41 A. L. Kerth, A New Life for the Abandoned Service Station (Massapequa Park, NY: Albert L. Kerth, A.I.A., 1974), Introduction. 42 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 85. 43 Kerth, New Life, Introduction. 44 Ibid., 1. 45 Ibid., 16-17, 59, 71. 177 46 Ibid., Introduction. 47 Ibid., 59. 48 Corinne Purtill, "Beneath Route 66, a Model Cleanup: Gas-Contaminated Soil Still Lurks at Many Sites," Arizona Republic, September 3, 2006, http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/news/articles/0903route66plan0903.html (accessed September 5, 2006). 49 Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 139-140; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - North Carolina: Pure Oil," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/ncpure.html (accessed May 11, 2009); Artfuel Inc., "About," Welcome to Artfuel, http://artfuelinc.com/about/ (accessed October 9, 2010). 50 New Mexico State Highway and Transportation Department Scenic Byways Program, Moriarty: Historic Route 66 (Santa Fe, NM: New Mexico Department of Tourism), 2, http://newmexico.org/scenicbyways/scenic_byways_docs/brochures_and_articles/docs/moriarty.pdf (accessed January 20, 2011); Jennifer Archibeque, "Tijeras Seeks Public Comment on Motorcycle Shop," Albuquerque Journal, February 17, 2000, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 9, 2010). 51 William R. Hunt, "Knox City, Texas," The Handbook of Texas Online at TSHA Online: A Digital Gateway to Texas History at the University of Texas at Austin, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/KK/hjk7.html (accessed April 14, 2007); Don Baird, "IMG_10149. Taken APR 4, 2009 in Knox City, TX. Elev 1529 Ft. The Mane Place. Former Gas Station," Flickr, April 4, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/old-curmudgeon/3497916200/ (accessed July 6, 2010); Don Baird, "IMG_10152. Taken APR 4, 2009 in Knox City, TX. Elev. 1529 Ft. Gas Station," Flickr, April 4, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/old-curmudgeon/3497100207/ (accessed July 6, 2010); Dun & Bradstreet, "Texas: Knox City: Oil and Gas Extraction: Oil and Gas Field Services, Nec: Testing, Measuring, Surveying, and Analysis Services: Eagle Tubing Testers," D&B PowerProfiles, http://dnb.powerprofiles.com/profile/622470193/EAGLE+TUBING+TESTERS-KNOX+CITY-TX (accessed October 9, 2010). 52 Liebs, Main Street, 102-104. 53 Abilene Reporter News, "Around the Big Country 03.03.07," March 3, 2007, http://www.reporternews.com/news/2007/mar/03/around-the-big-country-030307/ (accessed April 13, 2007). 54 Maryjo Meacham et al., National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: Bristow Tire Shop (Washington, DC: National Park Service, May 31, 1992), sec. 7 pg. 9, sec. 8 pg. 11, http://www.ocgi.okstate.edu/shpo/nhrpdfs/95000033.pdf (accessed February 2, 2010); Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 16-17; Oklahoma State Historic Preservation Office, "Bristow Tire Shop," National Register Properties in Oklahoma, http://www.ocgi.okstate.edu/shpo/shpopic.asp?id=95000033 (accessed February 2, 2010). 55 Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 135-36, 159-60; Liebs, Main Street, 114-115; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 92; Becky L. Snider, Debbie Sheals, and Carol Grove, Route 66 in Missouri Survey and National Register Project. Project No. S7215MSFACG. Survey Report, report (Jefferson City, MO: Missouri State Historic Preservation Office, January 14, 2003), 80+, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/HistSig/MissouriContext.htm (accessed March 7, 2010); Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 10; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - Massachusetts: Canopies," Roadside Architecture, http://agilitynut.com/gas/macan.html (accessed March 16, 2010). 56 Skelly Dealers in the Colorado Springs Area, "Advertisement," Colorado Springs Gazette Telegraph, July 22, 1965, 12-C, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed October 9, 2010); Colorado Springs Gazette, "Shopping: Best of the Springs Poll," June 22, 1995, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed 178 October 9, 2010); Colorado Steam Equipment, "Classifieds: 28-Misc. for Sale," Colorado Springs Gazette Telegraph, July 4, 1968, 7-E, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed October 9, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - Colorado: Art Deco," Roadside Architecture, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/codeco.html; Jeni Shurley, "New Tattoo Parlor Opening in Manitou Springs," CS Fresh Ink (web log), November 18, 2009, accessed October 9, 2010, http://www.csfreshink.com/profiles/blogs/new-tattoo-parlor-opening-in. 57 Albuquerque Environmental Health Department, "Business Information Details: M.V.D. Specialists," City of Albuquerque, http://cogpubbkp.cabq.gov/envhealth/Details.asp?ID=FA0038313 (accessed October 9, 2010); MVD Now, "Locations," MVD Now: Why Wait? http://mvdnow.com/location.html (accessed October 9, 2010); LoopNet, "Historical Retail Sale Listing - Texaco Gas Station Convenience Store, 901 Eubank NE, Albuquerque, NM 87112," Retail Property - Off Market, http://www.loopnet.com/Listing/13577118/901-Eubank-NE-Albuquerque-NM/ (accessed October 9, 2010); New Mexico Motor Vehicle Division, "Private MVD Field Offices," State of New Mexico, http://www.mvd.newmexico.gov/Maps-and-Locations/Private-MVD-Offices.html (accessed October 9, 2010); MVD Now, "Home Page," MVD Now: Why Wait? http://mvdnow.com/ (accessed October 9, 2010). 58 National Park Service, "Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program 2006 Cost-Share Grant Projects Announced," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/grnts/2006Awards.htm (accessed October 9, 2010); Tulsa Preservation Commission, "Vickery Phillips 66 Station," Buildings in the National Register of Historic Places, http://www.tulsapreservationcommission.org/nationalregister/buildings/index.pl?id=50 (accessed October 10, 2010); John Hagstrom, "42b Tulsa OK - Phillips 66 Gas Station (Avis) at 6th & Elgin," Flickr, June 19, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/11311958@N06/3641824376/ (accessed October 9, 2010). 59 KJRH-TV, 2News HD, "Historic Blue Dome Building Will Become T-Town Trolley Depot," March 20, 2009, http://www2.kjrh.com/dpp/news/Historic-Blue-Dome-building-will-become-T-Town- trolley-depot (accessed March 24, 2009); Bill Miller, "The Blue Dome Station," Historic Tulsa Blog, web log entry posted August 10, 2009, http://historictulsa.blogspot.com/2009/08/blue-dome-station.html (accessed October 11, 2010); Vieyra, Fill ‘Er Up, 85; Heather Caliendo, "Blue Dome Building in Tulsa Slated as New T-Town Trolley Depot," Oklahoma City Journal Record, January 7, 2009, http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4182/is_20090107/ai_n31173965/ (accessed October 11, 2010). 60 Joseph Rosa, Albert Frey, Architect, Rev. ed. (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999), 124, 138, http://books.google.com/books?id=dfR4aUJ-dOcC (accessed April 25, 2007); Jane Lotter, "Last Chance for Gas: Palm Springs Refuels a Gas Station as a Tribute to Its Modern Architecture," Preservation Online: Story of the Week, October 16, 2003, http://www.preservationnation.org/magazine/story-of-the- week/2004/palm-springs-tramway.html (accessed March 16, 2010); Palm Springs Bureau of Tourism, "Palm Springs Is a Mecca for Mid-Century Modern Architecture," Press Releases, February 1, 2010, http://visitpalmsprings.com/page/palm-springs-is-a-mecca-for-mid-century-modern-architecture/18453 (accessed March 16, 2010). 61 Creston and Union County Tourism, "Creston/Union County Visitor's Center," http://www.unioncountyiowatourism.com/html/visitors.html (accessed March 16, 2010); Creston Chamber of Commerce, "Creston's History & Historical Sites," Creston: A Great Place to Live, Work & Visit, http://www.crestoniowachamber.com/History.html (accessed April 14, 2007). 62 Rochelle Tourism & Visitor's Association, "Attractions," Experience Rochelle, http://www.rochelletourism.com/attractions.html (accessed March 17, 2010); Illinois Governor's Office, "Governor Awards More Than $17 Million to Enhance Illinois Tourism," Illinois Government News Network, November 28, 2000, http://www.illinois.gov/PressReleases/ShowPRessRelease.cfm?SubjectID=3&RecNum=633 (accessed April 16, 2007); Ruth Frantz, "Lincoln Highway: 1918 Standard Oil Filling Station, IL," National Scenic Byways Online, http://www.byways.org/explore/byways/13750/places/39476/ (accessed March 17, 2010); 179 Rochelle Tourism & Visitor's Association, Downtown Rochelle Association, and Rochelle Area Chamber of Commerce & Business Development, "Brochure: Experience Rochelle Illinois," Experience Rochelle, http://www.rochelletourism.com/brochure.pdf (accessed April 16, 2010); Illinois Lincoln Highway Coalition, "Communities: Rochelle," Illinois Lincoln Highway National Scenic Byway, http://www.drivelincolnhighway.com/communities/rochelle.html (accessed March 17, 2010). Note: On the “Attractions” website, readers must click the small photograph of the station (on the site’s left side) in order for the historical information about it to show up. 63 Route 66 Association of Illinois, "Standard Oil Station - Odell Illinois," Route 66 Association of Illinois: To Preserve, Educate, Promote, and Enjoy Route 66 in Illinois, http://il66assoc.org/attraction/standard-oil-station (accessed April 9, 2007); National Park Service, "Standard Oil Gas Station, Odell, Illinois," Route 66: A Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/route66/standard_oil_gas_station_odell.html (accessed March 18, 2010); National Park Service, "Cost-Share Grant Project Spotlight: Standard Oil Gas Station, Odell, Illinois," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/grnts/OdellSpotlight.pdf (accessed April 16, 2007); Russell A. Olsen, Route 66 Lost and Found: Ruins and Relics Revisited, Volume 2 (Osceola, WI: Voyageur Press, 2006), 15, http://books.google.com/books?id=UXpDqOFi5GsC (accessed January 30, 2009). 64 Illinois Governor's Office, "Governor Awards More"; Jeff LaFollette, "Route 66 Preservation - Success Through Partnerships: Standard Oil Gas Station," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, http://www.nps.gov/rt66/news/SuccessStories.pdf (accessed April 16, 2007). 65 Illinois Governor's Office, "Governor Awards More". 66 National Park Service, "Standard Oil Gas Station". 67 Automobile Association of America (AAA), Route 66: The Best of the Mother Road, map, 80th Anniversary ed., Greatest Hits Maps (AAA Club Services, LLC, 2006). 68 LaFollette, "Route 66 Preservation - Success". 69 National Park Service, "Ambler's Texaco Gas Station, Dwight, Illinois," Route 66: A Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/history/nr/travel/route66/amblers_texaco_gasstation_dwight.html (accessed March 17, 2010); Olsen, Route 66 Lost and Found, 10; Carl L. Johnson, "Phil Becker's Gift to Community Will Help Visitors Find Their Way," Route 66 Pulse: The Heartbeat of America's Mother Road, January 25, 2007, http://www.route66pulse.com/pages/articledetailsarch.asp?cat=1&art=160&iss=5 (accessed October 11, 2010). 70 National Park Service, "Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program 2006"; Elizabeth Rosin, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: Baxter Springs Independent Oil & Gas Service Station (Washington, DC: National Park Service, December 1, 2002), sec. 7 pg. 1, sec. 8 pg. 3-5, http://www.kshs.org/resource/national_register/nominationsNRDB/Cherokee_BaxterSpringsIndependentOi lGasServiceStationNR.pdf (accessed March 17, 2010); Roger McKinney, "Fill 'Er Up with Tourists," Joplin Globe, August 20, 2006, http://www.joplinglobe.com/lead_stories/x212023813/Fill-er-up-with- tourists (accessed September 11, 2006); Baxter Springs Heritage Center & Museum, "Grand Opening of Visitors' Center," Caisson Tracks 1, Issue 2 (October 2007): 1, http://www.baxterspringsmuseum.org/October_2007.pdf (accessed March 17, 2010). 71 McKinney, "Fill 'Er Up with Tourists". 72 LaFollette, "Route 66 Preservation - Success". 180 73 Ned Leuchtner, "A Cool Springs Rebirth," Cool Springs on Route 66, http://www.coolspringsroute66.com/ (accessed April 13, 2007); Ned Leuchtner, "History of Cool Springs," Cool Springs on Route 66, http://www.coolspringsroute66.com/history.htm (accessed March 18, 2010); Melinda Applegate, "Route 66 'Return to the 50's' Gift Shop 'for Sale' in Seligman, Arizona," Flickr, October 6, 2008, section goes here, http://www.flickr.com/photos/mapplegate/2917466521/ (accessed January 21, 2010); Discovery Maps & Guides, "Grand Canyon & Williams, Arizona - Where to Shop," http://www.discoverymap.com/Arizona/Grand-Canyon-Williams-Arizona-Where-to-Shop.html (accessed January 21, 2010); Kathy Weiser-Alexander and David Alexander, "Ashfork and Seligman, Arizona - An Unbroken Stretch of Pavement," Legends of America: A Travel Site for the Nostalgic & Historic Minded, http://www.legendsofamerica.com/az-ashforkseligman.html (accessed January 21, 2010). 74 National Park Service, "U.S. Route 66-Sixth Street Historic District," Route 66: A Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/route66/6th_street_historic_district_amarillo.html (accessed March 17, 2010); National Park Service, "Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program Funded Projects - 2004," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, http://www.nps.gov/history/rt66/grnts/2004GrantAwards.pdf (accessed August 19, 2009); National Park Service, "Cost-Share Grant Project Spotlight: Sixth Street Chevron Station," Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, accessed April 30, 2011, http://www.nps.gov/rt66/grnts/SixthStChevronSpotlight.pdf. 75 Aurora Colony Visitors Association, "Welcome to Aurora," Welcome to the Home Page for Aurora National Historic District, http://www.auroracolony.com/ (accessed October 11, 2010); Jennifer Plum Auvil, "America's Best Antique Shopping: Following the Antique Trail," Travel Channel, accessed May 2, 2011, http://www.travelchannel.com/Places_Trips/Travel_Ideas/Shopping/Americas_Best_Antique_Shopping; Karen Aho, "In with the Old: Take Your Antiquing to These Little Towns to Score Big," MSN Local, accessed May 2, 2011, http://local.msn.com/article.aspx?cp-documentid=24244230; Jim Kopp, "Aurora," The Oregon Encyclopedia: An Authoritative and Free Resource on All Things Oregon, http://www.oregonencyclopedia.org/entry/view/aurora/ (accessed October 11, 2010); Michael Launder, "DSCF2181: Former Service Station, Now an Auction House, on Highway 99E in Aurora, Oregon," Flickr, July 15, 2007, http://www.flickr.com/photos/hiway99w/824290056/ (accessed January 21, 2010); McLaren Auction Services, "Aurora Colony Auction House," http://www.mclarenauction.com/ (accessed March 17, 2010). 76 Sports Tahoe, "Home Page," http://www.sportstahoe.com/ accessed October 11, 2010; Trinkie Watson, "Two New Stores in Historic Downtown Truckee," Chase Nation: The Voice of Reno-Tahoe Real Estate, web log entry posted November 10, 2008, http://www.chasenation.com/profiles/blog/show?id=2000642:BlogPost:13114 (accessed October 12, 2010); Susan Reifer, "Next Best Places: Truckee, Calif. Real People. Real Skiing. The Sierras' Working-Class Community Grows into a Starring Role," Ski: The Magazine of the Ski Life, January 2008, http://www.barofamerica.net/pdf_menus/press/SkiMagazine1-08.pdf (accessed September 29, 2010); Greyson Howard, "Going Back in Time with the Flying A," Sierra Sun, September 22, 2008, http://www.sierrasun.com/article/20080922/NEWS/809229980 (accessed April 10, 2010); Google, "10183 Donner Pass Rd, Truckee, CA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed April 19, 2010); Liebs, Main Street, 111-112; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 41-42; Greyson Howard, "Old Truckee Gas Station Given New Purpose," Sierra Sun, April 23, 2008, http://www.sierrasun.com/article/20080423/NEWS/835172741 (accessed April 10, 2010); Court Leve, "On the Spot Business Announcements (Dec 11 - Jan 15)," Moonshine Ink: Independent Media for Truckee / North Lake Tahoe, December 13, 2008, http://www.moonshineink.com/archives.php/57/1039/ (accessed April 10, 2010). Note: Google Maps Street View shows the gas station in its pre-restoration, mansard-roofed state. The best view of the station in Street View is at 10183 Donner Pass Rd., but its actual address is 10091. 77 Blake Driver, "Shop Serves Up Coffee Masterpiece," Local IQ: Albuquerque's Intelligent Alternative, May 23, 2007, http://www.local- 181 iq.com/index2.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=617&pop=1&page=0&itemid=53 (accessed February 13, 2010); Fina Service Stations, "Advertisement," Albuquerque Journal, November 14, 1958, 46, http://www.newspaperarchive.com accessed (February 13, 2010); Albuquerque Tribune, "Albq Resident Wins Food Processing Ordinance Waiver," January 27, 1971, C-10, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed January 13, 2010); Andrea Lin, "Full Moon at Michelangelo's," Duke City Food: Scarfing and Sniffing the Eats in Albuquerque (web log), June 3, 2007, http://dukecityfood.com/2007/06/03/full-moon- at-michelangelos/ (accessed April 30, 2011). 78 Google, "311 W. Main St, Mesa, AZ," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed October 12, 2010); Sarah Jackson, "Building Art," The Olympian, September 14, 2003, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed March 17, 2010); Katherine Tam, "Filling Station Fights to Keep Its Drive-Through," The Olympian, August 5, 2004, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed March 17, 2010); Katherine Tam, "Law Puts Espresso Stand's Drive-Through in Jeopardy," The Olympian, July 28, 2004, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed March 17, 2010); Google, "728 4th Ave E., Olympia, WA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed April 30, 2011); Google, "133 W. Foothill Blvd, Monrovia, CA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed October 12, 2010); Amanda Wray, "Pardon Our Dust," Living in Monrovia, web log entry posted November 7, 2006, http://livinginmonrovia.blogspot.com/2006_11_01_archive.html (accessed April 10, 2007); Google, "1830 24th St, Bakersfield CA," Google Maps: Street View, accessed April 29, 2011, http://maps.google.com/; Carole Moore, "Running on Empty: Many Old Gas Stations Are Gone, But Some Have Been Restored as Beauty Salons, Offices, or Restaurants," Preservation Online: Story of the Week, February 10, 2006, http://www.preservationnation.org/magazine/story-of-the-week/2006/running-on-empty.html (accessed March 31, 2007). Note: Although Google Maps Street View shows Java GoGo/Wraps 360 best at 133 W. Foothill Blvd., its actual address is 127 W. 79 Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - Washington: Misc.," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/wa.html (accessed January 28, 2009); Miami New Times, "Gourmet Station: Photos/Video," Miami American Restaurants, http://www.miaminewtimes.com/locations/gallery/758518/position:3/ (accessed October 12, 2010); Dr. Inge Nickerson and Students of the MBA 607 Consulting Course, Barry Institute for Community and Economic Development, A Report to the Miami Modern District, report, December 16, 2009, http://www.barry.edu/biced/pdf/MimoReport12_16_09.pdf (accessed October 12, 2010); Lua Masumi, "Opportunity Opens Uptown: Spate of New Businesses Open in St. Johns," St. Johns (Portland) Sentinel, July 2005, 10, http://www.stjohnssentinel.com/Archive/StJohnsSentinelJuly2005.pdf (accessed March 31, 2007; page is now gone); Moore, "Running on Empty"; Jack Bookwalter, "St. Johns Signal Gas Station: A Study in Successful Renovation," Northwest Renovation: A Home Improvement Magazine, http://nwrenovation.com/architecture/st-johns-signal-gas-station-a-study-in-successful-restoration/ (accessed March 17, 2010); Ashley M. Gibson, "Restaurant's High-Octane Theme Fueling Expansion," Charlotte Business Journal, February 25, 2002, http://www.bizjournals.com/charlotte/stories/2002/02/25/story4.html (accessed April 26, 2007); Seltzer, "Gas Stations - North Carolina". 80 Barbara Rothschild, "Grand Canyon Eat & Drink Guide," Yahoo! Travel, http://travel.yahoo.com/p-travelguide-2689543-grand_canyon_restaurants_and_bars-i (accessed April 5, 2007; page has since changed); Karl Samson, Frommer's Arizona 2005 (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2005), 222, http://books.google.com/books?id=ICSCOY_TPt8C (accessed October 13, 2010); Kathy Weiser-Alexander and David Alexander, "Williams, Arizona - Gateway to the Grand Canyon - Page 2," Legends of America: A Travel Site for the Nostalgic & Historic Minded, April 2005, http://www.legendsofamerica.com/az- williams2.html (accessed April 9, 2007). 81 Gibson, "Restaurant's High-Octane Theme". 82 Filling Station Cafe, "Home," Filling Station Old Towne Orange, 2006, http://www.fillingstationcafe.com/index.html (accessed September 6, 2006). See also John T. Hughes, 182 "John T. Hughes: Orange County, California Area," LinkedIn, http://www.linkedin.com/in/johnthughes (accessed March 17, 2010); Steve Harvey, "L.A. Then and Now: Southland Restaurants Have Past Lives," Los Angeles Times, April 12, 2009, http://articles.latimes.com/2009/apr/12/local/me-then12 (accessed March 17, 2010); Jim Potts and Gary Brower, "The Filling Station Restaurant in Orange, California," Primarily Petroliana: The Gas Station & Auto Service Collectibles Web Site, 2003, http://www.oldgas.com/info/orange.html (accessed September 6, 2006). 83 Rothschild, "Grand Canyon Eat & Drink"; Werner Lobert et al., Route 66 2009 Calendar (Mesa, AZ: Smith-Southwestern, 2008), July calendar page; Carissa Bluestone, ed., Fodor's Great American Drives of the West, 2nd ed. (New York: Fodor's, 2004), 19, http://books.google.com/books?id=E2etB8DTFigC (accessed October 13, 2010); Shane Christensen, Frommer's Grand Canyon National Park, Rev. ed. (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2008), 147, http://books.google.com/books?id=6vkrd9u5pNIC (accessed October 13, 2010); Aaron Anderson et al., Lonely Planet Arizona, New Mexico, & the Grand Canyon Trips (Oakland: Lonely Planet, 2009), 49, http://books.google.com/books?id=D5Bnj_EmjVEC (accessed October 13, 2010); Bill Weir, National Geographic Traveler: Arizona, 3rd ed. (Washington, DC: National Geographic, 2008), 250, http://books.google.com/books?id=vkfXAouRjtMC (accessed October 13, 2010). 84 Abby Roedel, "Standard Diner on the Brink of Opening," New Mexico Business Weekly, February 3, 2006, http://albuquerque.bizjournals.com/albuquerque/stories/2006/02/06/story3.html (accessed April 12, 2007); Standard Diner, "The Standard Menu," The Standard Diner, http://www.standarddiner.com/menus.html (accessed October 14, 2010); Carothers and Mauldin, "Advertisement," Albuquerque Journal, April 1, 1938, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed August 19, 2009); Standard Diner, Video: Welcome to the Standard Diner. Owner Matt DiGregory Walks You Through the Standard, prod. Standard Diner, perf. Matt DiGregory, Watch Videos: The Standard Diner, http://www.standarddiner.com/watch-videos.html (accessed October 14, 2010); TV.com, "Season 5, Episode 9: Return to Route 66," Diners, Drive-ins & Dives: Episode Guide, http://www.tv.com/diners- drive-ins-andamp-dives/return-to-route-66/episode/1252216/summary.html accessed (August 19, 2009); Standard Diner, Video: Diners, Drive-ins and Dives - The Standard Diner. As Seen on the Food Network, Guy Fieri Travels Historic Route 66 for Bacon Wrapped Meatloaf, perf. Guy Fieri and Matt DiGregory, Watch Videos: The Standard Diner, http://www.standarddiner.com/watch-videos.html (accessed October 14, 2010); Michael Nalepa and Eric B. Wechter, eds., Fodor's American Southwest (New York: Fodor's Travel, 2009), 51, http://books.google.com/books?id=Ehhir6VIw9cC (accessed August 19, 2009); Lesley S. King, Frommer's Santa Fe, Taos & Albuquerque (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2008), 260, http://books.google.com/books?id=qlWZ61j2B8UC (accessed August 19, 2009). 85 Liebs, Main Street, 55; Jan Newberry, "Eat This: Good Dog," San Francisco Magazine, December 2004, http://www.sanfranmag.com/story/eat-11 (accessed March 2, 2007); What's Up Dog, "Locations," Welcome to the Bay Area's Newest Gourmet Grilled Hot Dog Stores, http://www.whatsupdog.com/locations.htm (accessed March 17, 2010). 86 Gerald D. Adams, "Historic Structure Finds a New Home: Art Deco Gas Station Survives in S.F. Minipark," San Francisco Chronicle, June 23, 2001, http://articles.sfgate.com/2001-06- 23/news/17605950_1_gas-station-service-station-architectural-firm (accessed March 2, 2007). 87 Wisconsin Historical Society, "Exotic and Fantastic," Wisconsin History Explorer: Fill 'Er Up: The Evolution of Gas Stations in Wisconsin, http://www.wisconsinhistory.org/archstories/filling/fs_exotic_fantastic.asp (accessed August 28, 2006). See also Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 23-24; Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 34; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 22; Jim Draeger and Mark Speltz, Fill 'Er Up: The Glory Days of Wisconsin Gas Stations, Places Along the Way (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society Press, 2008), 104, http://books.google.com/books?id=8IIISRYery4C (accessed October 14, 2010). 88 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 92; TV.com, "Show Overview," Ed: NBC (Ended 2004), http://www.tv.com/ed/show/25/summary.html (accessed March 17, 2010); Stuckeyville.com, "What (and 183 Who) Is Ed?," Stuckeyville.com: A Thriving Community of Ed Fans, http://www.stuckeyville.com/intro.php (accessed March 17, 2010); Stuckeyville.com, "Episode Guide: 20: Mind Over Matter," Stuckeyville.com: A Thriving Community of Ed Fans, http://www.stuckeyville.com/show/episodes.php?ID=20 (accessed March 17, 2010); Seltzer, "Gas Stations - North Carolina"; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 139-140; Jim Taylor, "Early Gas Stations Reflect Auto's Revolution of Travel," AAA Traveler, November/December 2002, http://web.archive.org/web/20030119043636/http://www.ouraaa.com/traveler/0211/fea_gas_ws.html (accessed August 23, 2006; page since became defunct; now utilizing archive.org version); Wanda (Mitchell) Newton and Judy Ware Brown, "Historical Sites of Cleveland County Arkansas," Cleveland County Arkansas Genealogy & Family History, 2009, http://www.argenweb.net/cleveland/historical- buildings.htm (accessed October 14, 2010). Note: The Newton / Brown web page apparently reversed its captions. The photographed cottage station housing Key Realty is labeled as being a Texaco station, while another historic gas station in Rison that is pictured on the same web page (an art deco style one now reused as I.E. Moore Timber Co.) is listed as being the Cities station instead. The opposite is correct. 89 Beacon House, “Welcome to Beacon House,” http://www.thebeaconhouse.com/ (accessed April 15, 2009). See also Richfield Beacons in Oregon, "Eugene," May 10, 2008, http://richfieldbeacons.blogspot.com/ (accessed April 15, 2009); Living Gold Press, "Luxury Filling Stations Along Highway 99," Hot Topic, web log entry posted February 1999, http://www.livinggoldpress.com/rich.htm (accessed April 15, 2009). 90 Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 83, 85. 91 Vintage Roadside, "From Portland to Palm Springs Along Highway 99 - - Day 2," Vintage Roadside - The Blog: News, Events, Road Trips, Random Roadside History and More from Vintage Roadside, web log entry posted April 13, 2009, http://vintageroadtrip.blogspot.com/2009/04/from-portland- to-palm-springs-along_13.html (accessed April 15, 2009); Living Gold Press, "Luxury Filling Stations"; Richfield Beacons in Oregon, "Mt Shasta City, California," May 29, 2008, http://richfieldbeacons.blogspot.com/ (accessed April 15, 2009); Deena Bustillo, "Adaptive Reuse," This Old House, September 2007, http://www.thisoldhouse.com/toh/photos/print/0,,20052183_20079361,00.html (accessed September 19, 2007). 92 W. Dwayne Jones, Historical Studies Report No. 2003-3: A Field Guide to Gas Stations in Texas, report (Austin: Texas Department of Transportation, Environmental Affairs Division, Historical Studies Branch, October, 2003), 58-59, ftp://ftp.dot.state.tx.us/pub/txdot- info/library/pubs/bus/env/fieldguide_gas_stations_.pdf (accessed March 16, 2010); Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 43. 93 First State Bank, "Advertisement," Santa Fe New Mexican, December 21, 1995, 15, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed March 9, 2009); City of Santa Fe, "City Agendas: Historic Design Review," Santa Fe New Mexican, February 13, 1995, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed March 9, 2009); Don Baird, "IMG_10525. Taken APR 9, 2009 in Santa Fe, NM. Gas Station Converted to a Bank in Downtown Santa Fe," Flickr, April 9, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/old- curmudgeon/3604293937/ (accessed October 15, 2010). 94 Lincoln County Historical Society, Photograph: Les Allen Service Station, Museum of Pioneer History, Chandler, OK; Google, "702 Manvel Avenue, Chandler, OK," Google Maps: Street View, accessed April 29, 2011, http://maps.google.com/; Farmers Insurance, "My Office: Raymond Smith," Farmers Insurance Agents - Agent Locator, http://www.farmersagent.com/rsmith1 (accessed February 1, 2010); Realtor.com, "Find Information about Century 21 Premier Realty," Realtor.com: Official Site of the National Association of Realtors, http://www.realtor.com/realestateagency/Century-21-Premier-Realty-L- L-C_Wellston_Ok_1036260 (accessed October 15, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - Arizona: Art Deco," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/azdeco.html (accessed March 17, 2010); 184 Goodyear Tires, "Advertisement," Tucson Daily Citizen, July 22, 1958, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed October 15, 2010); Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 80; Center for Desert Archaeology, "Appendix A: Descriptions of Important Historic Sites," in Feasibility Study for the Santa Cruz Valley National Heritage Area, Final ed. (Tucson: Center for Desert Archaeology, April, 2005), 225, http://www.cdarc.org/pdf/scvnha/appendix_A.pdf (accessed March 17, 2010). 95 Google, "E. 2nd St & Carhart St, Clarendon, TX," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed October 17, 2010); Albuquerque Tribune, "Financier Dies After First Refusing Hospital Treatment for Injuries," May 22, 1967, C-3, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed August 19, 2009); Planned Parenthood, "Nob Hill Medical Office - Albuquerque, NM," Find a Health Center, http://www.plannedparenthood.org/health-center/centerDetails.asp?f=2804&a=90970 (accessed October 17, 2010). 96 Elizabeth McNamara, "Gold Standard: A Restored Filling Station in Kentucky Represents Preservation at Its Best," Preservation, January/February 2010, 62-63; Ryan Dearbone, "Circus Square Park Re-introduced with a 'Grand Opening'" WBKO: Your 24 Hour Webchannel, June 28, 2008, http://www.wbko.com/home/headlines/22210634.html (accessed January 4, 2010); City of Bowling Green, KY, "Standard Oil Building at Circus Square Receives Award," City of Bowling Green, KY Official Municipal Government Website, May 29, 2009, http://www.bgky.org/releases_detail.php?id=1199 (accessed January 4, 2010). 97 Peter Harnik, "The History of the Rail-Trail Movement," Rails-to-Trails Conservancy, http://www.railstotrails.org/ourWork/trailBasics/railTrailHistory.html (accessed October 17, 2010); Associated Press, "Boston's 'Big Dig' Opens to Public: Tunnel Project Is Five Years Behind Schedule, Billions Over Budget," MSNBC, December 20, 2003, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3769829 (accessed April 18, 2007); Liebs, Main Street, 64-67, 111-112; Vieyra, Fill 'Er Up, 53. 98 Los Angeles Conservancy, "26th Annual Preservation Award Winners: Marquez Filling Station," Preservation Alerts & Issues, 2007, http://www.laconservancy.org/awards/2007.php4#marquez (accessed April 23, 2007); Bob Pool, "Station Wins Monument Status: L.A. City Council Acts to Preserve the 80-Year-Old Pacific Palisades Landmark," Los Angeles Times, May 19, 2005, http://articles.latimes.com/2005/may/19/local/me-station19 (accessed October 17, 2010); Nick Madigan, "Preservationists Still Sale of a Los Angeles Gas Station," New York Times, January 21, 2005, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B00E2DE1138F932A15752C0A9639C8B63 (accessed July 16, 2006); Scott Prentice, "About Us," Scott Prentice Architects, accessed March 17, 2010, http://www.scottprenticearchitects.com/about%20us.html; U.S. Green Building Council, "Registered Project Details: Office of Scott Prentice, Architects," LEED Registered Project List, http://www.usgbc.org/LEED/Project/RegisteredProjectListDetail.aspx?ID=10034369 (accessed March 18, 2010); U.S. Green Building Council, "Intro - What LEED Is," LEED, http://www.usgbc.org/DisplayPage.aspx?CMSPageID=1988 (accessed March 18, 2010). 99 Purtill, "Beneath Route 66"; Google, "A-1 Garden Equipment, Fontana, CA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com/ (accessed April 16, 2011); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - Texas: Ice Boxes & Later," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/txice.html (accessed September 7, 2006); Market of Ahs, "Hillsboro, IL Garden Center: Locally-Owned and Operated," Welcome to the Market of Ahs, http://d2797883.u87.c10.ixwebhosting.com/ (accessed April 30, 2011). 100 Seltzer, "Gas Stations - North Carolina". 101 Glendale Chamber of Commerce, "It's One of a Kind in L.A.: Ivy's Flower Station Has a Vintage Look," Glendale Business: A Publication of the Glendale Chamber of Commerce, November/December 2007, http://ivysflowerstation.com/media.htm (accessed October 19, 2010); Carol Brusha, "Kenneth Village Spotlight: Ivy's Flower Station Is a Dream Come True for New Owner," The Guardian: Newsletter of the Northwest Glendale Homeowners Association, Fall 2006, http://www.nwglendaleha.org/newsletters/2006-Fall.html#Ivy (accessed May 18, 2009); Tracey Laity, 185 "Business Spotlight: A Budding New Business," Glendale News-Press, August 2, 2006, http://www.glendalenewspress.com (accessed May 18, 2009); Kathy Kottaras, "Love in Bloom: Ivy's Flower Station," Everything Glendale: An Insider Blog about Glendale, California, web log entry posted February 12, 2009, http://www.everythingglendale.com/2009/02/love-in-bloom-ivys-flower-station.html (accessed May 18, 2009). 102 Ivy's Flower Station, "The Station," http://ivysflowerstation.com/station2.htm (accessed October 19, 2010). 103 Preservation Society of Charleston, "Carolopolis Award Recipients 2004," Preservation Programs, 2004, http://www.preservationsociety.org/program_awardselection.asp?ayYear=2004 (accessed March 7, 2007). See also Preservation Society of Charleston, "131 Spring Street," Preservation Programs, http://www.preservationsociety.org/program_award_detail.asp?caID=10 (accessed March 7, 2010); U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, "Community Renewal Good Stories - Charleston: Tax Incentives Make Florist Bloom," Homes & Communities: Community Renewal Initiative, April 25, 2006, http://www.hud.gov/offices/cpd/economicdevelopment/programs/rc/tour/sc/charleston/gs1.cfm (accessed March 7, 2007); U.S. Small Business Administration, "Tiger Lily Florist: A Small Business Flowers (Literally) in the Lowcountry," Your Local SBA: Success Stories, http://www.sba.gov/idc/groups/public/documents/sc_columbia/sc_tiger_lily.pdf (accessed March 7, 2007); Caroline Fossi, "Tiger Lily Wins Praise from Small Business Administration," Charleston Post and Courier, April 18, 2005, http://www.accessmylibrary.com (accessed October 19, 2010). 104 Weyeneth, Historic Preservation, 2, 16-18; Preservation Society of Charleston, "131 Spring Street"; Jonathan H. Poston and Historic Charleston Foundation, The Buildings of Charleston: A Guide to the City's Architecture (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1997), 188, http://books.google.com/books?id=GHBfBOdwsCkC (accessed October 20, 2010); Historic Charleston Foundation, "Our History," About Us, http://www.historiccharleston.org/about/history.html (accessed April 27, 2007). 105 M. Barron Stofik, Saving South Beach, Florida History and Culture (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 83-84; Norman Tyler, Ted J. Ligibel, and Ilene R. Tyler, Historic Preservation: An Introduction to Its History, Principles, and Practice, 2nd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2009), 16; Brent Lanford, "Station to Station"; Weyeneth, Historic Preservation, 16; Bland, Preserving Charleston's Past, 65, 73, 86; University of South Carolina School of Law, "Roll of Inductees: Albert Simons, Jr. 1918-1998," Memory Hold the Door, http://law.sc.edu/memory/1999/simonsa_jr.shtml (accessed October 20, 2010); Poston and Historic Charleston Foundation, Buildings of Charleston, 188, 324; Vieyra, Fill ‘Er Up, 31. 106 Moore, "Running on Empty"; Steil, Fantastic Filling Stations, 68, 76, back cover; Vieyra, Fill ‘Er Up, 18-19; Jakle and Sculle, Gas Station in America, 194-197; Jim Potts and Martin Coble, "Winston- Salem N.C. Shell Gas Station," Primarily Petroliana: The Gas Station & Auto Service Collectibles Web Site, 1997, http://www.oldgas.com/info/ws_shell.htm (accessed March 17, 2010); North Carolina State Historic Preservation Office, "North Carolina Listings in the National Register of Historic Places By County as of January 1, 2010," North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, January 1, 2010, http://www.hpo.ncdcr.gov/nrlist.htm (accessed March 17, 2010); Preservation North Carolina, "Shell Station: PNC's Northwest Office," PNC: See Restorations, July 21, 2004, http://web.archive.org/web/20080406014030/http://www.presnc.org/seerestorations/shellstation/shellstatio n.html (accessed April 13, 2007; original page since disappeared; now utilizing archive.org version). 107 Huning Highland Historic District Neighborhood Association, "601 Coal SE," HHHDA: HomeStories, November 15, 2009, http://hhhda.squarespace.com/homes-stories/601-coal-se.html (accessed October 21, 2010); Silver Horizons New Mexico, Inc., "H.B. Horn," Silver Horizons: Senior Hall of Fame, http://www.silverhorizons.org/pdfs/HOF_Bios/06HBHorn_bio.pdf (accessed October 21, 2010); Huning Highland Historic District Neighborhood Association, "Association Meetings," HHHDA, http://hhhda.squarespace.com/meetings (accessed October 21, 2010); Albuquerque Conservation Association, "Community Garden at the Preservation Station," TACA @ Preservation Station Newsletter 1 186 (April 2010): 5, http://hhhda.squarespace.com/newsletter/TACA%20Newsletter.pdf (accessed October 21, 2010); National Park Service, "Weekly List of Actions Taken on Properties: 7/17/06 Through 7/21/06," National Register of Historic Places, July 28, 2006, http://www.nps.gov/history/nr/listings/20060728.htm (accessed February 13, 2010). 108 National Park Service, "Tower Station and U-Drop Inn Cafe," Route 66: A Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/route66/tower_station_u-drop- inn_cafe_shamrock.html (accessed March 18, 2010); Box Office Mojo, "Cars (2006)," http://www.boxofficemojo.com/movies/?id=cars.htm (accessed October 21, 2010); Ron Warnick, "A Route 66 Guide to the 'Cars' Movie," Route 66 News, web log entry posted June 9, 2006, http://rwarn17588.wordpress.com/2006/06/09/a-route-66-guide-to-the-cars-movie/ (accessed April 27, 2007); Greg Holmes, "May 15, 2005: Vinita to Amarillo," The Lope, web log entry posted May 15, 2005, http://www.thelope.com/2005/05/may-15-2005-vinita-to-amarillo.html accessed (October 21, 2010); Moore, "Running on Empty". 109 St. Charles Public Library, "McCornack Oil Company," Research: Local History: Historic Buildings, http://www.st-charles.lib.il.us/history/mccornack.htm (accessed April 9, 2007); St. Charles Heritage Center, "Exhibits and Collections," St. Charles History Museum, http://www.stcmuseum.org/exhibits.html (accessed March 18, 2010); Joy Crocker, "Get to Know - and See - Central New York's Top 10 Quirky Roadside Attractions," Syracuse Post-Standard, July 5, 2009, http://www.syracuse.com/news/index.ssf/2009/07/get_to_know_and_see_central_ne.html (accessed January 27, 2010); Vieyra, Fill ‘Er Up, 16-17; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Gas Stations - New York: Misc. (Page 2)," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/gas/ny2.html (accessed April 12, 2007); Margolies, Pump and Circumstance, 63. 110 City of Saskatoon et al., "Participating Buildings: Riversdale," Doors Open Saskatoon: A Celebration of Built Heritage, http://doorsopensaskatoon.com/riversdale.html (accessed October 22, 2010); Saskatoon Public Library, "Photo 14 of 34: Little Chief Service Station, 344 20th Street West," Gallery Exhibit: 1995 - Dear Old Faces with Stories to Tell: Buildings at Risk, http://spldatabase.saskatoonlibrary.ca/ics-wpd/exec/icswppro.dll?AC=MENU_QUERY&XC=/ics- wpd/exec/icswppro.dll&TN=LH_SHOWS&SN=gs+1995+all+photos&RF=www_STTA+YCW&EF=&DF =&MR=20&RL=0&EL=0&DL=0&NP=255&MF= (accessed October 21, 2010); City of Saskatoon, "Little Chief Service Station," Heritage Conservation: Heritage Properties, http://www.saskatoon.ca/DEPARTMENTS/Community%20Services/PlanningDevelopment/Development Review/HeritageConservation/HeritageProperties/Pages/LittleChiefServieStation.aspx (accessed October 21, 2010); City of Saskatoon, "2004 Heritage Awards to Be Presented at City Hall," Forum: News Releases, February 3, 2004, http://www.saskatoon.ca/FORUM/News%20Releases/Pages/2004HeritageAwardsToBePresentedAtCityHa ll.aspx (accessed October 21, 2010); Alberta Association of Architects, "2007 Firm Index," 2007, 129, http://www.aaa.ab.ca/pages/public/documents/2007FirmIndex-FINAL.pdf (accessed October 21, 2010). 111 Les Perreaux, "The Ritz of Gas Stations Looks for a New Life," Toronto Globe and Mail, January 27, 2009, http://www.theglobeandmail.com (accessed March 18, 2010); Alexandre Gauthier, "Public Consultation to Make Former Esso Station Historical Monument," Le Magazine Ile Des Soeurs (English Section), February 27, 2009, http://www.lemagazineiledessoeurs.com/English-section/Top- stories/2009-02-27/article-1029697/Public-consultation-to-make-former-Esso-Station-historical- monument/1 (accessed October 22, 2010); Lifson, "Most Beautiful Gas Station"; Le Magazine Ile Des Soeurs (English Section), "City Will Go Ahead and Convert Former Esso Station into Generational House," July 14, 2010, http://www.lemagazineiledessoeurs.com/English-section/Top-stories/2010-07-14/article- 1566653/City-will-go-ahead-and-convert-former-Esso-station-into-generational-house/1 (accessed October 22, 2010); Alexandre Gauthier and Google Translate, "Oui a La Citation Du Batiment D'Esso, Mais Avec Des Apprehensions [Yes to Quote the Building of Esso, but with Misgivings]," Le Magazine Ile Des Soeurs, April 1, 2009, http://www.lemagazineiledessoeurs.com/Actualites/Politique/2009-04-01/article- 1028476/Oui-a-la-citation-du-batiment-dEsso%2C-mais-avec-des-apprehensions/1 (accessed October 22, 2010); Pierre Vigneault, "Generational House: Project Reaches New Phase," Le Magazine Ile Des Soeurs 187 (English Section), February 12, 2010, http://www.lemagazineiledessoeurs.com/English-section/Top- stories/2010-02-12/article-1029725/Generational-House-%3AProject-reaches-new- phase%0A%40S%26gt%3BPierre-Vigneault/1 (accessed October 22, 2010). 112 Pierre Vigneault and Google Translate, "Un Pas De plus Vers Une Maison Des Generations a L'Ile-des-Soeurs [One Step Closer to a House of Generations at Ile Des Soeurs]," Le Magazine Ile Des Soeurs, February 7, 2009, http://www.lemagazineiledessoeurs.com/Economie/Construction-et- immobilier/2009-02-07/article-1027396/Un-pas-de-plus-vers-une-Maison-des-generations-a-LIle-des- Soeurs/1 (accessed January 28, 2010). 113 Rhode Island Historical Preservation & Heritage Commission, "Rhode Island State Historical Preservation Awards 1999," Conference + Awards: RI Preservation Awards, 4, http://www.preservation.ri.gov/pdfs_zips_downloads/conf_pdfs/awards-programs/1999awards.pdf (accessed March 18, 2010). See also Rhode Island ArtInRuins, "AIR Redevelop: West Broadway Neighborhood Association (WBNA)," http://www.artinruins.com/arch/?id=redevelop&pr=wbna (accessed March 18, 2010); West Broadway Neighborhood Association, "About the WBNA," WBNA, http://www.wbna.org/about (accessed March 18, 2010). 114 Liebs, Main Street, 111-113. 115 Los Angeles Conservancy, "26th Annual Preservation Award". 188 CHAPTER 3 Traveling Toward the Future: The Adaptive Reuse of Greyhound Bus Stations The American bus station is a place of movement, of transition. Buses constantly come and go, picking up and dropping off their streams of passengers. Upon arrival, those bus riders typically stay in the station – whether sitting in the designated waiting room, eating at the oft-accompanying restaurant, or checking out magazines at a newsstand – for only as long as they absolutely must. Unlike some other building types in this dissertation, such as malls, movie theaters, and bowling alleys, the bus station is not a place where most people want to spend much time. It is simply a means to an end, which is also the case with the many buses that arrive and depart there. Time spent in the bus terminal and then on the bus itself is generally an experience that passengers accept, rather than treasure. However, that was not always the case. In the beginning, buses were a much more affordable transportation option than trains and automobiles, but they provided a welcome alternative in other respects as well. Automobiles were still not widely available, and even when someone did have a car, it could be unreliable and uncomfortable, especially for long trips – with such journeys also being problematic due to greatly varying road quality. In comparison, buses were practically havens. Freed of having to drive themselves, passengers no longer had to worry about dealing with traffic or bad road conditions, or with navigating difficult terrain. Instead, they could finally 189 relax and just enjoy the ride. They could talk with their fellow passengers, catch up on their reading, eat, or even sleep. Additionally, they actually had the chance to appreciate the scenery – something they could not fully do with both their mind and eyes focused on the road ahead. 1 The bus truly gave people the chance to see America, and in more ways than just sightseeing along the journey. Bus routes allowed people to travel to places where they had not previously been able to go easily – thus helping open up new locales for development and tourism. These included places like beaches in Florida that railroads did not yet reach, 2 as well as scenic mountaintops in Southern California. A 1921 article in The Literary Digest about the rise and impact of bus travel, titled “The Stage-Coach Comes Back – Motorized,” described the role that buses – which it called “stages” – played in one such vacation area, appropriately named the Rim of the World. As its author contended, this “lofty playground and sportsman’s paradise in the San Bernardino Mountains….would have been cut off from the world if dependence were placed on rail transportation. It has been the automobile-stages [buses], running daily from San Bernardino [a major city below], which have made this region a truly popular recreation center.” 3 Further, the journalist went on to argue that the buses not only aided tourists, but also greatly improved the lives of the residents in that formerly fairly isolated, mountain community. As he explained, “It is the stages [buses] and trucks, making their trips with the regularity of clockwork, which give constant contact with the outside world and so promote convenience, contentment, and progress.” In fact, a key component of buses’ early appeal, especially in rural locales and small towns where railroads did not come and 190 few residents had automobiles, was that they gave people both a way in and (just as importantly for some locals) a way of getting out. 4 In those early days, bus travel was thus widely perceived as a valuable, appealing service that offered assistance and excitement – providing a potential path to freedom, adventure, and a better life. The bus company that did the most to create and foster this positive conceptualization, and that had the biggest effect on American transportation overall, was Greyhound Lines. Greyhound’s founder was the national originator of regular, intercity bus service, and the company that he created would later become the national trailblazer – and then the constant innovator – in the new field of bus station design. Greyhound’s groundbreaking bus stations provided the company’s passengers with helpful amenities in a comfortable environment, especially compared to the options existing prior to their creation. More than that, though, Greyhound’s stations provided their surrounding cities with new landmarks – in the form of architecturally progressive, stylistically stunning, streamline moderne structures that were often towns’ first and only buildings of their type. 5 While public opinion of bus stations and bus travel overall declined greatly in the ensuing decades, that does not diminish Greyhound’s significant achievements – especially regarding how much influence the company had, and what an impact it made, on the realms of both architecture and transportation. Further, although it has gone through multiple rough patches over the years, Greyhound has managed to survive where so many others have failed, remaining the industry powerhouse. Today, Greyhound Lines is North America’s largest intercity bus company, as well as the only one that still operates from coast to coast. It serves almost 25 million passengers annually, with 191 13,000 daily departures and over 2,300 destinations (across the United States, Canada, and Mexico). 6 Greyhound’s story began with Carl Eric Wickman, a Swedish immigrant who worked as a miner in Hibbing, Minnesota. In 1913, Wickman had saved up enough money to quit mining and open a Hupmobile car dealership. However, his Hibbing showroom only had one Hupmobile (a now little-known, early automobile brand), which he never did manage to sell. Wickman figured out a way to make money with his unsold automobile, though. Since it was a seven-passenger touring car, he started using it to transport miners to and from the area’s iron ore mines, creating a regular route between Hibbing and the miners’ settlement two miles away in Alice. Since most miners previously had to walk the distance in the cold Minnesota weather, Wickman’s new transportation service, which charged fifteen cents for a one-way trip, proved quite popular. Soon, his Hupmobile, designed to hold only seven people, was carrying up to eighteen willing passengers at once (squished inside, standing on the running boards, or even hanging onto the back). Historians believe Wickman’s trips to be the nation’s very first examples of both regularly scheduled bus service and intercity bus service. 7 From those humble yet pioneering beginnings, the bus operation that would eventually become transportation giant Greyhound began. Wickman’s business, which he (and his partners) soon incorporated as the Mesaba Transportation Company, underwent various permutations and expansions over the years – merging with or acquiring other bus companies, creating interstate routes, changing names several times, etc. It finally started using the Greyhound moniker in 1929. Accounts differ as to exactly why the company selected that name, but its long, sleek, and frequently gray- 192 painted buses presumably played a major role. While the buses’ physical appearance may have resembled that of greyhound dogs, the use of the dogs’ name also provided a helpful connotation for the company’s service, since the racing dogs were legendary for their speed. Those comparisons also led to the company’s logo, found on its buses, stations, and marketing materials, portraying a running greyhound dog. That corporate logo, which came into use in 1925 prior to the company’s name change, soon became an American advertising icon. 8 By 1933, Wickman’s successful company had expanded to the point where it and its network of affiliates (all using some variation of the Greyhound name) had a huge national fleet, comprising 844 buses. Through providing affordable transportation between major cities and thousands of small towns, many of which trains and planes did not serve, Greyhound had already made itself indispensible to the American public (especially to the working class, but also to such groups as traveling salesmen, students, tourists, etc.). 9 However, while travelers were flocking to Greyhound buses in huge numbers, the sites where they had to wait for the buses’ arrival, and where the buses dropped them off, were frequently far less than optimal. At the start of bus travel in America, buses typically picked up and dropped off passengers at bus stops at street corners and curbs. However, much as it had been for early curbside gas stations, this street-front system was problematic. Parked buses tied up traffic in the roads, while waiting passengers and their luggage blocked sidewalks and business entrances. Moreover, the people waiting generally had to stand outside for potentially long periods, with no shelter and no bathroom – even in inclement weather. 193 Thus, bus companies across America began contracting with local businesses in prominent downtown areas – such as drugstores, restaurants, and hotels – to use them as de facto stations, where customers could purchase tickets and wait. This new arrangement still had drawbacks, though. Upscale hotels often frowned at casually dressed, working class bus passengers patronizing their bathroom facilities and sitting in their lobbies. Women and families were similarly uncomfortable about having to wait inside the more masculine-oriented sites that bus companies often utilized, like hardware stores and pool halls. Regardless of what type of business served as a makeshift station, though, most places typically had set hours – meaning that passengers could easily arrive and find them closed, especially during nights and weekends. Plus, that setup still did not solve some of the older curbside bus stops’ problems. When a bus finally arrived in front of a contracted business, the passengers and their luggage again had to stand out in the open air, feeling the cold or heat while blocking the sidewalk, as the bus took up valuable parking and/or street space. 10 Bus companies then decided to create their very own stations – or terminals, as they often called those sites. Many were simply preexisting storefronts that the companies rented in convenient locations, filling the available space with waiting rooms, concession stands, restrooms, ticket booths, and even luggage storage. This arrangement worked much better for them, as it allowed the companies to have control – planning operating hours based on their bus schedules, providing amenities that they knew their passengers wanted, etc. Storefront stations, though, still did not completely alleviate the issues related to street and sidewalk congestion or to weather. 11 194 For instance, in the Northern California mountain town of Truckee, a gateway to the famed Lake Tahoe ski resort area, Greyhound once utilized a corner spot in an art deco downtown building that contained several other storefronts. [Figure 3.1]. Buses had to pull up to the curb at the building’s side, creating a sometimes unpleasant situation for boarding and disembarking passengers – as demonstrated both by a historical postcard of a bus sitting outside the station in snow and by a present-day photograph of the structure in pouring rain. [Figure 3.2]. (After its time as a Greyhound station, the storefront held a Bank of America branch until 1968. A popular bar and grill, which refers to the building’s prior reuse through its name as the Bar of America, opened in 1974 and has utilized the space since. The entire, multi-unit structure is now a contributing part of a historic district on the National Register of Historic Places.) 12 Finally, companies began constructing stations from scratch, allowing their buildings to incorporate their desired features from the start. Joint terminals that all of an area’s bus lines shared began springing up, especially in larger cities. Those stations typically included the word “union” in their titles – as at Madison, Wisconsin’s 1928 Union Bus Station – to show that they were unified facilities. These terminals were necessarily massive, and they often operated 24 hours a day – going way beyond storefront stations’ features to include such things as restaurants, drugstores, cigar shops, and shoe shine stands. Those amenities were all available at Los Angeles’ Union Stage Depot, which opened in 1919 with seven “stage” lines. By 1920, it was serving over 300,000 passengers per month, with 500 “motor stages” coming into and out of the facility every day, around the clock. (As mentioned earlier, “stage” was then a common term for “bus,” creating a link between buses’ purpose and that of earlier stagecoaches.) 195 With so many buses to handle, union stations such as the one in Los Angeles featured weather-protected, off-street areas for loading and parking multiple buses at once. Some were drive-in operations, utilizing adjacent garages or lower levels with multiple lanes. Others simply had long canopies attached to the side or back of their buildings, where buses could pull in next to each other. Terminals also usually had bus repair and maintenance facilities. The union type of station had some problems, though. Competition was heavy, since all of the bus companies were together. However, the system greatly benefitted small companies, since they were able to share excellent facilities that they could not have afforded on their own. That was especially the case because the payment arrangement for union terminals’ construction, maintenance, and operation was usually such that each bus company would contribute a portion of its income from ticket sales. Therefore, while smaller bus lines received all of the terminals’ benefits, they paid much less for them than did large companies such as Greyhound. 13 Not surprisingly, then, during the mid 1930s, Greyhound began creating brand new stations solely for its own use in major cities across America. For a bus company to do so was, at the time, unprecedented. Aside from union bus stations, which necessarily had to have multiple companies’ operations inside them and thus had quite different design challenges, Greyhound had very little design precedent to follow. Thus, Greyhound’s construction program made it the pioneer of this new, unique building type that would soon dot the American landscape. 14 Architects had to design Greyhound stations with a number of unique functionality considerations in mind – many of them geared specifically toward the 196 individual location, size, and shape of each of the company’s chosen sites. In terms of site selection, Greyhound initially favored prominent downtown locales, but later began to build properties on downtowns’ outskirts instead – particularly at major intersections on wide boulevards. There, the terminals would still be highly visible, but buses would have more space to travel, and travel quickly, than they did on the frequently narrow, crowded, inner-city streets. Besides, in urban downtowns, plots of land large enough for bus stations could often be both hard to come by and expensive. Following a specific site’s selection, by far the biggest issue for that station’s architect was determining how the buses could circulate, park, and load most easily and efficiently. Greyhound began using two main systems, one of which involved multiple buses lining up in long, parallel lanes. This kind required too much space, though, and created a time-consuming situation in which buses at the back of a lane often could not exit until the buses in front had departed. The other, more popular kind allowed buses to pull next to each other under a canopy, in parking spaces similar to the type cars normally use. These “stub” parking spots were usually either straight or angled, with angled parking often providing drivers the simplest means of entry. Designers also had to consider passenger-related issues, regarding such things as the optimal size and location of waiting rooms and how many restroom facilities the station would need, all based on its size and potential traffic. Interestingly, in the South, many Greyhound terminals ended up having two separate waiting rooms rather than the usual one – a unique situation necessitated by segregation laws. Meanwhile, whether a given station had amenities such as a restaurant, barbershop, or drugstore depended on size – not just of the building, though, but also of the city. While one might think that 197 smaller towns’ terminals would lack such features, that was not always the case. In fact, in places where Greyhound expected to sell comparatively few tickets and thus make less money, the addition of such operations could substantially increase the company’s potential income. 15 Beyond all of the functional aspects of station creation, the architects also had to design stations with exteriors that would be both very noticeable and visually appealing not only to bus passengers but also to potential passengers, those who lived in the area or were simply passing by. Additionally, since a station was often the first thing that people arriving in a town by bus would really see, and it was where their stay would begin, the station’s appearance would help those visitors form their initial impressions (whether positive or negative) of the city as a whole. Overall, then, Greyhound terminals needed to stand as impressive local landmarks while also serving as marketing devices for the company. Greyhound found that having a degree of standardization was particularly important in the latter regard, accomplished by utilizing one main architectural style for its stations across the nation. As that style needed to be one that would reflect and symbolize the company’s purpose and ideals, Greyhound thus adopted the trendy streamline moderne style (used for many new appliances, airplanes, trains, and, significantly, Greyhound buses) for its physical corporate identity. With the style’s typical curving corners, horizontal lines, and smooth, sleek surfaces, streamline moderne architecture helpfully connoted multiple concepts that could be very valuable to Greyhound’s image and income. Those themes included forward motion, speed, efficiency, modernity, and technological and industrial advancement and prowess. 16 198 During its early era of station creation, Greyhound utilized the services of various local architectural firms in different regions – all working under commission. The most famous architect that the company regularly employed then was Thomas W. Lamb of New York City. Lamb was one of the world’s most renowned movie theater architects, designing over 300 theaters – beginning in the early 1900s (including the very first purpose-built picture palace, Manhattan’s 1913 Regent Theater). By the mid 1930s, he had also become Greyhound’s main commissioned architect, designing terminals in New York City, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Detroit, and Charleston. 17 However, the acclaimed theater architect’s promising new sub-career in bus station design hit a major snag when his terminal in Hartford, Connecticut, opened in 1938. At the start of the grand opening celebration, a large crowd of people, including many Greyhound executives and city officials, looked on expectantly as the ceremonial first bus traveled down the street and started to turn into the station’s entry driveway. When the driver attempted to maneuver the bus into proper position, though, it literally got stuck – wedged between the side of the Greyhound station and the building next door. The company’s executives watched, presumably in horror and increasing embarrassment, as the driver kept trying to extract his bus from its trapped situation. After he was unable to move it either backward into the street or forward into the facility, a tow truck finally had to come. It eventually did manage to pull the bus out. Perhaps not surprisingly in light of that humiliating incident, Thomas W. Lamb did not design any additional stations for Greyhound. Previously, many people involved had expected that Lamb would soon receive the major commission for a new, massive station that Greyhound was planning in 199 Washington, D.C. Instead, the 1938 commission for Greyhound’s important D.C. site went to an architect named William Strudwick Arrasmith. 18 W.S. Arrasmith had started designing streamline moderne terminals for the company’s Southeastern Greyhound division in 1935. His first, located in his architectural practice’s home of Louisville, Kentucky, opened in 1937. The Louisville station included many hallmarks that would come to define both Arrasmith’s work and streamline moderne architecture in general for years to come. Gleaming, porcelain enamel panels – a recently introduced material that, until that time, had never appeared on such a large building – covered the entire façade. Porcelain enamel, the use of which began around the mid 1920s, had previously been limited to much smaller structures; they were especially popular for chain restaurants like White Castle and White Tower, as well as for icebox-type gas stations (as mentioned in the dissertation’s gas station section). Additionally, before Arrasmith, the panels in use had always been white. For the Louisville bus station, though, Arrasmith wanted the manufacturer to design ones in a striking blue tone – with the manufacturer having to experiment greatly before coming up with Arrasmith’s desired color, called “Greyhound Blue.” “Greyhound Blue” was the color that the company painted its bus fleet at the time, with the station’s identical, blue exterior thus making a strong, visual connection to those buses – as did the continuation of that blue tone throughout the station’s interior spaces. The shiny, enameled structure itself, although three stories tall, looked lower and less imposing due to its long, tiered design comprised of multiple, curving volumes. Enhancing the horizontality of the terminal were long, thin bands of windows that wrapped around the rounded corners, as well as a long, flat, Greyhound sign above the main entry doors. Topping the station was 200 a massive sign pylon – featuring appropriate, blue neon lettering – that Arrasmith had integrated into the building itself. 19 W.S. Arrasmith’s Louisville design was so unique, yet also so functional, that Southeastern Greyhound officials were impressed enough to appoint him the division’s consultant architect – a new position they created especially for him, requiring that all of the division’s new terminal designs had to meet his full approval. Along with his duties consulting on the work of others, Arrasmith also designed several more stations for Southeastern Greyhound during 1937 and 1938. They included three similarly enameled, “Greyhound Blue” stations in Bowling Green, Kentucky; Evansville, Indiana; and Fort Wayne, Indiana. The Washington, D.C. terminal commission that he received in 1938, though, would vault him onto a much larger stage. He quickly followed up that very successful design project (which the reuse section discusses in more detail below) with around a dozen other commissions for Greyhound, and he soon became known in the industry as the nation’s leading authority on the design of bus stations. 20 However, after America entered World War II, the Army called Arrasmith to active duty, while Greyhound ended its construction projects nationally and devoted its stations and buses mainly to transporting soldiers and defense-industry workers. When the war started coming to a close, though, Greyhound executives were so anxious to put Arrasmith in charge of their ambitious, postwar building program for numerous new stations that they asked the military to release him from his service early. In respect for how much Greyhound had done for the war effort, the government actually granted the request. Thus, after returning from Europe in 1944, Arrasmith quickly became Greyhound’s primary architect for all of its eastern divisions. (The following year, 201 another major change happened at Greyhound. Its founder and longtime president, Carl Eric Wickman – the former miner and unsuccessful car salesperson turned bus magnate – finally retired in 1945.) 21 Between the mid 1930s and 1960, W.S. Arrasmith created over fifty bus terminals for the company, the majority of them streamline moderne. Some had his pioneering “Greyhound Blue,” shiny, enameled facades, but most had more conservative, limestone exteriors of white or grey. (That change accompanied Greyhound’s switch from blue buses to buses of stainless steel; designed by famed industrial designer Raymond Loewy in 1940, the new buses went by the appropriate name of Silversides.) Whatever the stations’ colors, they were nevertheless thematically similar to each other – as were terminals that Greyhound’s other architects designed in various areas of the country. Together, all of these stations combined with Greyhound’s buses and advertisements to create a highly cohesive, corporate identity and image based around intertwined notions of mobility and modernity. 22 More than just solidifying the Greyhound brand physically, however, W.S. Arrasmith’s significance extends much further in American architectural history in general. As Frank E. Wrenick, who authored a 2007 history of Arrasmith’s Greyhound work, contended, “No other architect produced so large an array of streamline buildings, nor did any other architect utilize streamline styling so consistently over such an extended period of time.” 23 Moreover, Wrenick insisted that while Arrasmith did not actually pioneer streamline moderne architecture, he had, particularly through his innovative use of color and new materials, “molded the style into its ultimate definitive statement.” 24 202 Other bus companies, as well as the architects of union bus stations, soon followed Greyhound’s groundbreaking architectural lead. They created streamline moderne terminals of their own, with that style becoming the primary one for bus station designs nationally. For instance, one of the adaptive reuse examples detailed below is that of a streamlined / art deco station that opened in Hagerstown, Maryland, in 1947 to serve three local bus lines. Greyhound later took over and then eventually closed the station, a phenomenon that also occurred at the streamline moderne, 1940 Union Bus Depot in Ogden, Utah. That restored and reused station, which architects James T. Allan and Eber F. Piers designed, has served as a “business incubator” called the Entrepreneurial Station since 2005. However, Greyhound still does operate today out of yet another streamline moderne Union Bus Station – as do numerous other lines. That combined-company station in Oklahoma City, which opened in 1941, even features a shiny, blue façade, curved corners with glass bricks, and a tall sign with blue lettering, just like many Greyhound stations of the era did. 25 In contrast, union bus terminals that preceded the Greyhound station era typically utilized traditional architectural styles – as with the 1926 Union Stage Depot in Oakland, California. Designed by the firm of Swartz and Ryland, it featured a combination of classical and beaux-arts architecture both inside and out. Its focal point was a 38-foot tall, octagonal dome that not only showed from the street but also created an impressive waiting room, since the designers had covered its vaulting inside portion with ornamentation. According to the Oakland Heritage Alliance (the local preservation organization), at the time of the station’s opening, its waiting room “was considered one of the most beautiful in the country.” 203 As of 1939, Greyhound was simply one of the bus companies utilizing the Union Stage Depot. However, after Greyhound took over the station, the company significantly altered it in both 1946 and 1951. Those alterations brought the depot more in line with the company’s predominant design theme, since its previous state did not fit with Greyhound’s ultra-modern identity. Although Greyhound did keep intact the dome and the dome’s detailing, the remodel concealed both it and other interior features above a dropped, fake ceiling. The company also changed the façade to a typical Greyhound look – featuring smooth, neutral toned, terra cotta tiles; horizontal speed lines; and blue and white neon lettering, located both horizontally and on Greyhound’s typical blade sign. [Figure 3.3]. In 2005, though, while removing the waiting room’s false ceiling in order to replace it, Greyhound exposed the ornate dome. Many locals then requested that the company keep it in view, and the company acquiesced – accenting it with new lighting and repainting it and other original, interior details. The dome’s restoration led the Oakland Heritage Alliance to honor Greyhound in 2007 with one of its annual Partners in Preservation Awards. However, while Greyhound partially restored the depot’s interior to its pre-Greyhound style and then further remodeled it in 2008, a simultaneous 2008 façade renovation did not return the façade to the original Union Stage Depot appearance. Rather, it restored Greyhound’s existing exterior, allowing it to continue to appear as it did after Greyhound first modernized it decades earlier – so that, as Oakland Heritage explained, “Loyal Greyhound fans may still enjoy looking at its classic neon sign” and other features. 26 [Figure 3.4]. 204 By the time of its 1951 remodeling of the Oakland station, though, Greyhound had already started moving on from the company’s successful streamlined style. The first Greyhound station to break with streamline moderne was that in Akron, Ohio, which opened in 1949. Although W.S. Arrasmith did include some of his hallmark elements – creating an asymmetrical, tiered structure covered in long window bands and featuring an integrated pylon – he also dropped his traditional curves, replacing them with sharp angles and straight lines. Moreover, unlike the sleek buildings of the past, the Akron station was made of bumpy, extruded brick and had projecting window canopies. Arrasmith then created several other stations in this blockier, less flashy mode, and Greyhound built more across the country in a relatively stark type of modernism. 27 However, some of Greyhound’s stations and signs did display elements of the flamboyant googie style, which was in vogue nationally for roadside structures during the 1950s and ‘60s. A prime example is the small, former Greyhound station in downtown Santa Monica, California, which opened in 1955 and closed in 1994. [Figure 3.5]. The windowed, brick exterior featured a large, light-diffusing metal screen, as well as a vertical pole sign with the letters “B-U-S” each sitting in separate letter-blocks, topped by the traditional running dog image. [Figure 3.6]. The closed station’s appreciative first reuser, the appropriately named BUS Wellness Center (later called BUS Dance and Fitness), had architects carefully restore it in 1996. 28 After that business closed, an upscale, modernist furniture store called Shelter moved in around 2002 – with its owners believing that the converted depot was “an ideal spot to push a sleek updated ‘50s look.” 29 As of mid 2007, though, the building sat vacant and available yet again. Then, around mid 2009, the historic Greyhound sign disappeared (dismaying the city’s 205 Landmarks Commission, which had planned to consider the sign for landmark status). Shortly thereafter, the station’s upcoming tenant, a Comerica bank branch, received city approval to remodel the façade. Although the bank removed the metal screen, its loss allowed the building’s googie-style, tapered roofline and accordingly slanted upper windows to become evident. 30 [Figure 3.7]. A googie style Greyhound station that is still operational today, though, is located in Bakersfield, California. Designed by the local Eddy & Paynter architectural firm, it opened in 1960. A canopy comprised of large, concrete diamond elements tops the long, one story building’s front entry area. Above that sits a tall sign with asymmetrically situated, “B-U-S” letter blocks and, as usual, the iconic running dog. An official Greyhound postcard proudly described the terminal as being “a most modern facility in every respect [that] adds to the beauty of downtown Bakersfield.” 31 [Figures 3.8 and 3.9]. By the time googie was in style, though, bus stations and bus travel in general had already been falling out of favor with the American public. Part of Greyhound’s appeal had initially been how easily and cheaply it let people travel to and from otherwise less accessible areas. However, airports expanded and the cost of airline travel decreased; automobile ownership became common; and the Interstate Highway System that opened during the 1950s and ‘60s provided a cross-country network of fast, safe highways for drivers to utilize. Thus, bus companies found themselves at a disadvantage, with their service less and less necessary. Many such companies thus went out of business, with the number of those providing intercity transportation dropping from 143 in 1960 to only 206 fifteen by 2003; moreover, out of those survivors, only one – Greyhound – still provided national coverage. Overall, bus travel was becoming a method of transportation primarily undertaken by those who did not own cars and could not afford to fly or take a train. A 1956 demographic study by Greyhound of its ridership was particularly revealing. Compared with the typical passengers of planes and trains, bus passengers had lower incomes, were blue-collar workers rather than businesspeople, were either older or younger, and were also significantly less white (with a higher percentage of African-Americans). As buses filled up with these groups, they gained an unsavory reputation among those who did have other transportation options – viewing buses as crowded and dirty (or, sometimes, crowded with unclean people). That negative opinion of buses as only a choice of last resort then further affected their appeal with the groups that actually did have to use them. In a travel preference survey two years after that 1956 study, buses came in dead last, representing travelers’ least favorite transportation type – with airplane travel ranked highest, followed by train and automobile. 32 As bus travel and the public perception thereof declined, bus terminals suffered as well. A contributing factor was that many were located in urban downtowns. These had once been prime positions, but that changed amidst the general, postwar American exodus to suburbia – a move that often occurred on the new interstates, thus making their impact even worse on bus companies. Districts surrounding many stations lost both residents and businesses, with structures sitting abandoned and/or decaying. Thus, in the 1950s and ‘60s, these stations found themselves in increasingly unappealing areas where people who did not have to live or work there had very little desire to go. Travelers who 207 had to patronize bus stations still did so, of course. 33 However, as one historian explained, many viewed “terminals as places to get away from as quickly as possible, lest they be attacked by someone, or catch a dreadful disease.” 34 Those danger issues sprang not just from the perceived quality (or lack thereof) of fellow bus riders, but also from the fact that people who had no intention of riding one of the arriving buses were nonetheless invading downtown terminals. The open-all-night nature of many urban bus terminals made them a magnet for homeless people, who used them as a shelter (and who, if they simply bought a cheap bus ticket, had a legal reason to be able to stay there for a while). Stations also attracted criminal elements who viewed waiting bus travelers as targets. As Columbus, Ohio’s police chief explained in 1969 about the city’s Greyhound station, “Pickpockets, con men, perverts – they all come there to prey on the travelers.” 35 The next decades brought Greyhound even more problems. The federal deregulation of the airline and train industries in the 1970s allowed operators of those companies (especially the many new, low-cost ones that sprang up, with Amtrak trains and Southwest Airlines being particularly damaging) to undercut Greyhound’s traditionally low fares, which had always been one of its biggest draws. Greyhound thus had to slash its prices, and then do so yet again when the bus industry deregulated in 1982, with its profits dropping drastically – going from an operating loss of $16 million in 1982 to an $18 million loss for the first half of 1983 alone. Overall, in the years spanning the mid 1960s to the mid 1980s, Greyhound lost approximately half of its passengers; some 30 million former riders simply stopped taking the bus. Because of its major losses, Greyhound determined in 1986 that it would close many of its more costly terminals. The immediate closures spanned 17 states, many of which had multiple 208 stations each on the chopping block, while the company’s plans anticipated even more closures in the future. 36 Greyhound did not actually stop service to all those cities, though. Instead, Greyhound often switched from having company-operated stations to contracting with commissioned agencies – such as convenience stores, gas stations, and supermarkets – for ticketing and services, or sometimes just to serve as a bus stop. Today, Greyhound has 850 of these agency-operated sites, versus around 90 of its own stations. However, many of those operational stations no longer sit in historic downtowns, since Greyhound frequently moved out to more convenient locations at (or at least near) interstate exits. Greyhound also started utilizing intermodal transportation stations, combined sites that provide the public with other transport options as well (such as light rail, Amtrak, and local bus systems). In 2002, Greyhound opened its 100th center at an intermodal station. 37 While those areas all still have Greyhound buses rolling in (even if not to the company’s original stations), as time passed, Greyhound entirely dropped many of its rural and small town routes. That type of service had previously been its mainstay, but it had become unprofitable. Eventually, the number of passengers going to and from such stops was not sufficient for Greyhound to justify how much slower its buses’ trips were when they had to stop at multiple small towns on the way between major cities, versus simply traveling point to point. This led to the cuts that left many areas isolated from mass transit. For instance, in 1976, Greyhound and its main competitor, Trailways, reportedly served 175 Kentucky communities between them. As of this writing, though, Greyhound has only ten locations left in the state, and Trailways has none. (Greyhound 209 acquired Trailways after that company’s bankruptcy in 1987 but still operates buses under the Trailways name in certain regions of the country.) 38 As a disappointed city councilperson in tiny Rhinelander, Wisconsin, stated in 2004 after Greyhound announced that her town was one of 260 stops that it would drop as a cost-cutting measure, “It’s like we’re going back to pioneer days.” 39 With Greyhound transitioning away from many of its original operating locations, numerous Greyhound stations across the country closed. Many fell to the wrecking ball, including architecturally and historically significant structures. W.S. Arrasmith’s very first terminal, the pioneering “Greyhound Blue” one in Louisville, did not survive the 1970s. The ranks of the destroyed also included two out of Arrasmith’s next three “Greyhound Blue,” enamel-covered stations: Bowling Green, torn down in 1957, and Fort Wayne, which lasted into the 1980s. (The third one, the National Register of Historic Places-listed Evansville station, closed in 2007. As of late 2009, it still sat empty and boarded up, although the city – which purchased the historic structure after its closure – has been trying to attract a preservation-minded developer/reuser.) Among the casualties was also Greyhound’s first terminal of the post-streamline era, that in Akron, which met its fate around 1989. 40 However, some of Greyhound’s historic stations do still operate as they once did, especially thanks to restoration projects. Such projects have occurred at streamline moderne terminals in major cities such as Cleveland and Dallas, as well as in smaller locales like Montana’s Billings and Great Falls. The Cleveland station is particularly notable, in regards to both its architecture and its preservation. Its construction started in early 1946, making it the first station that Greyhound began building after World War II 210 ended. When it finally opened in 1948, it was the world’s largest bus terminal. On a local level of importance, it was downtown Cleveland’s first streamline moderne building – and, today, it is the only one of the type still standing downtown. Adding to its significance is the fact that it was the last station that Greyhound would create in its signature, streamline moderne style. However, W.S. Arrasmith’s Cleveland work did not visually represent the last gasp of a dying style whose relevance had passed. Instead, in Cleveland, Arrasmith brought the greatest parts of that style together into one cohesive structure – bringing streamline moderne to its triumphant peak, its pinnacle. Historians now believe the Cleveland terminal to be the nation’s best example of that type of architecture. As Frank E. Wrenick contended, the massive station “stands as architecture’s definitive statement of the Streamline Moderne genre. No other building expresses the essence of the Streamline Moderne style with comparable symmetry and grace.” 41 The country’s main preservation organization, the National Trust for Historic Preservation, held a similar opinion. Its National Trust Guide to Art Deco in America praised the Cleveland Greyhound station as “a perfect and complete Streamline Moderne design.” 42 That “perfect” design cost Greyhound one million dollars to build. Shaped somewhat like a wedding cake, the long, curvy station was comprised of three layers, each of decreasing size, above which rose an integrated, neon sign pylon (the top of which held a clock). Although the façade was local Indiana limestone, it featured blue terra cotta detailing around the porcelain-enameled pylon, hearkening back to Arrasmith’s original “Greyhound Blue” stations and to Greyhound’s corporate colors. The building’s speed lines, entry canopy, and window frames (which surrounded lengthy, 211 slender windows of glass brick) were all made of shiny aluminum – thus bringing to mind Greyhound’s bus fleet of gleaming Silversides. The elegant streamline moderne styling continued throughout the station’s interior as well – featuring a curving balcony that ended at two similarly curving staircases, above a 300-seat waiting room that even had a round ticket booth. 43 Despite how amazing the building was architecturally and how useful it still was for Greyhound, the Cleveland Greyhound terminal found itself in serious danger in 1990. Although Greyhound was still operating from the station, the company did not actually own the building. In 1990, its owner put the property up for sale and gave Greyhound an official notice to vacate. Although Greyhound wanted to buy the station so that its bus service could continue from its original location, it could not meet the owner’s $3 million asking price. With the surrounding district on the rise in the midst of a major revitalization effort, the property was a prime site for new development. The main interested party was the Playhouse Square Foundation. Playhouse Square, located just a block away, was an acclaimed performing arts complex (the country’s third largest) comprised of several adaptively reused movie theaters. Ironically, considering Playhouse Square’s own origins in restored and converted historic structures, the Playhouse Square Foundation wanted to replace the stunning station with a mix of apartments, retail, and restaurants. Admittedly, some of their stated plans did include the station’s reuse and incorporation into the project, but others did not – simply showing new construction on the site. Wanting the foundation’s purchase of the building and subsequent development project to work out, the district’s councilperson issued an emergency resolution formally opposing future designation of the station as one of the city’s landmarks. 212 Despite this setback, preservationists sprang into action anyway – with the station’s supporters including the Cleveland Restoration Society, the Western Reserve Historical Society, and the state’s preservation agency. Testifying at council hearings in support of the station’s designation, the preservationists also successfully nominated it for the National Register of Historic Places (although, due to owner opposition during that contentious period, it did not actually gain official listing on the register until 1999). Additionally, they began drawing media attention to the terminal’s plight and to its great significance in other ways. They published and handed out booklets explaining both the station’s history and its potential for adaptive reuse, and they organized and held a tour of the building. They followed that event with a well-attended forum, which featured a slide presentation as well as a discussion panel by multiple professionals in the areas of architecture, city planning, and preservation. As the preservationists fought and the Playhouse Square Foundation planned, Greyhound was in the midst of a Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Instead of the company’s bankrupt status sending yet another nail into the Cleveland station’s coffin, though, it actually ended up saving the station. Once Greyhound emerged from its reorganization, it successfully negotiated to purchase its station from the owner – having decided that moving its Cleveland operations to a new location would be a less cost-effective measure. With the station firmly in the company’s hands, preservationists were finally able to celebrate – some two years after their efforts began. 44 They had even more reason to rejoice in 2000, when Greyhound gave its flagship Cleveland terminal a $5 million restoration. As the company’s contractor explained, “We didn’t know how hard it was when we started. It would have been cheaper for 213 Greyhound to build a new building, but they wanted to preserve the architecture.” In fact, the project was the largest that Greyhound had ever done – but the company saw its costly effort as crucial, even beyond demonstrating its appreciation of its own history. Greyhound’s president and CEO, Craig Lentzsch, stated, “We are proud to restore this landmark. While retaining the original themes, we have modernized every feature, both for customer convenience and for easier working conditions for our employees.” In respect for Greyhound’s work in returning the station to a state of grandeur while also making the historic structure relevant for the present day, both the Cleveland Restoration Society and the Ohio Historic Preservation Office honored Greyhound with restoration awards. 45 A few states away in Dallas, another Greyhound station presented a preservation challenge of a much different sort. That terminal had opened in 1947, on the site of Greyhound’s razed, older station – “a sleek new building replacing an old landmark,” as a Dallas Morning News article explained at the time. 46 Designed by local architect Grayson Gill, the two-story structure fronted with gray stone had many of Greyhound’s typical streamline moderne features. Those including a curving front corner wrapped with glass brick, more glass brick segments and speed lines across the façade, and an integrated, neon pylon sign. At the time of the station’s opening, Southwestern Greyhound Lines’ vice president, A. F. Baldus, contended that it would be “one of the most modern and well appointed bus terminals in the nation.” 47 However, by the early 1970s, a building that had seemed so modern some 25 years earlier appeared out of date. As would happen with many roadside structures of the era (particularly gas stations and prefabricated diners, as described in those sections of 214 the dissertation), Greyhound decided to give its terminal a makeover in the then popular “environmental look.” The company added a trendy mansard roof, which would have covered up part of the streamlined façade and would have required the neon sign’s removal as well. Inside, the remodel also covered over the original terrazzo flooring. The terminal stayed that way for another twenty years or so, but by the 1990s, the mansard look was similarly outdated, and people were gaining appreciation for streamlined style again. Thus, as part of an overall $1 million renovation in 1993, Greyhound not only removed the mansard but also replicated the original, neon blade sign, restoring the building’s façade to much of its original appearance. [Figure 3.10]. (In 2005, Greyhound went even further – removing the interior’s newer floor to reveal the original underneath, including a terrazzo Greyhound logo featuring the iconic running dog.) 48 A 1993 Dallas Morning News editorial, simply titled “Thumbs Up,” raved about the changes – insisting, “Greyhound recently has completed an amazing transformation… What used to be one of the city’s eyesores is now an inviting terminal where visitors can feel safe and comfortable.” Mentioning, among the terminal’s other new advantages, its “attractive neon lighting,” the editorial praised the company “for making this important contribution to downtown’s revival.” 49 Similarly, in two separate Montana cities, restored Greyhound stations continue to provide public transportation today – although only one still does so through the auspices of Greyhound. Those one-story stations, in Billings and Great Falls, are almost identical architecturally. Both feature a smooth façade of glazed, terra cotta tiles – broken up by long window bands that have rounded ends. The focal point of each symmetrical, corner- oriented composition is a circular volume dramatically rising up at the front entry 215 (located in a prime position at the street corner). Greyhound also built both stations with what was, for Greyhound, a rare feature: enclosed loading / unloading areas (rather than a canopied area), helpful because of Montana’s climate. A few small differences do exist between the two, however. For instance, at the Great Falls station, a metal canopy with speed lines wraps around the building, topping the windows – while the Billings station has a small, porthole-shaped window on each side of the entrance. 50 The Billings station arrived on the Montana scene first, opening in 1945 but having begun construction in 1944 – which was allowable during World War II due to what Greyhound’s grand opening advertisement termed “special Government priorities arrangements” (probably because of the company’s previously mentioned status as a valuable troop transporter). Its architect was the Billings-based E.F. Link, working as part of his father J.G. Link’s architectural firm, which was the leading one in the state (designing over 1000 structures across Montana). 51 Prior to the opening of its new terminal, Greyhound had been utilizing Billings’ Union Bus Depot, which had been operating for seven years. 52 As was usually the case, Greyhound was happy to have its own space at last, proudly presenting to the public what it called “an attractive, ultra- modern terminal structure” that it contended was “the finest new bus terminal in the Northwest.” 53 Considering that the Great Falls station had the same appearance and features (and presumably the same architect), those praises could also have probably applied to it upon its opening two years later in 1947. Both bus depots continued to serve the traveling public for decades. However, some changes did occur. Around the early 1960s, a renovation covered over the Billing station’s gleaming, light yellow, terra cotta tile with dull, gravel-studded stucco. Unlike 216 in Dallas, the change was due not to shifting stylistic tastes but instead to the fact that, under the assault of Montana winters, the tiles were leaking. Meanwhile, in Great Falls, the regional Intermountain Bus Lines eventually replaced Greyhound as the station’s tenant; subsequently, the bus station no longer featured Greyhound’s original signage but rather hosted Intermountain’s wall-mounted signs, which remain today. More importantly, the structure stopped functioning as a bus station entirely in 1994, when the bus company moved elsewhere in Great Falls. It then sat vacant for six years, while the similar Billings terminal – which then looked less similar, due to its façade remodel – continued to operate. 54 After the turn of the century, however, both stations gained back some of their former glory. In 2000, the Great Falls Transit District, the city’s public transportation operation, purchased the former Greyhound station there. Utilizing grant money and funds from property taxes, the Great Falls Transit District restored the depot to become its new, downtown transfer center for the city bus system. As the transit district’s website explained regarding why it chose the structure, “Aside from its convenient downtown location and its practical design, the old bus depot offers the community a glance at the past. Because of extensive refurbishing, the building now looks new – but it retains its historical features.” Prior to the transfer center’s 2001 opening in the historic depot that the district termed “a treasure for the community,” city bus passengers in downtown Great Falls had to stand outside in Montana’s frequently inclement weather while waiting for buses to come and pull up at the curb. Now, though, buses pull into the station’s indoor garage while people sit in a comfortable waiting room. Moreover, those buses are not just ones owned by the Great Falls Transit District. Appropriately, in 2002, 217 the area’s main intercity bus service provider, RimRock Trailways, began sharing the building – returning the terminal partially to its original raison d’etre of providing long- distance transportation. 55 That same year, Greyhound gave its still-operational Billings station an exterior restoration (as well as other helpful upgrades, such as a new ventilation system and new, insulated garage doors). 56 Calling the existing stucco façade “kind of ugly,” the Greyhound company’s design director, Dave Grubbs, stated, “We’re trying to bring it back into a more historical look.” Stripping off the stucco down to the underlying brick, Greyhound’s architects then used porcelain tile (a sturdier, more affordable material) to replicate the appearance of the station’s original, terra cotta façade – with Grubbs calling the result “not an authentic restoration, but a sympathetic restoration.” As Grubbs explained, “It has to be a useful building for us, but we’re trying to get it back into the flavor of what we used to do.” 57 While restored stations such as those in Billings and Great Falls provide excellent examples of how older bus terminals can meet today’s transportation needs while still respecting their pasts, many architecturally impressive Greyhound stations have not been able to retain their original purpose. Across the country, an increasing number of adaptive reuse cases (with all of the ones described below being streamline moderne) demonstrate that such former terminals can nonetheless become useful and relevant once again to the communities that they faithfully served for decades. Occasionally, however, community members fail to realize that a station’s function has changed – especially in cases where the new tenant retained the historic Greyhound signage. This occurred at the previously mentioned BUS Dance and Fitness 218 studio in Santa Monica – where, according to the owner, “I’ve had people pull up [in] a cab and unload everything. And I’m running out there, going, ‘Wait, wait, this isn’t a bus station.” Fortunately, an operational Greyhound bus stop is within walking distance, which lessened the inconvenience for confused travelers. 58 Similarly, as the head of an architectural firm in a former Greyhound station in Jackson, Mississippi, explained, “Sometimes people drop off their kin to catch the bus, so one of us will drive them over to the new station.” 59 Informing people about transportation options, however, is actually one of the many official purposes of another former Greyhound station in Mississippi. The Clarksdale station, which opened in 1936, is quite similar to W.S. Arrasmith’s previously mentioned “Greyhound Blue” terminal in Evansville, Indiana; after Arrasmith’s successful creation there, Greyhound later duplicated many of its key features in various other stations across the nation (although Arrasmith did not actually design them himself). Clarksdale’s facility matches that in Evansville through its cylindrical corner volume with curving neon marquee, scallop-style top segment, and integral sign pylon. However, instead of having an entirely “Greyhound Blue” façade, as in Evansville, the shiny, blue elements only cover the building’s focal point, the corner mass. Meanwhile, tan bricks – broken up by speed lines of brown brick – cover the rest of the structure. The station closed in 1980, when Greyhound moved to a new station elsewhere in Clarksdale. 60 Finally, in 2000, as part of the Mississippi Delta Regional Initiative, the federal Transportation Enhancement Program allotted $870,000 toward a project that would turn the vacant station into the Clarksdale Visitors Station. The city’s purchase, restoration, 219 and then reuse of the small station was central to Clarksdale’s downtown revitalization efforts and to its broader attempts to promote cultural heritage tourism related to the area’s rich musical history as a blues Mecca. During its tenure as the city’s tourist information center, the Clarksdale Visitors Station fittingly even offered bus tours of the area. Unfortunately, the Clarksdale Visitor Station stayed open less than a year and a half, closing in 2005 due to funding difficulties on the part of its lessee/operator, the independent Clarksdale Downtown Development Association. 61 Even after that center’s closure, though, the station continued to serve a valuable civic purpose – since the nearby Delta Blues Museum soon leased it as a museum annex. As such, the former station hosted art exhibits, a book signing, and a meeting regarding regional transportation projects and grants (appropriately enough), It also held the so- called Greyhound Speaker Series, a monthly event featuring scholarly lectures, sponsored through a grant from the Mississippi Humanities Council. 62 In 2008, a town hall meeting held at the station led to the formation of a non- profit foundation called Clarksdale Revitalization Inc., a public/private partnership involving a number of city, county, and state agencies as well as various civic groups – including the Chamber of Commerce and, once again, Clarksdale Downtown Development. The new revitalization organization promptly set up its office in the Greyhound station. By 2009, locals were stopping in daily to receive information regarding opening new businesses, developing existing businesses, receiving grants and other financing, restoring buildings, and other revitalization-oriented activities. In late 2009, Clarksdale Revitalization Inc. again transformed the station into its original reuse. It now encompasses not just the organization’s headquarters but the cleverly titled 220 Information Station. The visitor center hosts displays about Clarksdale’s revitalization activities, transportation options, and area attractions – as well as providing tourists with the expected tourist brochures, maps, and such. In preparation for the grand opening, Clarksdale Revitalization Inc. repaired the station’s roof and ceilings and repainted the “Greyhound Blue” entry area. It also planned to soon repaint the blue pylon sign and even relight its neon, which still boasts its “Greyhound” lettering and running dog image. 63 Yet another Greyhound terminal that has mixed civic and tourist-oriented reuses is a large, streamline moderne structure in Baltimore. [Figure 3.11]. It opened in 1942 as the last station Greyhound built before turning to war-related purposes during World War II. W.S. Arrasmith designed it with a white limestone façade, along with darker stone, terra cotta, and brick accents. Its tall pylon is integrated into the end of the entry canopy, which wraps around the building’s corner, conveying a sense of motion – a concept further enhanced by the canopy’s raised speed lines. [Figure 3.12]. The station closed in 1987 when Greyhound moved its base to East Baltimore. 64 Local preservationists quickly started a campaign to save the vacant bus terminal, which they feared would be demolished. They thus had reason to celebrate when the city purchased the station in 1989 in order to re-sell it to a development group for reuse. The terminal’s subsequent $2.6 million restoration and conversion into offices caused Baltimore Heritage to honor it with one of the preservation organization’s annual awards in 1992. Beginning in 1991, the building’s new tenants were primarily governmental agencies – including the Baltimore Regional Council of Governments, the Maryland Council for the Humanities, and the Maryland State Arts Council. 65 As a newspaper 221 reporter noted, the structure’s new use actually matched the broader concept behind its original purpose. As a bus station, it had been the “hub of a transportation network that linked downtown Baltimore with all parts of Maryland,” while as a governmental office center, it served as “a new kind of regional hub, the centerpiece of an information network…for planning and policy-making purposes.” 66 Also in 1991, The Contemporary, a traveling “museum-without-walls,” leased the Greyhound station’s adjacent, city-owned, bus service garage for free – turning it into the gallery for a photography exhibit. Although that show was only temporary, it demonstrated the potential that the garage held as an exhibit space. Thus, in 1993, the city donated the property to the Maryland Historical Society, whose complex was next door. After the society spent $2.3 million in renovations to make the garage meet the unique requirements of a museum (in terms of issues like security and climate control), the garage’s 18,000 square feet became one of the state’s largest exhibit spaces. It has displayed a variety of permanent and changing exhibits on Maryland history since its opening in 1997. 67 [Figure 3.13]. Moreover, passersby do not even have to enter the former garage – which sits back to back with the station, fronting another street – in order to see some of the society’s acquisitions, especially those relating to Maryland’s recent past. Sitting atop the garage’s stepped, brick façade is a 1,700 pound, fourteen foot tall, fiberglass version of Nipper, RCA Music’s iconic dog. As in the company’s logo and slogan, the dog sits listening to the sound of “his master’s voice” coming through a similarly huge gramophone. [Figure 3.14]. Nipper and his Victrola originally sat on Baltimore’s RCA warehouse building (and moved twice before ending up at the museum). Meanwhile, 222 glowing inside the former garage’s front window are two restored, neon signs – one from the United Sanitary Chemicals Co. [Figure 3.15] and another from the New China Inn. [Figure 3.16]. The exhibit space’s history as a Greyhound bus facility is still evident, though, since the garage’s corner now hosts the station’s traditional, running dog signage. 68 [Figure 3.17]. The transformation of that maintenance garage into what the society named the Heritage Wing was actually crucial not just to enlarging the function of the Maryland Historical Society but also to changing its public image from that of a “stodgy” group that was “somewhat insular” 69 and “rather elitist,” as director Dennis Fiori explained. Thus, the society’s reuse of a distinctly working-class structure aimed at repairing and washing buses was, according to Fiori, intended to provide “a sign of the direction we are moving – to be a broader-based institution…looking at all of Maryland and the history of the people in Maryland.” After all, Fiori said, “What’s more emblematic of America than buses and mobility?” 70 The society expanded even further upon that idea when it received the actual Greyhound terminal in 1999 as a donation from the investment group that owned it. With the terminal’s existing governmental offices moving to new locations, the institution promptly turned the structure into its new administrative offices – during a time when the campus was undergoing a much wider, $28 million renovation and expansion project. With the Maryland Historical Society’s campus also including several more traditionally historic buildings (an 1847 house, an old bank, etc.), 71 the architect of the expansion explained the institution’s insightful perspective – from which many historical and preservation organizations could learn. Said architect Steve Ziger, “The campus is itself 223 a collection of living artifacts, each building a representation of an era of Baltimore’s history.” 72 He noted that “the Greyhound buildings are true to their time and are wonderful examples of art deco architecture” 73 – considering them “period pieces” 74 that fit perfectly into the society’s recognition “that the past and future are part of a continuum, [an] approach to the study of history [that] is reflected in all the institution does.” 75 After the Maryland Historical Society’s ambitious but expensive expansion program finally finished in 2003, though, the organization found itself with a major deficit. In 2006, to close the growing financial gap, it cut costs in a variety of ways – including trimming staff and combining departments. One measure that the museum undertook in order to raise additional revenue was moving its offices out of the Greyhound terminal. Since that time, it has leased out the station’s office spaces to other tenants – thus returning the station to its original reuse prior to the society taking it over. 76 Office uses also occur at the 1940 Greyhound “super terminal” in nearby Washington, D.C., but its transformation process was quite different. While Greyhound’s Baltimore station was a relatively low-key example of the company’s style, Greyhound had intended the D.C. station to serve as “the Grand Central of the Motor Bus World,” and its appearance reflected that status. 77 As described in the history segment above, this commission was what launched W.S. Arrasmith to the head of the ranks of American bus station designers. The massive, $1 million station was tiered like a wedding cake, with two single-story wings spreading out from an entry highlighted by glass brick panels and a curved, aluminum marquee – above which rose a towering portion with a huge, 224 integrated pylon flanked by tall bands of more glass brick. Black terra cotta trimmed the curvy limestone structure at its base, edges and entrance. 78 [Figure 3.18]. Although its architect had already designed various other streamline moderne stations for Greyhound, this was, according to his biographer, “the first one in which W.S. Arrasmith was able to fully articulate the maturing” style. 79 The D.C. station was also Arrasmith’s first to have not only a streamlined exterior but an entirely streamlined interior as well, with its semi- circular waiting room surrounded by walnut paneling with burnished copper speed lines and accents [Figure 3.19], and filled with natural light thanks to multiple glass-brick windows [Figure 3.20] and a high, domed ceiling with a skylight. [Figure 3.21]. When the visually stunning station opened in 1940, it set a new standard for bus stations in other ways as well, being not only Greyhound’s largest but also its most amenity-filled terminal (including a large restaurant, barber shop, newsstand, and travel bureau, along with several independent stores that had entrances both inside and outside the structure). 80 For several decades, the Greyhound station maintained its expected prominence, becoming known as “the Ellis Island of Washington” because of how many new arrivals entered town through it – including numerous African-Americans who had left the South for the chance of a better life in the North. 81 However, by the 1970s, optimistic new residents and tourists getting off buses at the station found its waiting room and restrooms filled with homeless people and an assortment of other odd and/or downtrodden types. 82 What they saw when they exited the bus station, though, was even worse. The once- grand terminal was sitting amidst a blighted district – which a 1985 Washington Post editorial succinctly called “a blasted, desolate scene.” 83 A 1987 article in that newspaper 225 elaborated further, terming the area “a lumpen-panorama of pornography arcades and sex bars, gay and straight” – with “male prostitutes…hanging around the little park across the street” from the station. 84 By that time, though, the Greyhound station no longer even contributed a touch of architectural class to the street scene. Much as had happened at Greyhound’s Dallas terminal during the same era, Greyhound had modernized – or, rather, de-modernized – the D.C. station. In 1976, the company completely covered the terminal’s first two stories with a massive mansard comprised of ribbed metal and asbestos-concrete panels, which it attached to the original, limestone façade with studs and bolts. Although the terminal’s top tier and towering pylon did remain above the encased lower floors, the original neon signage and clock on it were gone. Inside, Greyhound installed a false ceiling with acoustical tiles, blocking off the original dome over the waiting room – just as it had done earlier at its Oakland station. In that waiting room, Greyhound also replaced the original, elegant wooden benches with simple plastic chairs, some with pay- per-use televisions bolted onto them. The overall atmosphere, both inside and out, was far from welcoming. 85 Not surprisingly, Greyhound soon became eager to leave the sheathed station and its seedy surroundings behind, and city officials championed the potential move. Meanwhile, the area around it slowly began revitalizing, not through preservation but through the construction of the city’s new convention center and accompanying high- density projects like office towers. The Greyhound terminal, considered so huge when it opened, started to look dwarfed. Moreover, it sat on land that was increasingly pricey, prime for new development. In 1984, afraid of what might happen, preservationists 226 began an effort to landmark and save the threatened structure. Leading the charge was the Art Deco Society of Washington – which, upon its founding in 1982 by history professor Dr. Richard Striner, had became only the second organization in America devoted to appreciating and preserving art deco architecture. In conjunction with the D.C. Preservation League, the society’s activists filed a landmark nomination for the Greyhound terminal – despite the fact that the 1976 remodel had completely hidden its original exterior from public view. The nomination utilized W.S. Arrasmith’s original blueprints, as well as the 1976 renovation architects’ construction plans, to demonstrate that the streamline moderne façade still lay intact underneath the cladding – meaning that a simple removal could return the station to much of its former appearance. 86 While the D.C. Historic Preservation Review Board began its lengthy deliberation process regarding the nomination, Greyhound sold the station to a developer in 1985. Although the bus company continued to lease the station, the developer was always clear about wanting to build a high-rise office tower on the property. Finally, in 1987, the situation came to a head. The preservation agency’s board unanimously approved the station’s historic nomination, making it an official city landmark and giving it the protections thereof – so that the board would have to review and approve any changes or demolitions. 87 More than that, though, the landmark designation was truly pioneering, setting a crucial precedent for preservation law nationally regarding so-called “slipcovered buildings,” structures with older facades sheathed in newer skins. As Richard Striner exulted, “This decision will be studied and praised in historic preservation circles across the country because it sets a precedent for [slip]covered 227 buildings. If the board had voted against the designation, it would have meant that any developer who wanted to avoid preservation laws could just slap a cover on a building.” 88 The designation greatly affected what could occur after Greyhound announced that it would move out of the historic terminal later that year. The developer, the preservationist activists, and the city’s review board thus went through numerous discussions, debates, and plans (over half a dozen different designs), trying to come up with a mutually acceptable solution that would allow the developer to construct an office tower while incorporating at least some portion of the Greyhound station. 89 The developer started the negotiation offering to preserve only the station’s front façade, which Striner decried as “reducing it to a Disneyland set.” 90 In 1988, though, the parties came to an amicable agreement. Architects would restore the station to its original grandeur – not just its streamline moderne exterior, though, but much of its interior as well. Its flanking wings would hold new shops and restaurants, while the former passenger waiting area would serve as the lobby for the new, 12-story tower that would rise up directly behind, and attached to, the station. 91 The terminal’s metal casing came off the next year, with the removal an event that drew a crowd of admirers not only to watch but also to board a restored Greyhound bus from 1937, which pulled up in front of a building whose just-revealed face had not been seen in over a decade. As the station’s restoration architect, Hyman Myers, exulted to a reporter on the scene, “You have no idea how wonderful this is. You realize that your dreams can come true.” 92 Removing the mansard was just a small part of the effort, though. In 1991, the $200 million project opened, with the restored Greyhound station looking – according to an admiring Washington Post reporter – “as pretty as a picture 228 postcard, vintage 1940.” 93 [Figure 3.22]. Complementing the terminal’s historic architecture is the connected, new office tower, with its appropriate, art-deco-inspired design. The tower features limestone walls, curving corners, metal-framed windows, setbacks, and an aluminum central section echoing the verticality of the station’s pylon in front of it. [Figure 3.23]. Inside the station, a skylight in the dome once again shines light down on the waiting room-turned-lobby [Figure 3.24], with its Greyhound terrazzo dog logo still on the checkerboard-patterned floor. [Figure 3.25]. Black and white murals of Greyhound buses traveling in their prime line the room’s upper level, above and between shining glass-brick windows. [Figure 3.26]. The station’s curved, speed- line-covered ticket booth, restored utilizing early photographs, now serves as the office tower’s information desk. 94 [Figure 3.27]. At the back is a large area, open to the public, filled with elaborate historical displays about Greyhound and the station itself. [Figure 3.28]. The displays include full size bus fronts carved by woodworkers in white molding, along with information regarding the specific buses from the 1930s and ‘40s that they depict – such as the 1937 Super Coach [Figure 3.29] and the 1947 Silversides. [Figure 3.30]. Enlargements of newspaper articles and advertisements from the station’s original construction and opening are included as well [Figure 3.31], along with a photographic and textual timeline detailing the station’s rise, 1970s remodeling, and eventual restoration process. [Figure 3.32]. Visitors can thus see exactly how the station looked at each point – as its contractors were putting on the mansard in 1976 [Figure 3.33], as it sat covered by the mansard in 1977 [Figure 3.34], and as the mansard finally started to come off in 1989, revealing part of the original façade underneath. 95 [Figure 3.35]. 229 The project, with its striking combination of old and new, pleased both the developers and the preservationists – proving that preservation and development could go hand in hand, all without sacrificing economic viability. In 1991, the D.C. Preservation League appropriately held its awards gala inside the restored terminal, with the organization’s annual preservation award going, of course, to the project’s principal parties: the developer, the new tower’s designers, the restoration architect, and the Art Deco Society of Washington, which had spearheaded the successful campaign. Its founder, Richard Striner, went on to receive the Historical Society of Washington, D.C.’s annual historic preservation prize in 1993 in honor of the feat. As a fundraiser, the Art Deco Society now sells a poster version of a painting that Striner composed, which depicts the restored Greyhound bus station and its connected office tower. The painting’s triumphant title, Deco Reborn, is indicative of the very successful result of what the Washington Post declared in 1991 to have been the region’s biggest preservation effort of the 1980s. 96 Another important preservation and reuse achievement occurred at the Jackson, Mississippi, Greyhound station mentioned earlier – the one where locals still sometimes try to catch the bus. Although tiny (especially compared to the one in D.C.), the 1937– 1938 station is significant both architecturally and historically. Its glimmering, “Greyhound Blue” façade was not porcelain enamel, unlike several other terminals that W.S. Arrasmith designed; instead, Arrasmith created the shiny exterior using architectural glass – his only station to have that feature. Except for that unique element, the two-story station had many of Arrasmith’s typical, streamlined details – including wraparound window bands, lots of glass brick, a neon-lined entry canopy, and an 230 integrated sign pylon with neon striping, topped by the traditional running dog logo. A Mississippi Historical Society publication, Mississippi History Now, has named Jackson’s Greyhound station as one of the state’s two best examples of the moderne style. 97 The station’s national renown, however, springs not from its architecture but from its role in the Civil Rights Movement’s Freedom Rides. During 1961, civil rights activists rode together on buses throughout the South in order to test local enforcement of a 1960 Supreme Court order that desegregated interstate buses and bus facilities (in word if not in deed). In May, Freedom Riders arrived at the Jackson station on a Greyhound bus, escorted by the National Guard for their protection. Inside the terminal, the African- American and white Freedom Riders, as well as local protesters, entered the whites-only waiting room. After they refused a police request to leave, the police arrested many of them for disturbing the peace, and some spent several weeks in jail – refusing to post bail in order to make their point. The Supreme Court later overturned their convictions. In September, at the behest of the Justice Department, the Interstate Commerce Commission created a new regulation forbidding bus and train terminals from having segregated facilities. 98 Another Greyhound station that played a major role in the Freedom Rides is the 1951, Arrasmith-designed terminal in Montgomery, Alabama. At that station, just a few days before the bus continued on to Jackson, a mob of white locals beat arriving Freedom Riders – and even knocked a Justice Department official unconscious as well. Although the structure later sat vacant and decaying for years, the state of Alabama had long wanted to turn it into a museum commemorating the Freedom Riders and their impact, but lacked the funding. In 2008, though, the Alabama Historical Commission was finally 231 able to restore the exterior (including replicating its original Greyhound sign and dog logo) and turn it into an outdoor historical exhibit. The façade now features a removable laminate wrap with display panels, along with rear-projection screens in the large windows – all of which provide information and images about the Freedom Rides and Riders. As of late 2010, the commission was working on creating interior exhibits as well, with plans to reopen the infamous building to public view in May of 2011 – appropriately, the fiftieth anniversary of the Rides. 99 Returning to the topic of the currently reused Jackson bus station, though, Greyhound announced in 1986 that its bus facilities would be moving out of downtown. Despite the station’s significance, it soon sat not only vacant, but also condemned. Locals rallied to prevent its possible destruction, though, even holding a “Save the Dog” parade in 1987. Stepping up as the building’s savior was Robert Parker Adams, who purchased it in 1988 to be the new office for his architectural firm. Adams (who was born in 1937, the same year as the station) is a renowned restoration architect who has received several annual awards from the statewide preservation organization, the Mississippi Heritage Trust, and who has been responsible for the restorations of many major sites. These include Mississippi’s original state capitol building, now a museum known as the Old Capitol, which is a National Historic Landmark; the Governor’s Mansion; and Pulitzer Prize-winning author Eudora Welty’s home (also a National Historic Landmark). 100 Robert Parker Adams proved to be the perfect person to take on the task of rehabilitating the dilapidated station. Today, its blue, architectural glass panels gleam brightly again, as does the neon that lines the marquee and pylon – which Adams’ staff 232 lights at night. Adams even replicated the facility’s original sets of metal entry doors. Adams’ restoration effort did not stop at the exterior, though. The station’s curving ticket booth, which still has its barred windows and its original, lighted “Tickets” sign, now serves as the firm’s interior design office. The bus station’s coffee shop, originally called the Halfway House Restaurant, retains its wall-mounted, Wurlitzer jukeboxes – as well as its vintage pinball machine. The architectural firm’s furnishings and accessories are appropriately retro as well, and miniature, toy Greyhound buses sit in various places throughout the office. Making the structure’s history even clearer, a mural depicting the station’s boarding area during the World War II era covers one wall of the interior. Connecting past to present, the mural’s artist based the faces of the depicted Greyhound employees, departing soldiers, and other bus passengers on people involved in the station’s restoration. Thus, the bus driver looks like Robert Parker Adams, while the station manager resembles his wife, Mary, and so on. Testifying to its success as a restoration and reuse, Adams’ projects received the Governor’s Award for Excellence in the Arts. Overall, the fact that someone of Adams’ stature would choose to not only restore but also locate his own practice in a mere bus station demonstrates the increasing acceptance and appreciation of the recent past in the preservation field – while concurrently helping to foster the same. 101 The same concept held true for the Greyhound station in Columbia, South Carolina. Its designer was George D. Brown, who was one of Greyhound’s main commissioned architects during the company’s pre-Arrasmith period, creating terminals in four states in the South. Brown’s single-story, streamline moderne station, built in 1938-1939, features three separate bands wrapping around the curved façade’s front and 233 sides. The lowest is blue stucco, topped by a massive segment of glass blocks, separated by lines of stainless steel; above the glass are glistening panels of Vitrolite in “Greyhound Blue” and ivory. Breaking up the structure’s heavily horizontal nature are four ivory Vitrolite pillars, separating the doors and windows in the entrance area and continuing on above Greyhound’s then-typical aluminum canopy – atop which a blue blade sign rises up. The South Carolina Department of Archives and History termed the Greyhound station Columbia’s best example of moderne architecture, while the national stylebook What Style Is It? A Guide to American Architecture went even further – calling its design “exemplary” and utilizing it as one of the main pictorial examples in the book’s art deco section. 102 In 1987, however, Greyhound closed the station after the company took over its competitor, Trailways, and then moved into the newer Trailways bus station. The company removed its iconic neon sign, with the familiar running dog icon on it, and took it back to Greyhound’s Dallas headquarters. Two years later in 1989, the vacant terminal received designation on the National Register of Historic Places. The U.S. Department of the Interior had officially deemed it eligible in 1982, but because of owner objections to the listing at that time, the actual designation did not occur then. 103 When the authors originally wrote and submitted the nomination, the depot did not yet meet the register’s traditional 50-year rule. However, the nomination successfully argued that, “It should be considered eligible for listing as it is an exceptional example of an architectural style that is particularly representative of a significant period in American history, and is, as well, a style that is facing rapid obliteration.” 104 234 Preservationists did not need to worry about the station’s new owners obliterating it, though. In 1988, the developer canceled the original owner’s objection to the National Register listing, and the designation then made the site eligible for a 20% state preservation tax credit – as long as the conversion followed the Secretary of the Interior’s national preservation standards and gained the approval of the South Carolina Department of Archives and History. Thus, the architect for the depot’s reuser carefully retained and restored the station’s original features in its transformation into a branch of Lexington National Bank. As in Jackson and Washington, the station’s original ticket windows remained, repurposed – becoming windows for the bank tellers. The bank even created a replica of the missing sign (minus the “Greyhound” lettering) for the façade. Behind the facility, the bank built drive-through ATMs that had appropriately streamlined, curved-corner canopies with speed lines. The Lexington National Bank’s appreciative adaptive reuse even resulted in the National Trust for Historic Preservation giving the bank one of its rare, annual honors, a National Preservation Award. However, when another bank chain, BB&T, bought out Lexington State Bank in 1995, it closed the historic depot branch because it already had its own downtown branch nearby. Following an outcry from the public, though, BB&T moved its existing branch back into the then-vacant Greyhound station about a year later – citing in part the site’s drive-through windows and larger parking lot as reasons for the switch. In 1998, though, BB&T closed the branch yet again. The closure occurred as the result of a proposed redevelopment effort that would convert the building behind the station – the 1940 Tapp’s Department Store, another National Register-listed, streamline moderne structure – into an upscale hotel. BB&T was then negotiating with a developer who would buy the 235 depot and incorporate it into the new complex, but that plan fell through. The department store did later receive a sympathetic conversion into luxury apartments, though, and is now known as the Main Street Lofts. 105 In 2000, the former Greyhound station reopened as a bank once again – this time as the first location for an independent, commercial bank startup called Carolina National Bank and Trust. Its Greyhound-based branch did not survive long, though, with the branch moving into yet another historic structure, the 1903 Barringer Building – Columbia’s first skyscraper – in 2001. 106 The station then sat vacant until 2004, when a plastic surgeon purchased it for his new cosmetic surgical center. He made appreciative statements about the station, stating that it was “neglected,” but still “pretty stout.” The doctor even contended, “If you go to a textbook of art deco in the United States, there’ll be a picture of this building.” Nevertheless, the plastic surgeon revealed that he would “be basically gutting the inside and refinishing it….redesigning the interior.” 107 The Columbia station may thus have ended up gutted, but a converted Greyhound station in Columbus, Georgia, highlights its building’s historical identity both inside and outside. The station, which opened in the 1930s, is a comparatively small structure that still offers an array of streamline moderne details. Its two stories feature tan brickwork and windows that wrap around the rounded corners, where they nearly reach similarly curving, shiny, metallic bus canopies on each side. Above the entrance (set under the middle of the offset second story) is a tiny, semi-circular metal canopy, with Greyhound’s typical, integrated pylon rising from it. 108 As a recent, historic walking tour brochure from the Columbus Convention and Visitors Bureau noted, the moderne station 236 was quite different from the buildings that surrounded it downtown, standing “in marked contrast to the older red brick facades of the area.” 109 Greyhound moved to a new station around 1956, but its competitor Trailways, which had been sharing the station, continued to operate from there – replacing Greyhound’s signage on the pylon with its own. 110 By 1988, though, the station sat vacant, while the city of Columbus searched for someone to buy and convert it – offering historic preservation loans as an incentive. Jim Morpeth, who had started a restaurant called Country’s Barbecue in another part of Columbus in 1975, jumped at the opportunity. Stating, “I loved this building and the idea of being downtown,” Morpeth promptly opened his second location in the former station, calling it Country’s on Broad. While the Country’s Barbecue chain expanded, with Morpeth opening yet another Columbus location and then franchising six others in Alabama, he continued to take advantage of the unique location of his second restaurant. 111 That station’s interior now features what the restaurant’s website touts as a “shiny stainless steel 1950’s atmosphere,” a diner-style environment where patrons can enjoy dining on smoked meats while listening to oldies – played free on an authentic Wurlitzer jukebox. 112 Behind them, covering one of the restaurant’s walls, is a large mural that depicts waitresses working at the bus station’s former café, called the Interstate Restaurant. The mural came into being in 1999, after one of those waitresses, who had worked there during World War II, returned to the area and ate at Country’s on Broad with her husband – a former soldier at nearby Fort Benning, whom she first met when he stopped off at the station in 1942. (Because of that large military base’s proximity, soldiers were constantly passing through the Columbus Greyhound station.) The couple, who had been married 237 for 57 years, gave the owner an old photograph showing the restaurant’s uniformed waitresses in front of the Greyhound station, holding stuffed toys sold at the station’s gift shop. That photograph soon formed the subject for Country’s Barbecue’s wall mural. The former waitress contended that the muralist captured the homefront spirit of the station, stating, “Even though it was wartime, people were friendly and happy. There was a lot of joy seeing them come in and a lot of sadness seeing them go. I met people from all over; it wasn’t a bad time.” 113 The theme of historic travel has further pervaded Country’s on Broad since 2002 – when the restaurant added a second dining area. Now, diners can eat at tables situated inside a repurposed, blue- and silver-striped, 1946 Greyhound bus, which is parked permanently underneath one of the station’s bus canopies. Such unique design touches, along with acclaimed food, had made Country’s Barbecue the most recognized barbecue restaurant in the area. As Fodor’s travel guide for The Carolinas and Georgia insisted about Country’s on Broad, appreciatively noting the bus terminal and the bus itself, “In a land where barbecue reigns supreme, Country’s does it not only with taste but with a certain style as well.” Adding to that style is the station’s historic blade sign, which now sports the restaurant’s name rather than a bus company’s – with the barbecue chain’s anthropomorphic pig mascot at the top, instead of Greyhound’s running dog. 114 Similarly, in Amarillo, Texas, at another Greyhound station-turned-restaurant, the twin blade signs now each hold a vertical pool cue – leading up to the circle that once featured the dog logo, but currently displays the image of a billiard ball. [Figure 3.36]. That signage iconography refers to the station’s use since 2007 as Slick’s Sports Bar and Billiards. The streamline moderne station, which opened in 1946, has a cream-colored 238 façade with a base of blue tiles, matching the blue of the signs that sit on both sides of the corner-oriented station, as two integral bus canopies also do. [Figure 3.37]. The two- story building continued to serve as a Greyhound station until at least the mid 1970s, but the company later moved its operations to a more modern bus depot that its competitor- turned-partner, Trailways, had created – from which it still operates today. Sometime after Greyhound’s buses left, the former station became home to a business systems office, but by 2004, it sat vacant again – albeit with the ghostly remains of that office’s signage still evident. 115 [Figure 3.38]. Referring to the station’s 2007 reopening as Slick’s, the director of the city’s downtown revitalization organization approvingly called the station “a great example of sleek, modern architecture” and stated that the organization was “pleased that [Slick’s is] able to save it and give it new life.” Slick’s is a large, multilevel operation that its owner created to also serve as a family restaurant and live music venue. In addition to dining, patrons at Slick’s can watch sports, play pool, and listen to bands. 116 That leads to yet another reuse category for Greyhound stations: recreation and entertainment venues. Probably the most famous example is in Minneapolis – famed not because of the impressive streamline moderne station itself, though, but because of the musical acts that played there after its conversion into a nightclub / concert venue. Minnesota Monthly’s 2006 fortieth-anniversary issue lauded the station’s transformation as one of the “40 Moments That Changed Minnesota” during the magazine’s time in existence. That bus depot, which the local architectural firm of Lang and Raugland created for Greyhound’s Northland Greyhound division, opened in 1937. Blue-glazed tiles that matched Greyhound’s buses covered the curving, corner-oriented façade, with 239 its long, wraparound window bands, its dual sign pylons, and its shiny entry canopy. Inside the two-story facility (which offered a cafeteria and cigar shop), circular chandeliers with chromium bands hung above a large waiting room, the floor of which was comprised of terrazzo tiles in a checkerboard pattern. 117 After Greyhound moved to a new location in 1968, an entrepreneur named Allan Fingerhut (then better known as the heir to the founder of the Fingerhut national mail- order catalog business) reopened the large station in 1970 as a concert club appropriately named The Depot. A 1970 newspaper article describing the station’s very early adaptive reuse explained, “They have done some remarkable things with the interior of the old depot. The curved wall which used to embrace the gates to departing busses [sic] is now the backdrop for a large, purple plush-covered stage.” The Depot’s opening night featured a performance by Joe Cocker; although the club’s music did switch to disco for a few years (during which time the dance hall was renamed Uncle Sam’s and then just Sam’s), it generally retained a rock and R&B roster. During the 1970s and ‘80s, fans flocked to the club to hear iconic acts, including B.B. King, Ike and Tina Turner, the Ramones, Rod Stewart, James Brown, Pat Benetar, the Allman Brothers, and U2. The musical artist who most defined the 1500-person, standing-room-only club in the public imagination, however, was Prince. The club – which on New Year’s Eve of 1981 renamed itself again, this time as First Avenue – became the regular local music venue for that Minneapolis native. Not only did Prince frequently perform there, but he also used the former Greyhound station as the setting for his 1984 cult classic movie musical, Purple Rain. 118 240 The club remained a major draw during the 1990s as well, featuring alternative acts that would later become huge arena headliners but at the time were still touring nightclubs – such as Green Day, Pearl Jam, Smashing Pumpkins, the Red Hot Chili Peppers, etc. Today, the club that quickly became the center of Minneapolis’ music scene continues to host a variety of concerts by both local and national-level bands. Its shows frequently sell out, despite the fact that it remains one of the area’s largest venues. The idea that the former Greyhound station has played a significant role in the region’s cultural life has even been championed by the current mayor of Minneapolis, R.T. Rybak, who was a regular at First Avenue during the 1980s. 119 In 2004 (during the club’s brief period of closure amid a legal fight between the venue’s founder and his partners), Rybak argued, “I would say it’s up there with the great cultural institutions [of the city], in a very different way. It’s important for people to find places in today’s cookie-cutter- culture world where they can be surprised and their experience is a little quirky so you know you’re in Minneapolis and not McCity. First Avenue is unpredictable, unique and irreplaceable because of that.” 120 With the legendary concert club celebrating its fortieth birthday in 2010, it is now not only one of the longest-operating rock venues in America, but it has also lasted over twice as long as the lifespan of its structure’s original use. Despite black paint with white stars covering its formerly shimmering, blue surface; despite its pylons no longer hosting their signs; and despite many of its window rows and doors standing boarded up, the former Greyhound bus terminal still boasts its distinctive, streamlined curves. Also, somewhat astonishingly considering its transformation into a popular rock club, the inside still has recognizable details. As the author of the Minnesota Historical Society’s 241 AIA Guide to the Twin Cities: The Essential Source on the Architecture of Minneapolis contended in 2007, “The old depot retains many original interior features. If the music ever dies, the building – an important Moderne monument – might be a candidate for restoration.” 121 In Buffalo, a 1941 Greyhound terminal that now provides entertainment of a much different sort to locals actually does sit restored – with the $1.5 million project restoring its streamline moderne exterior as well as significant original details inside. The two-story structure has many of architect W.S. Arrasmith’s typical features, including a white limestone façade edged with blue terra cotta tiles, ribbon-style windows, and even a porthole window – along with an integral sign pylon rising from a curving entry canopy comprised of stainless steel with blue neon banding. The interior once offered amenities including a newsstand, a telegraph office, and a soda fountain with counter and booth seating for up to 150 people. Greyhound built the 1941 terminal to replace a much smaller, rented facility that the company had been using since 1930, which – like many early bus stations – was simply a reused storefront (having previously hosted a market and then a dance hall). The older station had been inadequate for the huge volume of buses and passengers passing through it, since Buffalo served as Greyhound’s departure point to Canada as well as being where tourists typically arrived by bus to visit nearby Niagara Falls. Greyhound’s streamlined station served its original purpose until 1979, when the company moved to a newly built terminal elsewhere in the city. The property did not stay empty for long, though. That same year, the city of Buffalo decided to purchase it in order to convert part of the building into a police station, thus continuing to provide 242 locals and tourists alike with a valuable service. In 1983, the Buffalo Theater Collective leased some of the large space from the city and turned the bus station’s former waiting room into a venue seating up to 100 people. Named the Alleyway Theatre, it opened in 1985, focusing on new plays – particularly those written by local playwrights. 122 In 2000, the Theatre District Police Station finally moved to a new location, allowing the Alleyway Theatre to take over the entire, 33,000 square foot structure. Between 2003 and 2005, the company’s owner, Neil Radice, carefully transformed the former bus/police station, with the help of restoration architects who were donating their labor. 123 Their goal for the project, Radice explained, was clear: “It will look like the Greyhound bus terminal on the day it opened in 1941. It is the only example of art moderne in Buffalo [and] we’re going to recapture as much of the original look as possible.” 124 Today, the playhouse hosts two separate performance areas (one seating 99 and the other 70), along with dressing rooms, rehearsal halls, set- and costume-design spaces, etc. The Alleyway Theatre still maintains its Greyhound history, though, through the lobby’s retro-style furnishings and new concession stand with aluminum and glass trim. Underneath theater patrons’ feet is Greyhound’s colorfully-patterned terrazzo flooring, which had been covered with linoleum; meanwhile, leading up to the mezzanine level is the restored grand staircase (featuring a chromium-topped railing with a wave design). Upstairs, Greyhound’s original skylights bring natural daylight into art galleries / exhibit areas. Thanks to the restoration effort, the streamlined exterior looks much as it did when bus passengers (rather than actors and theater patrons) were utilizing the facility. 125 243 In the case of another adaptively reused Greyhound terminal, ironically, the Greyhound company itself was originally utilizing a preexisting building – one constructed by another bus company as its own station. Located in Hagerstown, Maryland, that art deco station’s stepped façade of shiny, white vitrolite tied in to the white color of Potomac Motor Lines’ regional buses, in the same way that Greyhound’s famed “Greyhound Blue” stations did for its own blue bus fleet. 126 Potomac’s terminal opened around 1947. Two other local bus companies, Blue Ridge Lines (which Potomac owned) and L & L Motor Lines, soon took up residence there as well – making the structure essentially a union bus depot (as mentioned previously in this chapter’s historical section). Blue Ridge Lines’ opening advertisement touted its new station’s “large comfortable waiting room,” “under-cover, individual bus loading platforms,” “modern, convenient rest rooms,” and other services such as a restaurant, drugstore, and cigar/news stand. The joint facility was quite a step up from the non-ideal space that the area’s bus lines had been sharing from 1929 until the end of World War II, which was simply the basement of Hagerstown’s Alexander Hotel. 127 Interestingly, around the same time that this new station opened, W.S. Arrasmith designed a proposal for a Hagerstown Greyhound terminal. However, the company never built his 1946 design. Instead, Greyhound apparently took over Potomac Motor Lines’ station around 1954. After Greyhound moved from downtown to a spot directly off an interstate exit, the Washington Spy restaurant opened inside its former downtown facility in the late 1990s. Showing its owner’s appreciation for local history, the eatery not only took its name from Washington Spy, which was Hagerstown’s weekly newspaper during the late 1700s, but it also featured bus station memorabilia inside. 128 244 The restaurant closed in 2004, though, and the former depot became home to a business called VIP Mobility in 2005. VIP Mobility, which touted itself in a 2008 Christmas video advertisement as the tri-state area’s “only full service showroom” of its type, sells medically related mobility equipment like stair lifts / lift chairs, power scooters, walkers, and wheelchairs – primarily for seniors and the disabled. With VIP Mobility’s arrival, the station reuse concept thus came full circle – with the Hagerstown Greyhound station once again giving people in need access to transportation and providing them with the ability to move about freely. 129 1 Richard Longstreth, foreword, in The Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal: The Architecture of W.S. Arrasmith (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2007), 1-2; Robert Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way: The Romance of the Road (Hudson, WI: Iconografix, 2009), 6-7, 11, 30, 79-81, 155. 2 John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, Motoring: The Highway Experience in America, Center Books on American Places (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2008), 184-185; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 7. 3 Literary Digest, "The Stage-Coach Comes Back - Motorized," July 1921, 44-47, http://books.google.com/books?id=Xa88AAAAMAAJ (accessed March 3, 2010). Note: bracketed parts in the quotes are clarifications by the dissertation author. 4 Ibid. 5 Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 6-7, 27-30; Longstreth, foreword, in Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 1-2; Frank E. Wrenick, The Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal: The Architecture of W.S. Arrasmith (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2007), 5. 6 Greyhound Lines, Inc., "About Greyhound," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/about/default.aspx (accessed December 10, 2009). 7 Carlton Jackson, Hounds of the Road: A History of the Greyhound Bus Company, Rev. ed. (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 2001), 7-8; Oscar Schisgall, The Greyhound Story: From Hibbing to Everywhere (Chicago: J.G. Ferguson Publishing, 1985), 3-5, 12-13; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 183, 192-193; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 11-12; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 99. 8 Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Historical Timeline," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/about/historicaltimeline.aspx (accessed December 10, 2009); Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 192; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 13, 19-23, 73; Schisgall, The Greyhound Story, 7, 10- 11, 15-23; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 12-14, 17. 245 9 Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 193, 196; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 39, 56; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 101; Richard Striner, Art Deco, Abbeville Stylebooks (New York: Abbeville Press, 1994), 90. 10 Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 195-196; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 101-102; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 39-40; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 7. 11 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 102; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 196-197. 12 Susan Reifer, "Next Best Places: Truckee, Calif. Real People. Real Skiing. The Sierras' Working-Class Community Grows into a Starring Role," Ski: The Magazine of the Ski Life, January 2008, http://www.barofamerica.net/pdf_menus/press/SkiMagazine1-08.pdf (accessed September 29, 2010); John Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards: Buses, Depots and Post Houses, ed. Dylan Frautschi (Hudson, WI: Iconografix, 2004), 7; Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, Photograph: Storefront Greyhound Station, Now Bar of America, in the Pouring Rain. Truckee, CA, Winter 2010, Personal collection of the dissertation author; Truckee - Donner Historical Society, "Donner Pass Road: Walking Tour," Welcome to the Truckee - Donner Historical Society Home Page, http://truckeehistory.org/images/panoramas/panorama1.htm (accessed April 10, 2010); Ed Colman and Robyn Sills, "History," Pacific Crest Grill at Bar of America, http://www.barofamerica.net/history.html (accessed April 10, 2010); Duane Hall and Truckee Community Development Department, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: Commercial Row / Brickeltown Historic District (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 2009), sec. 7 pg. 15, in California Office of Historic Preservation, http://www.parks.ca.gov/pages/1067/files/Truckee%20NR.pdf (accessed April 10, 2010). 13 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 102-104; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 196-197; Los Angeles Times, "Union Depot for Stages: Auto Bus Concerns to Build Common Station," April 20, 1919, http://www.latimes.com (accessed March 3, 2010); Los Angeles Times, "Motor Stage Union Depot: Three Hundred Thousand Go Through a Month," January 18, 1920, http://www.latimes.com (accessed March 3, 2010). 14 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 104; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 56; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 196. 15 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 58, 104-108; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 56- 57; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 102. 16 Longstreth, foreword, in Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 2; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 198; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 49, 51, 100, 109; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 7, 50-51, 55-56, 59-63, 78; Marc Perrotta, "Bus Terminal," in Encyclopedia of 20th-Century Architecture, vol. 1 (New York: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2004), 198-199, http://books.google.com/books?id=opvy1zGI2EcC (accessed February 27, 2010). 17 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 49, 50, 54-55, 109; Maggie Valentine, The Show Starts on the Sidewalk: An Architectural History of the Movie Theatre, Starring S. Charles Lee (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), 38-40; David Naylor, American Picture Palaces: The Architecture of Fantasy (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1981), 40-41, 44, 108-109; Ross Melnick and Andreas Fuchs, Cinema Treasures: A New Look at Classic Movie Theaters (St. Paul, MN: MBI, 2004), 26, 75; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, Designation List 423, LP-2342: Paramount Hotel (City of New York, November 17, 2009), 1, 4-5, in Official New York City Web Site, http://www.nyc.gov/html/lpc/downloads/pdf/reports/paramount.pdf (accessed February 27, 2010). 18 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 49, 54-58. 246 19 Ibid., 49-53, 109-110, 125-128; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 55; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 66. 20 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 53-54, 56-58, 128-136, 172; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 44-45, 69. 21 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 54, 56-66, 103; Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Historical Timeline"; Schisgall, The Greyhound Story, 102; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 84-97, 106, 110; Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 68, 70. 22 Longstreth, foreword, in Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 1; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 109-116; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 102-103, 108. 23 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 119. 24 Ibid., 109. 25 Perrotta, "Bus Terminal," 199; Western Maryland Regional Library, "Hagerstown Bus Terminals," WHILBR: Western Maryland's Historical Library, http://www.whilbr.org/HagerstownBusTerminal/index.aspx (accessed December 9, 2009); Blue Ridge Lines, Advertisement: Blue Ridge Lines to Use Terminal, 1947, WCFL Collection, Western Maryland Regional Library, Hagerstown, MD, http://www.whilbr.org/itemdetail.aspx?idEntry=6166 (accessed December 9, 2009); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Maryland Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/md.html (accessed December 9, 2009); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Utah Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/ut.html (accessed December 10, 2009); David Gebhard, The National Trust Guide to Art Deco in America (New York: Wiley, 1996), 249; Debbi Taylor, "Ogden to Be Home to State's First Privately Funded Business Incubator," Salt Lake Enterprise, November 28, 2005, http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa5279/is_200511/ai_n24310474/; Wikipedia, "Transportation in Oklahoma City," Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transportation_in_Oklahoma_City#Bus (accessed December 10, 2009); Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Locations: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/locations/terminal.aspx?city=670285 (accessed December 10, 2009); Jefferson Lines, "Jefferson Lines Bus Service Locations in Oklahoma," http://www.jeffersonlines.com/schedule.asp?state=OK (accessed December 10, 2009); Doug Loudenback, "Union Bus Station: Vintage," Doug Loudenback on the Web: Downtown Oklahoma City, http://www.dougloudenback.com/downtown/vintage/1.unionbus.htm (accessed December 10, 2009); Doug Loudenback, "Union Bus Station," Doug Loudenback on the Web: Downtown Oklahoma City, http://www.dougloudenback.com/downtown/okc02.htm (accessed May 31, 2009). 26 Oakland Heritage Alliance, "Preservation 2007: Eleven Award Winners for Excellence in Historic Preservation Were Honored at a May 10, 2007 Ceremony," Oakland Heritage Alliance: A Non- Profit Organization Which Advocates the Protection, Preservation, and Revitalization of Oakland's Architectural, Historic, Cultural and Natural Resources, http://web.archive.org/web/20080625053859/http://oaklandheritage.org/preservation_2007.htm (accessed June 7, 2007); Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration, California: A Guide to the Golden State, American Guide Series (New York: Hastings House, 1939), 237, http://books.google.com/books?id=BilViSeuA0UC (accessed March 1, 2010); Poor News Network (PNN), "Daily...Weekly...Monthly... PNN Staff March in Solidarity with Just Cause Oakland Eviction Tour...and the At-Risk Tenants Speak Out from the Front Line," Poor Magazine: Poor People-Led / Indigenous People-Led Media, Education, and Art, March 13, 2001, http://www.poormagazine.org/node/245 (accessed March 1, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "California Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/ca.html (accessed February 26, 2010); BBI Construction, "May 2008: BBI Construction Begins Renovation Work at the Oakland Greyhound Bus Terminal," BBI Construction: About Us: News, http://www.bbiconstruction.com/news_article14.html (accessed February 26, 2010). 247 27 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 117-119, 158-169; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 136, 152-153. 28 Alan Hess, Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2004); Steven Ehrlich, "Greyhound Bus Station - Wellness Center - Santa Monica," Steven Ehrlich Architects, http://www.you-are-here.com/modern/bus.html (accessed February 28, 2010); Karen E. Klein, "Ex-Bus Depot Was Just the Ticket: Site, Space Suited Dance Studio Needs," Los Angeles Times, March 20, 1998, http://articles.latimes.com/1998/mar/20/business/fi-30750 (accessed March 24, 2009); Sandy Siegel, "Shifting Gears," LA Westside Weekly, January 19, 1997, http://sandysiegel.homestead.com/WestsideWeekly~ns4.html (accessed April 28, 2007; site now defunct); Martin M. Pegler, Entertainment Destinations (New York: Visual Reference Publications, 2000), 154, http://books.google.com/books?id=XOE0osugu5AC (accessed October 1, 2010); Dance Magazine, "Dance Directory: Schools, Colleges, Teachers, Dancers, Regional Companies," June 1, 1999, http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-54783611.html (accessed September 30, 2010). 29 Constance Tillotson and Jorge Casuso, "Designs for Success," Santa Monica Lookout News, May 2003, http://www.surfsantamonica.com/ssm_site/the_lookout/news/News-2003/May- 2003/05_05_03_Designs_for_Success.htm (accessed April 28, 2007). See also Frances Anderton, "Currents: Los Angeles -- Design Store: Gifts That Leave Enough to Buy Some Flowers," New York Times, November 28, 2002, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/28/garden/currents-los-angeles-design-store-gifts- that-leave-enough-to-buy-some-flowers.html (accessed April 28, 2007). 30 Santa Monica Architectural Review Board, "Architectural Review Board Meeting: June 1, 2009, Agenda Item: 7.2 - ARB 09-174 to Approve Design, Colors and Materials for a Facade Remodel, Sign Plans for Comerica Bank," City of Santa Monica Planning and Community Development Department, http://www01.smgov.net/planning/arb/agendas/2009/060109/09ARB174%28Comerica%20Bank%29%28c ontinued%20to%20June%201,%202009%29.htm (accessed July 29, 2009); Coldwell Banker Commercial, "Retail Property for Sale: 1415-1433 5th Street, Santa Monica, CA 90401," Loopnet, http://www.loopnet.com/Listing/16822748/1415-1433-5th-Street-Santa-Monica-CA/ (accessed September 30, 2010). 31 Google, "1820 18th Street, Bakersfield, CA," Google Maps: Street View, accessed April 29, 2011, http://maps.google.com/; Greyhound Lines, "Locations: Bakersfield, CA," Greyhound, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.greyhound.com/en/locations/terminal.aspx?city=890219; Bakersfield Californian, "Ground Broken for New Greyhound Bus Terminal," April 27, 1959, 23, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed February 28, 2010); Greyhound, "Advertisement," Bakersfield Californian, April 15, 1960, 7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed February 28, 2010); Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 153; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 12. 32 Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 81, 108-109, 165; Jakle and Sculle, Motoring, 201-203; Longstreth, foreword, in Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 1-2; Perrotta, "Bus Terminal," 199; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 140-142, 151, 156-157; HighBeam Business, "Industry Report: SIC 4131: Intercity and Rural Bus Transportation," http://business.highbeam.com/industry- reports/transportation/intercity-rural-bus-transportation (accessed March 2, 2010). 33 Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 142, 157. 34 Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 85. 35 Ibid., 83-84. 36 Ibid., 129-133, 176-178; Schisgall, The Greyhound Story, 294-295; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 6-7, 155, 157-158; HighBeam Business, "Industry Report: SIC 4131". 248 37 Jackson, Hounds of the Road, 84, 178-179, 196-197; Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Greyhound Facts and Figures," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/about/factsandfigures.aspx (accessed December 10, 2009); Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Station Locator," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/locations/default.aspx (accessed December 10, 2009); Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Historical Timeline". 38 Kevin Eigelbach, "Louisville Bus Company Wants to Revive Small-Town, Scheduled Bus Service," Business First of Louisville, January 30, 2009, http://louisville.bizjournals.com/louisville/stories/2009/02/02/story8.html (accessed December 10, 2009); Mary Jane Smetanka, "For Those Affected, Bus Cutbacks Will Be No Small Pain," Minneapolis Star Tribune, June 27, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); Greyhound Lines, Inc., "Locations: States: Kentucky," Greyhound, http://www.greyhound.com/en/locations/locations.aspx?state=ky (accessed March 2, 2010); Trailways Transportation System, Inc., "Map: Trailways Scheduled Route Bus Services," Trailways Travel, http://www.trailways.com/travel/individual-bus-tickets/index.asp (accessed March 2, 2010); Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 155-157. 39 Minneapolis Star Tribune, "Greyhound's Exit - Small-Town Life Gets Harder," July 14, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010). 40 Longstreth, foreword, in Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 2; Jim L. Patterson, "Greyhound Bus Terminal," Louisville Art Deco, http://www.louisvilleartdeco.com/architecture/Greyhound/GreyhoundDepot.html (accessed February 27, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Kentucky Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/ky.html (accessed March 2, 2010); Kristina Frazier-Henry, "Greyhound Union Bus Terminal," Child of the Fort: My Memories of Growing Up in Fort Wayne, Indiana, web log entry posted March 5, 2008, http://childofthefort.blogspot.com/2008/03/greyhound-union-bus- terminal.html (accessed March 2, 2010); Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 136; Dan Shaw, "Greyhound Station to Be Decorated with Paintings," Evansville Courier & Press, July 21, 2009, http://www.courierpress.com/news/2009/jul/21/21web-Greyhound/ (accessed March 2, 2010); Courtney Fischer, "New Plans for Historic Greyhound Station," News 25: WEHT-TV Evansville, IN, June 11, 2009, http://www.news25.us/Global/story.asp?S=10480474 (accessed March 2, 2010); University of Akron College of Business Administration, "Mission and History: Historical Highlights: 1980-1989," University of Akron, http://www.uakron.edu/cba/cba-home/about-us/mission-history.dot#1980 (accessed February 28, 2010). 41 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 154. 42 Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 153. 43 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 64-66, 75-76, 153-158; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 41-42; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 137. 44 Frank E. Wrenick, "Dog Days: Saving a Greyhound," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995); National Park Service, "National Register of Historic Places Listings - June 11, 1999: Weekly List of Actions Taken on Properties: 6/01/99 Through 6/04/99," National Register of Historic Places, http://www.nps.gov/history/nr/listings/990611.htm (accessed September 30, 2010). 45 Elliot Maras, "Greyhound Restores Cleveland Bus Terminal to Its Former Architectural Glory," Properties: Northeast Ohio's Monthly Realty, Construction & Architecture Magazine, May 2000, http://web.archive.org/web/20060513073831/http://www.propertiesmag.com/archives/2000- 05/Grayhound.htm (accessed September 17, 2006); Cleveland Restoration Society & Preservation Resource Center of Northeastern Ohio, "A Past History of Award Winners," Internet Archive Wayback Machine, 249 http://web.archive.org/web/20070928005023/http://www.clevelandrestoration.org/PreservationAwards/pres ervationawardhistory.pdf (accessed September 17, 2006). 46 Dallas Morning News, "City Building Vehemently: Face Lifted with Bang," August 10, 1947, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed August 22, 2008). 47 Dallas Morning News, "Buses Move Right on Schedule as Depot Is Built Around Them," June 1, 1947, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed August 22, 2008). See also Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 51. 48 Dallas Morning News, "Editorial: Thumbs Up," December 30, 1993, Editorials sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 11, 2008); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Greyhound Bus Stations: Texas Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/tx.html (accessed May 19, 2007). 49 Dallas Morning News, "Editorial: Thumbs Up". 50 Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 25; Great Falls Transit District, "Downtown Transfer Center," GFT, http://www.gftransit.com/transfer_center.htm (accessed December 10, 2009); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Montana Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/mt.html (accessed December 10, 2009); Kintaro Rei Freon, "Shadow of the Intermountain: Photo of the North Side of the Intermodal Bus Station in Great Falls, Montana; Looking West," Flickr, July 7, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/kfreon/3700416762/ (accessed December 10, 2009). 51 Greyhound Lines, "Advertisement," Billings Gazette, May 31, 1945, 7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed December 10, 2009); Billings Gazette, "New Union Bus Depot to Open: Will Finish Work About June 1," May 6, 1945, 5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed December 10, 2009); Chere Jiusto and Downtown Billings Study Team, Tales Spun Along the Tracks: A History of Downtown Billings (Downtown Billings Historic and Architectural Survey) (Billings, MT: Yellowstone Historic Preservation Board, Fall-Winter 1998). 52 Greyhound Lines, "Advertisement," Billings Gazette, September 17, 1942, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed December 10, 2009); Billings Gazette, "Union Bus Depot to Be Built Here," October 25, 1944, 1, accessed March 1, 2010, http://www.newspaperarchive.com. 53 Greyhound Lines, "Advertisement," May 31, 1945. 54 Great Falls Transit District, "Downtown Transfer Center"; Jan Falstad, "Greyhound Bus Depot Is Restored," Billings Gazette, February 23, 2002, http://billingsgazette.com/business/article_7cec5042- 78c2-5a9f-9547-c0a7cd543c3e.html (accessed March 1, 2010); Seltzer, "Montana Greyhound Bus Stations"; Freon, "Shadow of the Intermountain". 55 Great Falls Transit District, "Downtown Transfer Center". 56 Jan Falstad, "Greyhound Terminal Gets Final Facelift," Billings Gazette, December 30, 2002, http://billingsgazette.com/business/article_0d153b91-a692-5719-b773-5d2e4a6536e2.html (accessed March 1, 2010). 57 Falstad, "Greyhound Bus Depot Is Restored". 58 Siegel, "Shifting Gears". 59 Jean Lawlor Cohen, "Doing Deco, Y'All, in Jackson," Washington Post, June 27, 2004, http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A5450-2004Jun25 (accessed April 28, 2007). 250 60 Billy Howell, "'Birdsong Tours' Provides Insight to Clarksdale Visitors," Clarksdale Press Register, April 16, 2010, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2010/04/18/news/doc4bc76941012bd906246267.txt (accessed October 1, 2010); Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 133-136; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Mississippi Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/ms.html (accessed April 28, 2007). 61 Mississippi Delta Regional Initiative, Delta Vision, Delta Voices: The Mississippi Delta Beyond 2000 (Main Report of the Clinton-Gore Administration's Mississippi Delta Regional Initiative), report, 91, http://ntl.bts.gov/lib/7000/7800/7884/DeltaVision-Voices.PDF (accessed April 27, 2007); Coahoma County Tourism Commission, "The Blues," Clarksdale Tourism, http://www.clarksdaletourism.com/theblues.htm (accessed April 28, 2007); Marshall Drew, "'Birdsong Tours' Helps Tourists Learn History," Clarksdale Press Register, December 28, 2006, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=17645203 (accessed April 28, 2007); Kinchen O'Keefe Jr., "Visitors Station Needs Broader Support," Clarksdale Press Register, December 20, 2004, Opinion sec., http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=13590650 (accessed April 28, 2007). 62 Larry Binz, "Museum to Assume Operation of Old Bus Station," Clarksdale Press Register, January 12, 2005, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=13723126 (accessed April 28, 2007); Delta Blues Museum, "Previous Exhibits - Art on the Tracks: New Works by the GAGA Girls," Exhibits and Events, http://www.deltabluesmuseum.org/high/previous-exhibits01.asp (accessed October 1, 2010); David Owens, "Teens Display Their Photographic Flair," Clarksdale Press Register, April 29, 2005, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=14440849 (accessed April 28, 2007); Clarksdale Press Register, "Book Signing Set for Friday," April 5, 2007, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=18168036 (accessed April 28, 2007); Clarksdale Press Register, "Meeting Thursday to Look at Transportation," September 22, 2005, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=15256744 (accessed April 28, 2007); Guinda Reeves, "A Hero's Journey Takes Off at the Greyhound Bus Station," Clarksdale Press Register, November 21, 2006, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=17495228 (accessed April 28, 2007); Clarksdale Press Register, "Bag Lunch at Bus Station Offers History and Humor," March 15, 2007, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=18082225 (accessed April 28, 2007). Note: To access the above Clarksdale Press Register articles without having www.zwire.com automatically redirect your browser to the newspaper’s new homepage at www.pressregister.com (the archive of which does not go back far enough to host the above articles), press “stop” on your browser as soon as the article starts to load. 63 Patricia Hymel, "Revitalization Effort Begins," Clarksdale Press Register, May 6, 2008, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2008/05/06/news/doc482077ea6e88e880196983.txt (accessed November 1, 2009); Patricia Hymel, "Luckett Calls Revitalization Effort a 'Work in Progress'" Clarksdale Press Register, May 15, 2008, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2008/05/15/news/doc482c79ecdf9e5642755503.txt (accessed November 1, 2009); Deborah Cole, "CPU Not at Fault for Blackout," Clarksdale Press Register, July 22, 2009, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2009/07/22/news/doc4a67165faafb7243727024.txt (accessed November 1, 2009); Billy Howell, "Greyhound Station Is Now CRI's New Information Station," Clarksdale Press Register, October 9, 2009, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2009/10/09/news/doc4acdfe7a03150647709658.txt (accessed November 1, 2009); Mac Crank, "Information Center Opens Door Friday," Clarksdale Press Register, October 14, 2009, http://www.pressregister.com/articles/2009/10/14/news/doc4ad5dce99fd22735786530.txt (accessed November 1, 2009). 64 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 149-151; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 103; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 69; Edward Gunts, "Regional Council Moves to Old Greyhound Station," Baltimore Sun, July 17, 1991, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007). 251 65 Edward Gunts, "Greyhound Won the Race to Preserve Bus Terminal," Baltimore Sun, February 26, 1999, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Gunts, "Regional Council Moves"; Edward Gunts, "Real Estate Notes: 7 Projects Recognized by Preservation Unit," Baltimore Sun, May 3, 1992, http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1992-05-03/business/1992124214_1_architect-eccles-rouse- president-street-station (accessed March 15, 2010); Frank R. Shivers, Walking in Baltimore: An Intimate Guide to the Old City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 219, http://www.amazon.com/Walking-Baltimore-Intimate-Guide-City/dp/0801848687/ (accessed March 15, 2010). 66 Gunts, "Regional Council Moves". 67 Edward Gunts, "Parking the Art in a Garage: Greyhound Building Proves Successful as Exhibit Space," Baltimore Sun, June 9, 1991, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Edward Gunts, "Transformation of a Bus Garage - Museum: The Old Greyhound Facility in Mount Vernon Has Been Renovated into an Exhibit Space by the Maryland Historical Society," Baltimore Sun, February 20, 1997, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Edward Gunts, "New Plans for Old Greyhound Garage," Baltimore Sun, October 13, 1994, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Baltimore Sun, "Bus Shed Becomes a Museum," October 15, 1994, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007). 68 Fern Shen, "Nipper Loses Baltimore Home," Washington Post, January 12, 1998, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Chuck Miller, "Sit, Nipper, Sit... Good Dog!" Albany Times-Union: Chuck Miller's Blog, web log entry posted December 2, 2009, http://blog.timesunion.com/chuckmiller/sit-nipper-sit-good-dog/684/ (accessed October 1, 2010); John Woestendiek, "A Tale of Two Cities, and Two Nippers," Muttsblog at Ohmidog: A Site for Dog Lovers, web log entry posted December 3, 2009, http://www.ohmidog.com/2009/12/03/a-tale-of-two-cities-and- two-nippers/ (accessed October 1, 2010); Baltimore Ghosts, "Old Advertising: Neon Dreams - Hanging Signs," Baltimore Ghosts: Unsung Monuments of the Monumental City, http://www.monumentalcity.net/ads/hangsigns/ (accessed October 1, 2010); Seltzer, "Maryland Greyhound Bus Stations". 69 Baltimore Sun, "Historical Society Buys a Bar; Mount Vernon: As New Exhibit Center Arises, Derelict Buildings Nearby Get Attention," November 27, 1996, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007). 70 Gunts, "New Plans for Old Greyhound". 71 Edward Gunts, "Society Reuses Old Bus Station; Landmark: The Former Greyhound Terminal at Howard and Centre Streets Will House 70 Employees of the Maryland Historical Society," Baltimore Sun, December 7, 1999, http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1999-12-07/features/9912070230_1_maryland- historical-society-greyhound-terminal-centre (accessed March 15, 2010); Maryland Historical Society, "MdHS Campus Expansion Complete; Significant New Contemporary Structures and Renovated Spaces Create Ideal and Unique Setting, Encompassing Three Centuries of Architecture," MdHS Press Releases, November 2003, http://web.archive.org/web/20050208031431/http://www.mdhs.org/press_mdhs_archi.html (accessed August 21, 2006); Maryland Historical Society, "MdHS to Break Ground for New Building on April 12, 2002," MdHS Press Releases, April 2002, http://web.archive.org/web/20070520140518/http://www.mdhs.org/press_groundbreaking.html (accessed August 21, 2006); Edward Gunts, "Architecture Review: Guardian of the Past Looks to Its Future; Historical Society's New Zinc- and Glass-Clad Structures Will Unify the Eclectic Campus," Baltimore Sun, May 6, 2001, http://www.pqarchiver.com (accessed April 27, 2007). 72 Maryland Historical Society, "MdHS Campus Expansion Complete". 73 Maryland Historical Society, "MdHS to Break Ground". 252 74 Gunts, "Architecture Review: Guardian". 75 Maryland Historical Society, "MdHS Campus Expansion Complete". 76 Baltimore Sun, "Leave the Teacups in the Closet. Our View: Historical Society Must Find Ways to Stay Relevant for a New Generation," December 29, 2009, Editorials sec., http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2009-12-29/news/bal-ed.mhs29dec29_1_historical-groups-historical- subjects-cut (accessed March 15, 2010); Maryland Historical Society, "Annual Report: July 1, 2007 - June 30, 2008," MdHS News: A Publication of the Maryland Historical Society (Winter 2009): http://www.mdhs.org/about/images/MdHSnewsWinter09.pdf (accessed March 14, 2010); Maryland Department of Business and Economic Development, "Industrial Leasing Guide: Baltimore City," Maryland Daily Record - Squarefeet: Quarterly Commercial Real Estate and Leasing Guide, July 2008, 28, http://mddailyrecord.com/wp-files/_pdf/publications/Squarefeet_web.pdf (accessed March 15, 2010). 77 Striner, Art Deco, 90-91. 78 Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 31; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 54-58, 136-139; Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 102. 79 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 137. 80 Ibid., 54-58, 136-139; Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 31. 81 G. Martin Moeller Jr., AIA Guide to the Architecture of Washington, D.C., 4th ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 149-150, http://books.google.com/books?id=HwxObsj2GOQC (accessed October 2, 2010). 82 Henry Allen, "Bus Station an Urban Elegy - An Era Ends as Greyhound Closes Its Downtown Terminal," Washington Post, August 4, 1987, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010). 83 Washington Post, "Greyhound Memories," September 6, 1985, Editorials sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed September 6, 1985). 84 Allen, "Bus Station an Urban Elegy". 85 Benjamin Forgey, "Rerouting the Bus Station," Washington Post, March 31, 1984, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Benjamin Forgey, "The Dignified Depot - Happy Revival of the Greyhound Building," Washington Post, September 14, 1991, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Photographic Timeline: Washington's Greyhound Terminal - 1977, 1977, Historical Display in Former Greyhound Bus Station's Lobby, Washington, D.C.; Allen, "Bus Station an Urban Elegy". 86 Benjamin Forgey, "Cityscape," Washington Post, April 16, 1988, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Nell Henderson, "Greyhound Sets Final Day for Terminal," Washington Post, July 16, 1987, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Forgey, "Rerouting the Bus Station"; Sarah Booth Conroy, "Washington's Doctor Deco - It Took a Beauty Lover to Save a Bus Station," Washington Post, March 7, 1993, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Richard Striner, "ADSW Origins," Art Deco Society of Washington, http://www.adsw.org/perspective/1999/Origins/ (accessed October 2, 2010); Michael Kernan, "The Age of Art Deco Spotlight," Washington Post, September 3, 1982, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Tom Sherwood, "Can Openers Symbolize Preservation - Metal Hides Art Deco Facade at D.C. Bus Station, Group Says," Washington Post, November 4, 1986, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010). 253 87 Henderson, "Greyhound Sets Final Day"; Sherwood, "Can Openers Symbolize Preservation"; Wendy Swallow, "D.C. Greyhound Station to Be Saved for Its Hidden Art Deco Architecture," Washington Post, January 24, 1987, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010). 88 Swallow, "D.C. Greyhound Station" (brackets in original). 89 Ibid.; David S. Hilzenrath, "Redevelopment of Bus Terminal Put on Hold," Washington Post, April 23, 1988, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); David S. Hilzenrath, "Compromise Ends Greyhound Dispute - Developer to Include Landmark Bus Station in New Building," Washington Post, July 23, 1988, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Forgey, "Dignified Depot - Happy Revival". 90 Swallow, "D.C. Greyhound Station". 91 Hilzenrath, "Compromise Ends Greyhound Dispute"; Forgey, "Dignified Depot - Happy Revival". 92 Anne Simpson, "Bus Terminal Sheds Modern Image - New Building on N.Y. Avenue Keeping Flavor of Old Terminal," Washington Post, February 1, 1989, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010). 93 Forgey, "Dignified Depot - Happy Revival". 94 Ibid.; Jennifer Harper, "A Grand Way to Re-Deco-Rate," Washington Times, September 12, 1991, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010); Moeller Jr., AIA Guide to the Architecture, 149-150; Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 31; Art Deco Society of Washington, "Greyhound Terminal: Photo Gallery," Preservation, http://www.adsw.org/site/DC/NW/NewYorkAve/1100/gallery.html (accessed April 27, 2007); Jo Ann Ann Lewis, "Homeless Artist Gets Commission," Washington Post, August 10, 1990, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 15, 2010). 95 Art Deco Society of Washington, "Greyhound Terminal," Preservation, http://www.adsw.org/site/DC/NW/NewYorkAve/1100/index.html (accessed April 27, 2007); Forgey, "Dignified Depot - Happy Revival"; Simpson, "Bus Terminal Sheds Modern". 96 Forgey, "Dignified Depot - Happy Revival"; Conroy, "Washington's Doctor Deco"; Art Deco Society of Washington, "Greyhound Terminal". 97 Cohen, "Doing Deco, Y'All"; Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 129-130; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 57; Todd Sanders, "Architecture in Mississippi During the 20th Century," Mississippi History Now: An Online Publication of the Mississippi Historical Society, January 2010, http://mshistory.k12.ms.us/articles/331/architecture-in-mississippi-during-the-20th-century (accessed March 16, 2010). 98 Gabrick, Going the Greyhound Way, 144; Melinda Johnson, "A Fresh Look at the Faces of the Freedom Riders," Syracuse Post-Standard, February 19, 2010, http://www.syracuse.com/news/index.ssf/2010/02/a_fresh_look_at_the_faces_of_t.html (accessed March 15, 2010); Susan Eckelmann, "Freedom Rides," Encyclopedia of Alabama, November 16, 2009, http://encyclopediaofalabama.org/face/Article.jsp?id=h-1605 (accessed March 15, 2010); 99 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 172; Eckelmann, "Freedom Rides"; Alvin Been, "Freedom Riders Recall Dark Day in '61," Montgomery Advertiser, May 21, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2007); Kyle Wingfield and Associated Press, "Freedom Riders Bus Station Museum Delayed Amid Disagreements," MSNBC, October 5, 2004, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/?id=6181790 (accessed July 16, 2006); Alabama Historical Commission, 254 "Changes Occuring at Historic Montgomery Greyhound Bus Station," Preservation Report 34, No. 6 (November/December 2007): , http://www.preserveala.org/pdfs/sites/Nov-Dec%202007.pdf (accessed October 2, 2010); Society for Environmental Graphic Design, "2009 Awards: Merit Award: 1961 Freedom Rides Exhibit," SEGD: The Global Community of People Working at the Intersection of Communication Design and the Built Environment, http://www.segd.org/design-awards/5126/5147.html (accessed March 15, 2010); Alabama Historical Commission, "Montgomery Bus Station- Freedom Rides Exhibit," Visit Our Historic Sites, http://preserveala.org/greyhoundstation.aspx (accessed October 2, 2010). 100 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 186; Seltzer, "Mississippi Greyhound Bus Stations"; Robert Parker Adams, "Adaptive Reuse of Art Deco/Moderne Greyhound Bus Stations - Exa... (27429)," Posting on an email listserv, National Trust for Historic Preservation's Forum-L Listserve, October 16, 2003, http://www.preservationnation.org/forum/forum-l-archive/adaptive-reuse-of-art- decomoderne-greyhound-bus-stations-exa-27429.html (accessed July 29, 2009); Cohen, "Doing Deco, Y'All"; Mississippi Heritage Trust, "1999 Heritage Awards: Cathedral of St. Peter the Apostle - Jackson, Mississippi," Programs, http://www.mississippiheritage.com/awards99.html (accessed April 28, 2007); Mississippi Heritage Trust, "2002 Heritage Awards: Carrollton Community House, Carrollton, Mississippi," Programs, http://www.mississippiheritage.com/awards02.html (accessed April 28, 2007); Mississippi Heritage Trust, "2004 Heritage Awards: War Memorial Building in Jackson," Programs, http://www.mississippiheritage.com/awards04.html#war (accessed April 28, 2007); Elizabeth Ortega, "Project to Be Complete in 2009," Jackson Northside Sun, September 6, 2007, http://www.northsidesun.com/view/full_story/2152569/article-Project-to-be-complete-in-2009 (accessed October 3, 2010); Mississippi Department of Archives and History, "Old Capitol Museum," State of Mississippi, http://mdah.state.ms.us/oldcap/ (accessed October 3, 2010); Mississippi Business Journal, "Architectural Firms," December 27, 2004, http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199- 4842407/Architectural-firms.html (accessed October 3, 2010); Mississippi Department of Archives and History, "Eudora Welty House Designated a National Historic Landmark," State of Mississippi, http://mdah.state.ms.us/admin/news/welty.html#nhl (accessed April 28, 2007). 101 Cohen, "Doing Deco, Y'All"; Bill Pitts, "Interiors & Exteriors: Greyhound Repurposed," New Southern View: Mississippi's First Ezine, February 1, 2009, http://www.newsouthernview.com/pages/nsv_ie_greyhound.html (accessed November 10, 2009); Adams, "Adaptive Reuse of Art Deco". 102 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 49, 54; Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 97; South Carolina Department of Archives and History, "Greyhound Bus Depot, Richland County (1200 Blanding St., Columbia)," National Register Properties in South Carolina, http://www.nationalregister.sc.gov/richland/S10817740099/index.htm (accessed November 10, 2009); John C. Poppeliers and S. Allen Chambers, What Style Is It? A Guide to American Architecture, Rev. ed. (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley, 2003), 124, http://books.google.com/books?id=_zh9I0gD9xwC (accessed October 3, 2010). 103 Debra Jane Seltzer, "South Carolina Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/sc.html (accessed May 11, 2009); South Carolina Department of Archives and History, "Greyhound Bus Depot"; Historic American Buildings Survey, "Greyhound Bus Station: HABS No. SC- 612: Data Page 2 of 3," Library of Congress: American Memory, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi- bin/ampage?collId=hhdatapage&fileName=sc/sc0700/sc0758/data/hhdatapage.db&recNum=1 (accessed April 28, 2007). 104 Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, "National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination Form: Historic Greyhound Bus Depot," National Register Properties in South Carolina, 1, http://www.nationalregister.sc.gov/richland/S10817740099/S10817740099.pdf (accessed March 16, 2010). 255 105 Beverly S. Shelley, "Developer May Refurbish Depot," Columbia (SC) State, June 24, 1988, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Clif LeBlanc, "Bank Eyes Bus Terminal," Columbia (SC) State, July 22, 1988, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Seltzer, "South Carolina Greyhound Bus"; Gebhard, National Trust Guide to Art Deco, 97; Paul Tosto, "Bank to Close Landmark Branch; No Decision Made on Fate of Converted Bus Station," Columbia (SC) State, October 3, 1995, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Leroy Chapman Jr., "BB&T to Reopen Columbia Landmark," Columbia (SC) State, September 7, 1996, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Sheryl Jean, "BB&T Branch, Tapp's May Become Luxury Hotel Site; Store, Former Bus Depot May Be Jointly Developed," Columbia (SC) State, December 2, 1998, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Capitol Places, "Tapp's Department Store, 1644 Main Street," http://www.capitolplaces.com/24x36Tapps%5B1%5D.pdf (accessed October 3, 2010); Capitol Places, "Main Street Lofts," http://www.capitolplaces.com/mainst.htm (accessed October 3, 2010). 106 R. Kevin Dietrich, "New Columbia, S.C., Bank to Find Home in Old Bus Depot," Columbia (SC) State, June 6, 2000, //web.lexis-nexis.com/universe (accessed September 26, 2006); R. Kevin Dietrich, "Barringer Building Attracts Financial Firms," Columbia (SC) State, December 4, 2001, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed October 3, 2010). 107 Noelle Phillips, "Old Bus Station to Get Face-Lift: Plastic Surgeon Will Spend $500,000 to Convert Former Greyhound Site into His Office," Columbia (SC) State, November 27, 2004, http://www.thestate.com (accessed April 28, 2007). See also Plastic Surgery Consultants, "South Carolina Cosmetic and Reconstructive Surgery with Richard J. Wasserman, MD, MPH, FACS," Welcome to Our Practice, http://www.plasticsurgerysouthcarolina.org/ (accessed May 11, 2009). 108 Kap Stann, Moon Georgia, 6th ed., Moon Handbooks (Emeryville, CA: Avalon Travel Publishing, 2007), 200, http://books.google.com/books?id=hyREtXrR90IC (accessed October 3, 2010); Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 58; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Georgia Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/ga.html (accessed March 15, 2010). 109 Columbus Convention and Visitors Bureau, "Walking Tours," Columbus, GA: What Progress Has Preserved, http://www.visitcolumbusga.com/WorkArea/linkit.aspx?LinkIdentifier=id&ItemID=592 (accessed March 16, 2010). 110 Seltzer, "Georgia Greyhound Bus Stations"; Phenix City - Old & New, "Old Art-Deco Trailways Bus Depot, Columbus, Georgia," Picasa Web Albums, http://picasaweb.google.com/redoubt/PhenixCityOldNew#5183687945539271314 (accessed March 16, 2010). 111 Christopher Boyce, "Country's Spread - Local Barbecue Restaurateur Has Grown to 3 Sites, Tried Franchising Over Past 30 Years, but Now Focuses on Core," Columbus (GA) Ledger-Enquirer, June 7, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed November 1, 2009). 112 Country's Barbecue, "Country's on Broad," Menus & Locations, http://www.countrysbbq.com/menus-locations/countrys-on-broad/ (accessed March 15, 2010); Sandra Okamoto, "Country's Has Been a Hit Since the Beginning," Columbus (GA) Ledger-Enquirer, February 22, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 16, 2010); Wally Dobelis, "Georgia on My Mind Parts 1/2/3," Looking Ahead Old, web log entry posted August 15, 2006, http://wallydobelisold.blogspot.com/2006/08/georgia-on-my-mind-parts123.html (accessed March 16, 2010). 113 Athena Curry, "Mural Shows Human Element of Old Bus Station," Columbus (GA) Ledger- Enquirer, October 29, 1999, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 16, 2010). 114 Allison Kennedy, "Soul of the City - More See Downtown as Place to Mingle, Dine and Be Entertained," Columbus (GA) Ledger-Enquirer, July 21, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 256 16, 2010); Country's Barbecue, "Country's on Broad"; Boyce, "Country's Spread - Local Barbecue"; Okamoto, "Country's Has Been a Hit"; Andy Johnston and Lori Johnston, "Foot Soldiers of U.S. History: Military History Buffs Can Fill Their Days in Columbus, Thanks to New Atttactions Such as the Nearly $100 Million National Infantry Museum and Soldier Center Outside Fort Benning," Atlanta Journal- Constitution, July 16, 2009, http://www.ajc.com/travel/southeast/foot-soldiers-of-u-92708.html (accessed March 15, 2010); Stann, Moon Georgia, 200; Ruth Craig and Mark Sullivan, eds., Fodor's The Carolinas and Georgia, 17th ed., Fodor's Travel (New York: Random House, 2007), 392, http://books.google.com/books?id=Rbdi-mxRBwgC (accessed March 16, 2010); Seltzer, "Georgia Greyhound Bus Stations". 115 Google, "South Taylor Street / Southeast 9th Avenue," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed October 3, 2010); Marty Primeau, "Slick Transformation: Former Bus Station Gets New Life as a Sports Bar," Amarillo Globe-News, April 20, 2007, http://amarillo.com/stories/042007/bus_7139414.shtml (accessed April 27, 2007); Thomas Thompson, "1946 Saw City Become Dotted with New Commercial Buildings," Amarillo Globe, January 2, 1947, 19, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed October 24, 2008); Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 52; Steve LaPrade, "Man Kills Self at Bus Station," Amarillo Globe-Times, July 2, 1976, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed October 24, 2008); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Texas Greyhound Bus Stations," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/bus/tx.html (accessed March 14, 2010). 116 Primeau, "Slick Transformation". 117 Tim Brady et al., "40 Moments That Changed Minnesota," Minnesota Monthly, December 2006, http://www.minnesotamonthly.com/media/Minnesota-Monthly/December-2006/40-Moments-That- Changed-Minnesota/ (accessed October 4, 2010); First Avenue Nightclub, "History: In the Beginning," About Us, http://www.first-avenue.com/history (accessed March 14, 2010); Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 29; Phillip Koski, "First Avenue: From Greyhounds to Purple Rain," Twin Cities Metro Magazine, 2010, http://www.metromag.com/0p178a4019/first-avenue-from-greyhounds-to-purple-rain/ (accessed March 14, 2010); James Lileks, "Greyhound Depot: The Waiting Room," Minneapolis: Downtown Today, http://www.lileks.com/mpls/grey/4.html (accessed July 29, 2009). 118 First Avenue Nightclub, "History: The 70's," About Us, http://www.first- avenue.com/history/70s (accessed March 14, 2010); Jon Bream, "35 Years of Memories and Music at First Ave - Many Big Acts Got a Ticket to Ride at the Old Bus Depot," Minneapolis Star Tribune, April 3, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); First Avenue Nightclub, "History: The 80's," About Us, http://www.first-avenue.com/history/80s (accessed March 14, 2010); Jon Bream, "Memories: An Ode to First Avenue - The Quirky Club Has Been at the Forefront of Music," Minneapolis Star Tribune, November 7, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010). 119 Bream, "35 Years of Memories"; Ticket King, "First Avenue Nightclub," http://www.ticketkingonline.com/tickets/first-avenue-nightclub-tickets.aspx (accessed July 29, 2009); First Avenue Nightclub, "History: Current," About Us, http://www.first-avenue.com/history/today (accessed March 14, 2010); Chris Riemenschneider, "Hard Times, Bitter Battle Play on at First Ave. - Landmark Fights for Survival," Minneapolis Star Tribune, September 13, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); Chris Riemenschneider, "First Avenue Owner: Club Will Stay Open," Minneapolis Star Tribune, June 27, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); City of Minneapolis, "Mayor R.T. Rybak: About the Mayor," Official Website of the City of Minneapolis, Minnesota, http://www.ci.minneapolis.mn.us/mayor/about.asp (accessed October 4, 2010); Bream, "Memories: An Ode". 120 Bream, "Memories: An Ode". 121 Koski, "First Avenue: From Greyhounds"; Chris Riemenschneider and Tom Horgen, "Readers' Guide - Republican National Convention - Best Bars & Clubs," Minneapolis Star Tribune, August 31, 2008, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); Larry Millett, AIA Guide to the Twin Cities: 257 The Essential Source on the Architecture of Minneapolis and St. Paul (St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2007), 50, http://books.google.com/books?id=T9axsT5T8fcC (accessed July 28, 2009). 122 Alleyway Theatre, "Our Historic Facility," http://www.alleyway.com/history-facility.html (accessed November 10, 2009); Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 147-148; Dockendorf, Greyhound in Postcards, 71; Chuck LaChiusa, "Greyhound Bus Terminal / Alleyway Theatre," Buffalo Architecture and History, http://www.buffaloah.com/a/main/672/index.html (accessed March 29, 2009); Alleyway Theatre, "Our Facility," http://web.archive.org/web/20070723104916/alleyway.com/facility/ (accessed March 29, 2009); Alleyway Theatre, "A Brief History of Alleyway Theatre Incorporated," http://www.alleyway.com/history-company.html (accessed March 14, 2010). 123 Alleyway Theatre, "Our Facility"; Richard Huntington, "Drama and Design - Alleyway Theatre's Restoration of Old Bus Depot Enriches the City's Theater Scene as It Preserves a Significant Building," Buffalo News, October 24, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); Richard Huntington, "The Mystique of the Sleek," Buffalo News, October 24, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010). 124 Lou Michel, "Quiet Rebirth: In the Heart of the Downtown Theater District, a $1.5 Million Renovation Will Turn the Old Greyhound Bus Station into the New Alleyway Theatre," Buffalo News, October 25, 1999, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed October 4, 2010); 125 Alleyway Theatre, "Our Facility"; Huntington, "Drama and Design"; Huntington, "Mystique of the Sleek". 126 Seltzer, "Maryland Greyhound Bus Stations". 127 Western Maryland Regional Library, "Hagerstown Bus Terminals"; Blue Ridge Lines, Advertisement: Blue Ridge Lines; Blue Ridge Lines, Photograph: Hagerstown Bus Station, 1944, Washington County Free Library Collection, Western Maryland Regional Library, Hagerstown, MD, http://64.26.76.146/itemdetail.aspx?idEntry=5070 (accessed March 14, 2010). 128 Wrenick, Streamline Era Greyhound Terminal, 153; Seltzer, "Maryland Greyhound Bus Stations"; Western Maryland Regional Library, "Hagerstown Bus Terminals"; Bill Vons, "The 1960's Bus Page," Planes, Tranes and Buses, http://www.billvons.com/bus/buspage60.htm (accessed December 9, 2009); Maryland State Archives, "OCLC 12279273: Washington Spy," Guide to Maryland Newspapers - Featuring the Newspaper Collections of the Maryland State Archives, http://speccol.mdarchives.state.md.us/msa/speccol/catalog/newspapers/cfm/dsp_number.cfm?id=705 (accessed March 14, 2010); Hagerstown Herald-Mail, "Newspaper Forums: Fine Dining: Comment by Petrouchka," June 20, 2003, accessed March 14, 2010, http://www.herald- mail.com/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t396.html. 129 City of Hagerstown, City of Hagerstown, Maryland, Status & Information Report No. 46, report (November 18, 2005), 1, http://www.hagerstownmd.org/Com_Affairs/sniReports/46.2005.pdf (accessed March 14, 2010); City of Hagerstown, "Santa Shops Downtown Hagerstown and You Should Too!!! Downtown Holiday Open House: December 4, 2008 - December 7, 2008," Welcome to Hagerstown, MD, http://www.hagerstownmd.org/downtownholiday.html (accessed March 14, 2010; page now gone); VIP Mobility Video Advertisement, Christmas 2008, by VIP Mobility, City of Hagerstown: Welcome to Hagerstown, MD, www.hagerstownmd.org/Assets/Com_Affairs/dhoh/VIPMobility.wmv (accessed March 14, 2010); Hagerstown Magazine, "Article Archive: In Short: VIP Manager Earns Added Qualification," Hagerstown Magazine - The Best of Life in Washington County & Beyond, http://www.hagerstownmagazine.com/articleDetail.aspx?id=395 (accessed April 27, 2007; page has since changed). 258 CHAPTER 4 Looking at Lodging in the Rear View Mirror: The Adaptive Reuse of Motels The motel holds a critical place in the history of the American roadside and in the evolution of travel and tourism. From its humble beginning, the motel made life on the road more convenient, comfortable, and safe. Whether as a place of rest and respite for weary tourists, businesspeople, or other travelers, the motel was often a substitute home. Moreover, it sometimes had advantages that travelers’ own homes lacked – such as providing a swimming pool for children and a relaxing environment where adults could enjoy freedom from their typical chores and maintenance duties. In the early era of motels’ existence, a motel was the first place many people had the chance to experience certain new, then-rare comforts, ranging from innerspring mattresses to color televisions and built-in showers. Thus, the American motel once served as a valuable advertising site for manufacturers – essentially providing direct product placement and/or samples to scores of potential customers, tempting them to incorporate those new products into their own houses. Over the years, the motel has also provided a vital livelihood for thousands of small business owners (frequently families) in rural areas, towns, and cities across the country. That positive economic impact has often extended beyond the motel, though, since the motel has typically been where guests seek information and recommendations (whether from staff, displays of tourist brochures, etc.) regarding local attractions, entertainment, shopping, and dining options. As such, the motel has helped numerous 259 other local businesses, spreading the financial benefits of the travelers’ stay. The motel has architectural importance as well, having evolved through several major forms, as competition for travelers’ dollars fostered and encouraged creativity (and quirkiness) in building and signage designs. 1 The first motels in America rose up to meet a key need. In the early days of automobile travel and tourism, travelers had few options when needing to stop for the night – and those were often neither appropriate nor ideal. Downtown hotels and vacation resorts could be expensive, often required advance bookings, expected more elegant attire than auto tourists often wore, and generally did not have parking. Alternately, small-town and railroad-adjacent hotels usually catered to traveling salesmen, known as drummers, who had an unsavory reputation as a group; thus, the typical tourist family would not have felt comfortable among them. Also, drummer- oriented hotels were often old and run-down, and many charged tourists a higher rate than their regular clientele received. 2 Because of the drawbacks of the hotels, as well as a desire for freedom and mobility, many early auto tourists chose to camp along the roadside instead – in farmers’ fields, beside streams, etc. However, property owners objected to the trespassing. By 1920, towns across the country attempted to meet the needs of both travelers and property owners by establishing municipal campgrounds. Originally free, autocamps sought to convince travelers to stay and spend money in their towns through providing a safe, convenient site (often a local park or vacant lot) for sleeping. Autocamps generally included shared features like toilets and showers, a kitchen area, tables, a laundry, and a lounge. Competition for tourists became fierce as the camps’ numbers skyrocketed – 260 going from 300 free city camps in 1920 to 1000 in 1922 and then doubling to 2000 by 1923. 3 By the mid 1920s, free camps began charging fees – not simply in order to maintain their facilities, upgrade, and stay competitive, but because they wanted to keep out any negative elements. Those included vagrants and gypsies, migrant workers, and working class tourists, all of whose presence made a town’s desired middle class and affluent tourists (i.e., the ones who had money to spend locally) uncomfortable and less likely to stay. Around this time, private camps began springing up as well, with roadside landowners such as farmers seizing the opportunity for added income that fee autocamps could provide. Many cities soon ceded the market to private enterprises. 4 Even with fees, however, the clientele soon began seeking more safety, privacy, and convenience. Hauling a tent and other camping gear around, and then packing and unpacking it all every day – all for accommodations that were neither secure nor weatherproof – made road trips less simple and enjoyable than many travelers had envisioned. Thus, many autocamp owners began building cabins. Other roadside businesses swiftly followed their lead – constructing small shelters adjacent to existing gas stations, cafés, produce stands, and such. These affordable alternatives to campsites were originally of cheap construction and quite rudimentary. Although most offered electricity and heat, they frequently only had shared sanitary facilities, often had no linens, and sometimes even had no beds. 5 However, prompted by increasing competition, cabins soon evolved into more homelike, amenity-filled cottages that featured what one would now expect in a motel: a bed, table, dresser, closet, toilet, shower or tub, etc. Lodging terminology subsequently 261 changed as well. No longer called camps or even cabin camps by the late 1920s, these establishments were instead named courts – with variations including cottage courts, tourist courts, and motor courts. (The nation’s first such enterprise, which opened in 1901 in Douglas, Arizona, demonstrates this transformation in nomenclature. Originally called Askins Cottage Camp, the owners renamed the nine-cabin business Askins Tourist Court in 1910; it later changed again to become Askins Auto Court.) Generally, court architecture favored quaint and cozy domestic themes, although eye-catching, regional variants such as tepees and log cabins were also popular. Courts were often designed to look like little villages, with cottages sitting neatly amid landscaping in set layouts – in a line either facing or perpendicular to the highway (depending on the availability of frontage), or in a U- or crescent-shaped arrangement around a lawn or parking lot. By 1933, approximately 30,000 such courts were in existence. 6 While the cottages’ individual nature and built-in domestic imagery made these unfamiliar sites seem attractively like homes to tourists, their design was problematic and not cost-effective. Each cottage required its own heating, electricity, and plumbing. A contiguous configuration (instead of separate units), though, could utilize a single system for each of those functions, greatly reducing costs and maintenance. A connected row of units could simplify exterior upkeep and landscaping as well, while also allowing for more rooms in less space, thus increasing potential nightly income. 7 Therefore, a new, linear form arose. This layout, with rooms lined up one after the next in an integrated string (or occasionally separated by attached carports or garages), is what the public came to understand as the American motel. Early motels were typically single-story structures and often had a U- or L-shape. Their architecture 262 was generally standardized and functional – rather than unique, as their predecessors the courts had been. However, many motels nationally did still utilize Spanish, Western, and other themes. Also, most motels had roadside neon signage – which was often quite elaborate – as a way to attract the attention of passing drivers to the otherwise humble and/or homogenous facilities. 8 Somewhat ironically, the first motel actually named that was not a linear structure but was, instead, a cottage court. That pioneer was the mission style Milestone Mo-Tel, which architect and developer Arthur S. Heineman opened in 1925 in San Luis Obispo, California. The term “motel,” which combined “motor” and “hotel,” quickly gained popularity for new construction structures after World War II. However, even into the 1950s, it was still relatively interchangeable with the various “court” terms, especially “motor court.” 9 Whatever their owners chose to call them, motels were springing up quickly across America – which, by 1956, had some 60,000 motels (both linear and cottage style). The preponderance of these enterprises, 98.2 percent in 1948, was of the “mom and pop” type – independently owned and operated by couples and families. Moreover, most were small, with the average motel offering only 25 rooms in 1951. 10 Soon, though, Mom and pop motels nationally found attracting customers increasingly difficult in the face of two new factors. One was the rise of limited-access highways and interstates, which bypassed innumerable motels across America in the 1950s and ‘60s. The vital customer base that previously could simply spot the motels along the roadside and pull in was now frequently unable to see the motels at all. Even 263 when the motels were still visible, though, drivers often had no easy way to get back to them. 11 The second factor negatively affecting mom and pop motels was the arrival of the chains. Chains had numerous advantages over the independent motels in terms of business operations. They could market their properties as a group, placing advertisements with major publications and with radio and television stations, as well as publishing member directories and offering a single (typically toll-free) phone number for all reservations. Such ease of booking greatly aided potential guests, who also found the chains similarly easy to locate on the road. Companies created large, often multiple- structure, multi-story motels in convenient locations at the new highways’ exits – as well as in booming, postwar suburbs and around major airports. These newly built properties were generally standardized both inside and out; plus, reassuringly for guests, they had to meet quality controls established by the chains and typically had to submit to regular inspections. These chain properties often left behind the motel title, instead calling themselves “motor inns” or “highway hotels” – or sometimes even expanding the motel term back into its full, original form of “motor hotel.” As that nomenclature implied, they frequently had more to offer than the older motels, providing hotel-like features such as swimming pools, restaurants, bars, and meeting rooms. 12 Although such places lacked the older enterprises’ sense of independence and personal service, they offered travelers valuable elements such as accessibility, convenience, desirable amenities, and predictable quality. Understandably, chains soon boomed, utilizing franchise agreements (pioneered by Holiday Inn, which began in 1952) or co-ownership arrangements (originated by TraveLodge, which started in 1946) to 264 expand their operations. By 1987, sixty-four percent of the motels in America were part of chains. 13 Some of that high chain percentage, though, was actually comprised of referral chains (sometimes known as membership or cooperative chains). Unlike the other types of chains, referral chains were helpful to some older, independently run motels. These separate motels banded together in order to survive, with the referral chain then marketing them as one cohesive group (utilizing the same general methods that the other chain types used). Member motels received advantages such as group insurance, purchasing discounts, and training, while guests could expect them to uphold chain-wide standards. The largest and most successful referral chain is Best Western, which started in 1946 with fifty motels joining; by 2010, it had become the world’s biggest hotel brand, with over 2000 motels and hotels across America and more than 4000 total worldwide. 14 Aside from the bright spot provided by the referral chain concept, though, the nation’s stock of older, smaller motels quickly began to decline as customers flocked instead to the new chains and as bypasses left many structures stranded. With much of their base of tourists and other travelers gone, motels often turned to less desirable clientele in order to remain in operation. Some gained unsavory reputations as “no-tell motels,” famed for the “couple trade” – offering such features as hourly rates, vibrating beds, mirrored ceilings, and “XXX” movies. Prostitution sometimes took hold, and some motels became havens for drug dealers as well. Other criminal activities often followed in their wake, with assaults, rapes, and murders bringing such motels unwelcome infamy. Some cities have shut down multiple motels because of such problems. 15 265 Other motels turned away from nightly rates to attract locals with cheap weekly charges, becoming unofficial, short-term apartments housing the “motel homeless.” Additionally, because of their losses in income, many owners deferred maintenance on their aging properties, thus further discouraging potential customers from staying there – and sometimes prompting officials to shut them down because of code violations. Some owners simply abandoned their motels entirely, leaving them to sit vacant and decay. Meanwhile, for those smaller motels that were still in good locations, whether along major roads/highways or in vacation destinations, demolition for new development was a major possibility. 16 With so many factors decreasing their viability, the decline of mom and pop motels has become a major cause for concern – and the focus of great effort – on the part of recent past preservationists and other enthusiasts. Nationally, the most notable preservation attempts have focused on two regions: Route 66, where interstate highway construction bypassed hundreds of roadside motels en masse, and – on the other end of the spectrum – the popular Wildwoods resort area on the Jersey shore, where a plethora of midcentury motels have been threatened and often replaced by condominiums and other luxury developments. The National Trust for Historic Preservation named both regions’ motels to the organization’s widely promoted, annual 11 Most Endangered list, with the Wildwoods’ “Doo Wop Motels” making the list in 2006 and with “Historic Route 66 Motels” listed just a year later in 2007. Both areas have incurred numerous major losses but can also boast many encouraging preservation successes – especially as heritage tourism has boomed there, with travelers anxious to have a true nostalgic experience by staying in well-kept, vintage motels. 17 266 The National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program has been particularly active in aiding motels along Route 66. It has provided grants to help restore several significant motels, as shown with its funded projects for 2007. Those included a grant to prepare a Historic Structure Report for and make repairs to the streamline moderne, 1946 Triangle Motel in Amarillo, Texas. [Figure 4.1]. (The motel also received private donations, as well as a grant from the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s Southwest Office.) Previously, the city had condemned the decaying property – which had not hosted guests for 25 years – and had ordered it demolished. Today, though, a new owner is following the guidelines laid out in the now complete Historic Structure Report, with the intent of fully restoring the motel and reopening it to tourists. The Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program’s assistance in the effort went beyond its 2007 grant, though. In 2010, the head of the program, Kaisa Barthuli, prepared and submitted a National Register of Historic Places nomination for the Triangle Motel; it received National Register designation later that year. 18 Back in 2007, that program also gave grant money to two famous, operational motels that were already National Register-listed and were both very popular with heritage tourists. One was the 1942 Blue Swallow Motel, with its iconic bird neon sign, in Tucumcari, New Mexico. [Figures 4.2, 4.3, and 4.4]. The property needed repair after receiving storm damage in 2006. The other grant recipient was Holbrook, Arizona’s Wigwam Motel, which opened in 1950 as part of the seven-motel Wigwam Village referral chain. That grant was for various repairs to the motel’s eye-catching array of tepee-shaped cottages. 19 [Figures 4.5]. 267 In Albuquerque, which once boasted dozens of bustling motels along Route 66, motel preservation has recently come to the forefront. In fact, the city itself currently owns two closed, National Register of Historic Places-listed, Route 66 motels. Albuquerque purchased the De Anza Motor Lodge in 2003, after the state Route 66 association and the local neighborhood revitalization organization protested the Albertsons supermarket chain’s plan to buy and demolish the 1939, pueblo revival style motel for a new store. [Figures 4.6, 4.7, and 4.8]. After years of the city requesting and receiving proposals, Albuquerque’s chosen redeveloper (who also converted the nearby Nob Hill Motel, as described in the reuse segment below) finally began cleanup work on the property in 2008. The plan was to turn it into an upscale boutique hotel. However, little progress occurred during the next few years. Therefore, in early 2011, following its termination of the existing development agreement, the city once again sent out a call for redevelopment proposals. Although various reuses are possible, the request indicated that the city would prefer for part of the motel structure to tie into its Route 66 heritage by becoming a small museum or a visitor center. 20 Meanwhile, the city’s efforts to save the 1937 El Vado Motel have made headlines for years. [Figure 4.9]. The El Vado, one of the most famous motels on the entire stretch of Route 66, is renowned for its intact pueblo revival architecture [Figure 4.10] and its colorful, neon, Indian-head sign. [Figure 4.11]. However, the iconic motel found itself in the crosshairs when a developer purchased it in 2005 and requested a demolition permit in order to build townhomes on the site. A battle ensued, with Albuquerque rejecting the permit, adding the motel to its city landmark list, and offering to buy the property. After the developer appealed that landmark ruling and refused to 268 sell, the city finally condemned the then-vacant, fenced-off property [Figure 4.12] and began eminent domain proceedings to take it. The developer sued, but a state judge upheld the city’s taking of the property. In 2009, voters approved municipal bond funds to begin the El Vado Motel’s rehabilitation, with the city considering various options for its reuse (including the possibility of turning it into a neon sign museum). 21 The city of Albuquerque did allow another significant Route 66 motel to be demolished for development, though, despite preservationists’ outcry. One of the last intact, combined gas-food-lodging complexes anywhere along Route 66 was the National Register-listed, 1946 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co. [Figure 4.13]. The site’s mixed-use nature and its striking combination of streamline moderne and pueblo revival architecture could not save the motel, about which the police had received over 200 calls in just one single year (from 2005 to 2006). With the motel’s problems ranging from drug dealing and prostitution to murder, replacing it with a new, upscale housing development seemed attractive to officials. Thus, while the developer pledged to keep intact the Horn complex’s original restaurant [Figure 4.14] and another commercial segment [Figure 4.15], bulldozers began turning the motel rooms into rubble in 2007. 22 [Figures 4.16 and 4.17]. Similarly, such teardowns for new construction have been the main preservation problem for motels in the Wildwoods area of New Jersey. Over a hundred motels have met the wrecking ball in that midcentury resort since 2002, during (and because of) a massive real estate boom. However, the American economic crisis that began in 2008 greatly affected that area’s planned projects and development prospects; as of late 2009, no motels had fallen for about two years. That sudden cessation of demolitions left the 269 Doo Wop Preservation League (the local recent past preservation organization) with what it viewed as a valuable opportunity to further educate the public and also try to convince local officials to enact legislation and zoning changes to help protect the remaining properties. 23 Even disregarding the influence of those negative economic factors, though, preservationists have been making great strides in saving the area’s motels, with their impressive neon signs and architecture. Those structures primarily feature googie architecture, although “doo wop” is the preferred local term for the style (since that phrase explicitly connects the buildings to the Wildwoods resort area’s claim to fame as a 1950s and ‘60s musical hotbed). In 2004, the Doo Wop Preservation League successfully attained state register designation for the Wildwoods Shore Resort Historic District. Better known as the Doo Wop District, it comprises the nation’s highest concentration of such architecture. 24 Moreover, two “doo wop” motels in the Wildwoods have since received individual National Register of Historic Places listings – with those designations actually requested by the properties’ owners. One is the futuristic, 1959 Chateau Bleu Motel, which is located outside the boundaries of the historic district. [Figures 4.18 and 4.19]. The other is the 1957 Caribbean Motel, inside the district, which a preservation-minded couple purchased in 2004. [Figure 4.20]. They lovingly restored its swooping, swirling architecture [Figure 4.21] and its neon sign [Figure 4.22], and also filled it with retro furnishings (some salvaged from demolished motels in the area). They now heavily play up the Caribbean’s mod aura in the motel’s marketing – focusing on attracting heritage tourists. That potential got a major boost in 2010, when the Caribbean Motel became the 270 very first motel that the National Trust for Historic Preservation accepted into its prestigious Historic Hotels of America program – which promotes around 200 historically significant, high quality, architecturally intact, landmark hotels and resorts. The owners’ overall perspective toward their property is evident in the 50th anniversary banner that hung on the motel in 2007, which exulted, “Preservation is cool.” 25 [Figure 4.23]. In honor of its successful efforts, the Caribbean Motel received a Doo Wop Hero award from the Doo Wop Preservation League. Other motels have received preservation recognition from that organization as well. For instance, the 1962 Shalimar Resort Motel gained the group’s 2006 Doo Wop Restoration Award not only for its owners’ faithful restoration and their addition of period furniture, but also for their creation of an architecturally compatible expansion. [Figures 4.24 and 4.25]. A major local preservation incentive allows motel owners to forego height restrictions and construct two additional floors, if they agree to retain their historic motels’ existing style. Like the Shalimar, other motels have thus expanded through appropriate additions; the Doo Wop Preservation League gave its Doo Wop Heroes designation to the 1966 Cape Cod Inn Motel [Figures 4.26, 4.27, and 4.28] and the 1964 Imperial 500 Motel for that reason. 26 [Figures 4.29 – 4.32]. Besides those in the famous, heavily thematic areas of Route 66 and the Wildwoods, other motels across the country have also achieved recognition as groups. For example, in 2006, the city of Miami named as its very first commercial historic district the MiMo / Biscayne Boulevard Historic District – locally known as the MiMo District because of its high concentration of Miami Modern (a.k.a. MiMo) structures. 271 The district, which was historically the main motel strip in the city, still boasts 16 mid- century modernist motels. They include the 1953 South Pacific Motel [Figures 4.33 and 4.34]; the 1956 Stardust Motel (now the Biscayne Inn) [Figure 4.35]; and the 1953 Motel New Yorker. In 2010, the New Yorker became the first of the district’s motels to receive a restoration – at which point it also reverted to that name, which had been its original moniker (before years of being known as the Davis Motel). 27 [Figure 4.36]. As for appreciating individual motels, the National Trust for Historic Preservation featured Manitou Springs’ El Colorado Lodge – a 1926 court comprised of mission revival style, adobe cottages – as a major stop on one of the guided tours at its 2003 National Preservation Conference in Denver. [Figures 4.37 and 4.38]. Significantly, that tour emphasized “the challenges of trying to preserve twentieth-century roadside landmarks [and of creating] greater appreciation for roadside architecture.” 28 Appreciation exists elsewhere in the world as well, as evidenced when the first motel ever built in the Australian state of Victoria became an official state landmark in 2009. The National Trust of Australia nominated the still operational, googie style, 1957 Oakleigh Motel, located in the Melbourne suburb of Oakleigh, for the Victorian Heritage Register to save it from demolition for a new development. In a preservation compromise in 2010, instead of tearing down the single-story motel, the developer fully gutted it in order to transform its exterior into the façade of a two-story townhome complex. 29 The developer then advertised the project as “a modern take on a heritage classic” and a “revitalized local landmark.” 30 Back in America, the first “motor hotel” in St. Louis, the 1958 Bel Air Motel, achieved listing on the National Register of Historic Places in 2009; unlike in Oakleigh, 272 the owners had requested the designation. A short time later, the three-story, glassy, International style structure had a grand reopening as part of the hip Hotel Indigo chain. To honor the formerly scruffy motor lodge’s $9 million rehabilitation (partially achieved with state and federal preservation tax credits), the Landmarks Association of St. Louis gave its redevelopers one of the organization’s annual preservation awards, naming it one of the area’s “Most Enhanced Places” of the year. 31 Although motels such as these are generally preserved in place, museums and history parks have also found motels to be valuable objects for exhibition. That occurred as early as 1985, when the Smithsonian National Museum of American History opened a major exhibit called “At Home on the Road: Autocamping, Motels and the Rediscovery of America.” The tourism-focused exhibit proved to be so popular an attraction that the museum decided to extend it into 1987, several months beyond its original, scheduled closing date. 32 In fact, entire buildings from significant motels have become parts of collections. For obvious reasons, motels comprised of individual cottages tend to have been the focus of such museum moves. For instance, in 2009, the Grand Lake Area Historical Society’s successful fundraising allowed it to transport the long-closed Smith-Elsick Cottage Court – in segments – to the site of the town of Grand Lake’s upcoming history park in order to save it from destruction. The move of the decaying, rustic-style, four-cabin motel (which the property’s owner sold to the society for only $1) will eventually permit it to serve as an interpretive exhibit – sitting amid other moved, restored, and interpreted structures. Experts at the Colorado Historical Society believe that the cottage court, which opened around 1915 to serve auto tourists visiting the nearby Rocky Mountain National Park 273 (which had also opened in 1915), is the oldest surviving motel in Colorado and possibly in the entire United States. 33 Much more famous, however, is the partially preserved Coral Court, which sat on Route 66 just outside St. Louis since 1941. The motel’s many cottages (the number of which expanded greatly over time) featured remarkable streamline moderne styling, with curving facades of glazed brick and windows of glass blocks. The design also included private garages with direct entrances to the rooms – a rare feature that, combined with four-hour rates and a very discreet management, gave the Coral Court its other reason for fame (or, rather, infamy). It gained a reputation as a no-tell motel, a short-term hideaway for couples and even criminals – but one that nonetheless maintained a classy appearance and that still hosted and impressed innumerable tourists over the years. With the architecturally intact motel facing demolition threats, preservationists successfully nominated it to the National Register of Historic Places in 1989 (even before it turned fifty years old). However, that did not stop it from closing in 1993. Before the razing of its striking units for a new housing development in 1995, volunteers and staff from St. Louis’s Museum of Transportation dismantled one of the cottages, brick by brick and block by block. They then moved the many pieces of its exterior and interior (including original fixtures and furnishings) into storage. In 2000, the cottage’s rebuilt front façade (complete with a restored, 1941 Cadillac pulling out of the attached garage) opened as part of an exhibit inside the museum, supplemented by saved Coral Court memorabilia. Meanwhile, two of the Coral Court’s neon signs, along with some of its glazed bricks, now sit in display cases as part of a Route 66 exhibit inside the Route 66 State Park’s Visitor Center in Eureka, Missouri. Historians also 274 created tributes to the legendary motel in the form of a 2000 book, Tales from the Coral Court: Photos and Stories from a Lost Route 66 Landmark, and a 2004 documentary titled, Built for Speed: The Coral Court Motel. 34 While these preserved motels generally either maintain their original use or serve as historical displays depicting that usage, many motels across the country do not. Although their exterior designs still reveal the structures’ prior nature as motels, their interiors now host a wide array of new functions. Moreover, many of their converters demonstrated the same respect for the importance of what the sites used to be as did those who have helped save the excellent, non-reused examples above. Probably the best-known reused motel in America – and perhaps the most famous motel, overall – is the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, now the home of the National Civil Rights Museum. This unassuming property acquired immediate infamy on April 4th, 1968, at the height of the civil rights movement. That day, the movement’s leader, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., was assassinated while standing on the second-floor outside corridor – which most historians have since referred to as his balcony – in front of motel room # 306. Even prior to its enshrining in the American consciousness following that tragic event, the motel was already an important site within the African-American community, since it was one of the few hotels or motels in segregated Memphis that would serve African-Americans. Numerous prominent figures had stayed there; Dr. King had been a frequent guest when in Memphis, and it was renowned for housing famous musicians such as Nat King Cole, Aretha Franklin, and Ray Charles. A typical, two- story, L-shaped motel fronting a parking lot, the Lorraine Motel was a 1950s addition to the adjacent Lorraine Hotel. That traditional hotel building, which originally featured 16 275 rooms and a café, had opened in 1925 as the white-owned, white-only Windsor Hotel. 35 It became the desegregated Lorraine Hotel in 1945 after its purchase by an African- American couple, Walter and Loree (short for Lorraine) Bailey, who later built the motel expansion. During the next two decades, the hotel/motel combination was known for its “upscale atmosphere, home cooked meals,….affordable prices, and its reputation as a clean and safe environment.” 36 The assassination changed everything for the Lorraine Motel. Walter Bailey (whose distraught wife had a stroke a few hours after Dr. King’s death and then died on the day of his funeral) found himself owning a business that people viewed as a memorial rather than as a place to stay. He built a glass enclosure around the section of the outside corridor (a.k.a. the balcony) where Dr. King fell and converted Room 306 into a makeshift shrine with memorabilia and plastic wreaths; tourists who stopped to see the shrine provided donations, which aided him in keeping the motel open. However, without the type of clientele that had previously made the motel both profitable and relatively upscale, it declined quickly – as did the surrounding neighborhood. Before long, the motel was filled with drug dealers, prostitutes, and impoverished, long-term residents. The motel’s deterioration worried locals, who feared that the property would be demolished and that a crucial piece of American history would be lost. 37 As Circuit Court judge D’Army Bailey (no relation to Walter Bailey) opined in a 1979 editorial (partially reprinted in 1991), “Leaders in the black and white communities have not done much to preserve the world-famous King assassination site at the Lorraine” – insisting that, “The facility is standing on borrowed time, fighting the ravages of physical and environmental decay and a surrounding neighborhood of crime.” He noted the 276 unfortunate situation that, although “it is one of the key places that concerned visitors to Memphis want to see,….some of those who visit are surprised and disappointed at what they see.” 38 The situation came to a head in 1982, when Walter Bailey – unable to meet mortgage payments on the motel – declared bankruptcy, and the property was subsequently put up for sale at a foreclosure auction. Judge D’Army Bailey – hoping to save the Lorraine Motel and (as a reporter explained) “take a source of civic shame, a decaying symbol of the city’s racial divisions, and turn it into a memorial” – created the Martin Luther King Memphis Memorial Foundation. The foundation, later renamed the Lorraine Civil Rights Museum Foundation, raised enough money to buy the property (now owned by the state of Tennessee). After a decade of planning and fundraising, the motel reopened in 1991 as part of the $9.25 million National Civil Rights Museum. 39 Saying that the motel itself is the museum would not be quite accurate, as a fair amount of demolition went into the transformation. While the museum’s creators did restore the 22-room portion of the motel that includes Room 306 and the balcony walkway outside that room [Figure 4.39], they demolished another 12-room wing of the motel (along with the original swimming pool). They felt that the motel rooms were too small to serve as exhibit spaces that could accommodate large groups of visitors; the main exhibit area instead occupies a new building they designed to sit hidden behind the surviving part of the motel. [Figure 4.40]. The extent of the destruction surprised and upset some of the motel’s supporters – including architect Jack Tucker, chair of the Memphis Landmarks Commission, who stated that “It’s really kind of changing the whole atmosphere of what was there.” However, the designers wanted to emphasize that 277 the Lorraine Motel and the tragedy that happened there were only part of the tale that the museum would tell about the broader history and legacy of the civil rights movement as a whole. 40 [Figure 4.41]. That being said, the “historical climax and emotional focus” of the museum’s many exhibits is still the infamous balcony and the rooms in which Dr. King and his associates stayed, which look much as they did at the time of the assassination. 41 Interior designer Velda Fox stated that, from a preservation standpoint, the rooms were “hard to reconstruct, especially the colors, since most of the photos taken then were in black and white. But, we were able to get some really good shots and duplicate down to the tile on the floor” what they were like. 42 Along with the historic authenticity of those significant elements as seen from both inside and outside, the museum also kept the Lorraine Motel’s original signage – one freestanding, vibrantly colored, googie-style sign whose marquee space now lists events at the museum [Figure 4.42], and a more traditional, long neon sign on the motel’s side. [Figure 4.43]. The exterior of the older Lorraine Hotel building, which became the museum’s administrative offices, also remains intact – complete with its neon blade sign. [Figure 4.44]. The rooming house across the street, from whose window assassin James Earl Ray fired the fateful bullet, survives as well; the museum bought that property in 1999 and opened a museum expansion in the space in 2002. By 2009, the reused Lorraine Motel was helping educate over 200,000 visitors per year regarding the significance of the civil rights movement, turning a site of tragedy into a place of healing and hope. 43 While the Lorraine Motel’s adaptive reuse as a museum springs directly from its tragic past, the Bel-Aire Motel in Springfield, Illinois, may soon become an attraction for 278 tourists for a much happier reason. Its future conversion was a key component of a 2008 master plan designed to preserve, improve, and promote tourism along the Illinois Historic Route 66 National Scenic Byway (a federal designation that the state’s stretch of the route received in 2005). Although the American economic crisis stalled the for-sale motel’s expected reuse, the process picked up again in mid 2010, when the city of Springfield applied for a $1 million grant from the Illinois Transportation Enhancement Program to help with the purchase and restoration of the 1950s Bel-Aire. Once funding is in place and the planned sale occurs, the city intends to transfer the property to the Illinois Route 66 Heritage Project, which officially manages the byway. 44 That nonprofit organization will then transform the 80-room motel from what Springfield’s mayor termed “a persistent trouble spot” (which is filled with impoverished, month-to-month residents and is well known for its many police visits due to crime, especially drug sales) into the Illinois Historic Route 66 Discovery Center. 45 A combination museum and visitor center, the motel will provide “a series of interactive visitor experiences that would showcase the stories and historical events that helped shape the development and economic growth of the many Illinois communities [Route 66] traverses.” 46 While the project will restore some of the Bel-Aire’s motel rooms to look as they did during the route’s prime (even to the extent of having the in-room television sets airing popular programs of the era), others will become exhibit spaces and meeting rooms. The center’s planned focus, however, will be on what is now the L-shaped motel’s courtyard and parking lot, much of which would be roofed and enclosed (from the street side) to create an exhibit hall – with the motel’s two stories of restored room facades serving as its backdrop. Outside, the entry to the facility will feature a “neon 279 park” with restored neon signs saved from Route 66 in Illinois – including the Bel-Aire’s own sign, plus its original fountain depicting a seal. 47 The Bel-Aire is located in what Springfield’s mayor, Tim Davlin, called “not one of the most attractive areas” of the state’s capitol city. 48 Thus, he has been insistent that creating the Discovery Center will not only provide “a major new tourist destination” for the thousands of Route 66 tourists, but will also have a ripple effect, serving as a catalyst for revitalizing the area. 49 Motels in various other Route 66 cities have found new uses as well, although none as prominent as the Bel-Aire’s. Indeed, most serve a local clientele rather than tourists, as several commerce-oriented examples from New Mexico’s portion of Route 66 demonstrate. For instance, in the tiny town of Grants, the one-story Lavaland Motel became a self-storage facility – a logical adaptation, since individual, small motel rooms can easily function as private storage units. 50 [Figure 4.45]. Further east on Route 66, Albuquerque’s Nob Hill Motel, which the city had condemned in 2007, has come back from the brink. In 2009, a preservation-minded new owner converted the closed, boarded-up motel [Figure 4.46] into an office complex. Nine office suites of varying sizes replaced the 17 rooms in the 5,400 square foot motel, which is a single-story, U-shaped structure situated around a freestanding office. 51 However, it did not originally look that way. When it opened in 1937 as the Modern Auto Court, it only offered six rooms – then called “campground units.” During the World War II era, owners Walter and Glessie Botts expanded the motel. Carports then connected the individual units; later, the owners walled those carports off, turning them into additional rooms. 52 (That same evolution occurred at many cottage courts across the nation as the linear motel form came into vogue, since carports and garages – although 280 attractive amenities for guests – were simply less cost-effective than the alternative of having more rooms.) 53 The architecture of the motel evolved as well. For instance, during the motel’s carport era, the freestanding office displayed common elements of the mission style (including an arch over the doorway, a tile awning over the front window, and a roofline with small parapets). Later, though, the office and other parts of the motel gained streamline moderne influences that still show today, with multiple, vertical rows of glass brick around street-facing doors and windows. [Figure 4.47]. By the mid 1960s, the property had become the Nob Hill Motel, and it gained a googie-style sign displaying its new name. 54 Even prior to its conversion, preservationists had already taken note of the motel. In 1993, the motel achieved designation (under its original name) on the National Register of Historic Places, and it is on the city and state registers as well. Moreover, even after Albuquerque condemned the Nob Hill Motel in 2007 (following years of decline when it had served as a cheap home of last resort for desperate local families and even criminals), the city still cared enough to restore the motel’s sign. Utilizing matching funds from the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program, the city’s restoration gave the sign new neon tubing and replaced its older, red paint [Figure 4.48] with a vibrant, multicolored paint scheme. The new colors accentuated the sign’s distinctive elements, which include a curving arrow as well as both angular and amoeba- shaped pieces. 55 [Figure 4.49]. Later, the property’s converter received approval from the National Park Service to alter the restored sign slightly in order to reflect the motel’s new purpose. Today, the 281 word “Court” has replaced the “Motel” lettering. This new title of Nob Hill Court, while helping to take away the prior motel connotation, intentionally refers back to the motel’s original name of Modern Auto Court. Also, the place on the sign that once held text announcing “Vacancy,” “Air Conditioned,” and other lodging-oriented advertisements now hosts a list of the court’s businesses. [Figure 4.50]. By the end of 2009, three major tenants had already moved into the Nob Hill Court complex. Those include a State Farm insurance office that utilizes the former motel office [Figure 4.51], as well as a barbershop [Figure 4.52] and an art gallery [Figure 4.53] that fill up the two, opposite end spaces closest to Route 66. 56 Despite its different usage and accompanying interior changes, the motel’s historic appearance remains. In fact, as one local reporter insisted, it appears “better than new.” 57 [Figure 4.54]. Prior to the motel’s conversion, Al Schwanke, the contractor in charge of the project, had reassured Route 66 enthusiasts that, “When looking at this project from the exterior it will resemble the original structure in most every way including doors, windows, color, stucco, etc.” As Schwanke went on to explain, “This is a very exciting project for me to be a part of since this restoration may allow this project to have a practical use, yet [keep] the original look for many years to come.” 58 Although an excellent example, the Nob Hill Motel’s reuse concept was not unique; to find inspiration to follow, its new owner only had to look a bit farther along Route 66 in two cities near Albuquerque. There, two L-shaped, one-story motels with similar names – the Cactus Motel in Moriarty and the Cactus Lodge in Santa Fe – had already become commercial centers. Their converted motel rooms house offices and stores rather than weary travelers. Moriarty’s Cactus Motel, which Charles and Maria 282 McPherson opened in 1952, has been known as the Cactus Mall since at least 2004. Its twelve rooms now host a chiropractor, a dog groomer, and a general contractor, plus some shops. 59 [Figures 4.55 and 4.56]. About an hour away on Route 66 in Santa Fe is the former Cactus Lodge, which Hank Deaton built around 1959. Decades later, although somewhat rundown, it was still serving tourists in a highly competitive market. Thus, in 2005, when the regional development company that had purchased the motel announced that it would reuse the property, the local lodging industry viewed the loss of the Cactus Motel’s 25 rooms as a positive factor – one that could help the survival of the other small motels along the tourist town’s main strip. 60 Although the Cactus Motel had simply been one of many, the commercial center that the structure became in 2006 – named Cactus Centro – was something unique. [Figure 4.57]. The owner’s choice of the word “Centro” rather than “Center” springs from its focus on Latino-oriented businesses; its tenants are primarily start-ups – or previously home-based operations – owned by Mexican immigrants. A key factor in attracting potential business owners was that the tiny spaces rent for a small, flat monthly fee – including utilities – and do not require a deposit or a lease. In upscale Santa Fe, where storefronts typically have high per-square-foot rents and most have five-year leases, economics made the setting appealing and less risky for the target market. Thus, the owner had almost fully leased the property by the time the contractors finished the conversion (which included reusing the motel’s large sign, with its image of a cactus and its googie-style, hexagonal text-panels [Figure 4.58]). 61 As the property manager explained about the center’s tenants, “I’ve been so proud, watching each of them grow. 283 Their work ethic, the way they work together – it is the American dream in action.” 62 [Figure 4.59]. While Santa Fe’s Cactus Centro provides space for Latinos to have their own businesses in a supportive environment, in Reno, a collection of four adjacent motels has accomplished a similar feat for artists – having become a successful arts colony called Wildflower Village. [Figure 4.60]. When owner Pat Campbell-Cozzi purchased the six- acre property in 1994, it was decrepit – with old motels surrounded by weeds and trash, and its broader surroundings were little better. It sits on U.S. 40, the highway that was the main entry for tourists and other motorists going into Reno before the arrival of Interstate 80 in 1974. That interstate bypass had combined with the booming growth of downtown Reno casino hotels to sound the death knell for the many small motels on the strip; the local government deemed the area, filled with low-income renters and transients, officially blighted. 63 However, Campbell-Cozzi said she saw “tremendous potential” in the site, especially in terms of its location on a hillside, where some of the motel rooms overlook the Truckee River. She stated that she “just had a vision for this corner as a great location for anything.” Thus, she remodeled the four motels, which were previously known as the Dutch Wife, the Westerner, the Ace, and the Silver Spur (the neon sign for which still stands [Figure 4.61]). She planted wildflowers and other landscaping throughout the property [Figure 4.62]; decorated it with vibrant signs and pieces of art [Figures 4.63]; and encouraged artists to take part in her vision. 64 Today, Wildflower Village includes two art galleries featuring exhibits of work from dozens of local artists [Figure 4.64], along with other motel rooms converted into individual studios for potters, glassblowers, and the like. Aside from the rented studio 284 spaces, about a dozen artists reside at Wildflower Village. 65 As one glass artist noted, “I have a great apartment and great working conditions.” Part of the benefit, she stated, is that “artists can get together, do things like have dinner together.” 66 Wildflower Village also features regular art classes of various types, which help bring people to the artists’ haven – as does an espresso bar [Figure 4.65] and a gift shop [Figure 4.66] (not to mention that Reno staple, a wedding chapel [Figure 4.67] – albeit one filled with artworks). Although most of Wildflower Village bears little conceptual resemblance to the former roadside motels that contain it [Figure 4.68], it does retain some of its original identity, as part of the property is now a Bed and Breakfast (offering river-view rooms). Overall, the headline of a laudatory local newspaper article from 2007 sums up the impressive transformation of the four rundown motels into the thriving Wildflower Village, and the beneficial impact it had on the community: “On the Edge of Town, An Artists’ Colony Blooms: Wildflower Village Cultivates Creativity While Invigorating a Once Desolate Area.” 67 [Figure 4.69]. Elsewhere in the country, former motels have positively affected their own areas by providing other types of services to the public. For instance, the Archdiocese of Miami transformed the former Bikini Motel into a new Catholic church in 1970. Officially known as the Church of St. Martha or St. Martha’s Church, parishioners often referred to the site as “St. Bikini Church” because of its unconventional provenance; still, as priest Fr. John McLaughlin noted upon the church’s anniversary, “To them, a church is not a physical structure, it is a place where they can express their faith.” 68 Besides holding church services in part of the reused motel, St. Martha’s Parish housed its priests in some of the motel rooms. In addition, other rooms in the motel became the Cuban 285 Boys Residence – a shelter utilized by the Catholic Service Bureau’s Cuban Children’s Program for Unaccompanied Cuban Minors. As of 1971, over 100 Cuban youths (who had come to America in airlifts) were staying at the former motel – a single-story property that offered multiple units situated around a pool. A Catholic senior center also occupied part of the motel’s space. 69 By the time of the church’s ten-year anniversary in 1980, though, the archdiocese was already planning a new facility for St. Martha’s elsewhere. The main issue was the church’s growth, having gone from a mere eleven people at its first Mass to some 200 people attending eight Masses each week. Those attendees had difficulty fitting within the church’s small worship space, barely six chairs wide, created from a line of seven former motel rooms from which the church had removed dividing walls and bathrooms. Along with that space predicament, the midcentury motel also had bad wiring, cracking walls, and a poorly-functioning air conditioning system. Despite the problems, Fr. John McLaughlin expressed some sadness at the upcoming move – stating his love of the “simplicity of the parish, the warmth and the intimacy” that it provided, especially because of how parishioners had to engage with each other and the priests since, “You can’t hide anywhere. It’s obvious you’re here.” He hoped that the church’s new home, able to seat 400, would still manage to keep that valuable sense. 70 The church and the Catholic senior center finally moved to their new buildings in 1983-1984, with the newly built church facility receiving visits from both Pope John Paul II and Mother Theresa. Although the Bikini Motel’s reuse by the Catholic Church ended, and the property appears to be a vacant lot today, its saga nevertheless provides a powerful demonstration of how adaptive reuse can turn even the most unlikely buildings into community assets. 71 286 Like that church, some schools have also found motels to be good starter locations. Part of the reason for this is the general motel design, as motel rooms can easily become classrooms. In the small beach town of Hull, Massachusetts, the South Shore Charter School rented eight of the motel rooms in the Seashore Motel during the school’s first year in business in 1995. South Shore was the state’s very first K-12 charter school (authorized through a 1993 educational reform act); its unique, cost- effective, motel setting reflected the new school’s unconventional approach – with its emphasis on small groups of students of various ages being educated together through project-based learning in a casual setting. School officials had only intended those motel rooms to be a temporary solution, though. The next year, the school leased and moved into three other buildings in Hull. The two-story, u-shaped, Cape Cod-style Seashore Motel had remained open for lodgers during its period of semi-reuse, and it is still operational today (now known as the Nantasket Hotel). 72 Although the South Shore Charter School left the Seashore Motel, its subsequent actions spoke to the success of its already-tried adaptive reuse concept, since all three of the school’s new structures were conversions – of a bank, a restaurant, and yet another motel. The reused motel, the Atlantic Inn, became the new home of the upper grades of the charter school. Interestingly enough, the Atlantic Inn had itself been a conversion, since its three-story, oceanfront structure was originally a tourist attraction (the small Atlantic Aquarium, which had opened in 1972). Although the school used some of that former motel’s rooms for small classes (of about 10 students each), it also tore out the walls between other rooms in order to create larger spaces. The high school courses continued in the converted motel until 2004, when the charter school combined its entire 287 K-12 program into a purchased structure in nearby Norwell that was, yet again, a recent past reuse – this time of an 18-year-old corporate office building (formerly the headquarters of a pharmaceutical company) in a business park. 73 Across the country in Southern California, the Pomona Unified School District uses a former Motel 6 not as classrooms, per se, but as a literal teaching tool – helping train students in the vocation of hotel management. (The subject is an important one to people in the area, since the local state university, Cal Poly Pomona, offers what was the first – and is still the largest – hospitality management program in California.) Beyond that, the district converted individual motel rooms into condominiums that it offered for sale to the district’s teachers. 74 While that converted motel offered housing for Pomona’s faculty, several Arizona motels have provided long-term accommodations for students instead. At Arizona State University, two separate, large, elaborate, midcentury motor hotels became official dorms. Although the university has since demolished both of them, while they existed, they stood as excellent examples of adaptive reuse. The first was the Sands of Tempe Motor Hotel, located conveniently across the street from the university’s main campus in the Phoenix suburb of Tempe. The small, national Sands chain developed the motel in 1960 with the stated intention of providing lodging for groups visiting the university, such as conference attendees and out-of-town collegiate sports teams. According to a newspaper article about the Sands of Tempe’s construction, the chain worked in conjunction with Arizona State University in that aspect of its planning. Another key feature oriented toward the university was the motor 288 hotel’s 400-person banquet room, which the chain hoped the school would utilize for events when its own meeting spaces were full. Physically, the $2 million Sands of Tempe (designed by the architectural firm of Fred. M. Gulrey and Associates in a Southwestern style, including many walls covered in native stone) was the quintessential American motor hotel. In fact, one of the main motel-history books, John Margolies’s Home Away from Home: Motels in America, cited the Sands of Tempe as its primary example of the era’s evolutionary trend (discussed above in the history section) toward ever-larger, more sophisticated, amenity-filled motels. Margolies, noting how a 1961 Sands postcard touted its Olympic-size swimming pool, its fine-dining restaurant serving prime rib, and its convention-oriented facilities, argued that, “The evolution from a bunch of cabins was nearly complete.” Like the cabin courts of old, though, the sprawling Sands of Tempe complex still featured a courtyard- oriented format; its two-story, outside-balcony buildings, containing around 30 suites and 70 single units, all surrounded the pool area. Along with the amenities Margolies mentioned, the property also included a beauty shop, a barber shop, a cocktail lounge with dance floor, and a coffee shop; all in all, it provided, according to a postcard, “Luxury Resort Hotel facilities [at] motel rates.” 75 For nearly ten years, the Sands of Tempe served its intended audience, with university visitors staying there and the university holding events at the site. The last such event that the local newspaper listed, an awards banquet for men’s intramural sports teams, occurred in mid 1969. A few short months later, the newspaper announced a change; the Sands had become Arizona State University’s Mariposa Hall – and, unsurprisingly, its meeting space was still hosting college events. The Arizona State 289 University Alumni Association also made part of the reused motel into its new headquarters. 76 Most of the motel, though, became dorm rooms specifically allotted for grad students. As one reminisced about living there, “I especially liked the large pool; it was so warm in Arizona that you could essentially swim all year long.” 77 Later, the dorm opened to undergraduates as well, who enjoyed being able to have their own, single rooms there, without the university requiring them to have roommates. Despite the former motel’s advantages, the university finally demolished Mariposa Hall in 2006 (in conjunction with the creation of its new McAllister Academic Village, which provided 1900 new beds elsewhere on campus). Still more housing, in the form of a private but student-oriented apartment community called Vista del Sol, soon opened on the former Sands of Tempe site. 78 The same year that the university relinquished its reused Sands of Tempe motel as student lodging, it gained another former motor hotel for the same purpose. In the summer of 2006, the university opened its new, downtown Phoenix expansion campus, which included a converted member of the Ramada Inn chain (as well as a reused office building, a historic former post office, etc.). As one local newspaper reporter noted, “An old motel that most emphatically had seen better days is now a student dorm with the sort of amenities that make those at ASU’s main campus in Tempe seem Spartan by comparison.” 79 Indeed, many of the attractive features that the renamed Residential Commons provided, though unique for a dorm, would be typical at nicer motels. Such enhanced amenities included a swimming pool, several meeting rooms, and a gated parking lot. Moreover, its 175 dorm rooms – part of which were singles - featured full and queen-size beds (instead of typical dormitory twin beds), televisions, private 290 bathrooms, and either patios or balconies. Additionally, the facility offered meal-plan dining at what had presumably been the Ramada Inn’s restaurant; in quite a change from dorm cafeterias, it offered students sit-down, restaurant-style meals (including a rotating menu of entrees with soup or salad, drink, breadbasket, and dessert). 80 Despite the facility’s impressive features, the former Ramada Inn was only a leased, temporary measure while the university built a new dorm nearby. The reused motel served as the Residential Commons for two school years, closing in the summer of 2008. Its owners planned to soon reopen it as a Ramada Inn once again, but the property fell into foreclosure. In 2010, Arizona State University and the city jointly purchased the property, intending to promptly demolish it and then construct the university’s new law school there – but after a few years, until which time the city would utilize the whole site as a parking lot. 81 The threat of destruction spurred a preservation controversy, because, as it turned out, the structure was not just a random, downtown motel. It had opened in 1955 as the Sahara Motor Hotel, built and partially owned by nationally-known developer Delbert “Del” Webb – famed for his master-planned retirement communities and casino resorts. A modernist design by architect Matthew E. Trudell, the Sahara had a courtyard garden and pool surrounded by boxy, multi-story, brick buildings featuring glass walls, mosaic tiles, art glass, and cast concrete. Although pink stucco and Spanish tile later covered those design elements and thus de-modernized the motel, a recent architectural study for a potential buyer revealed that those original features were still present underneath. Inside, the Sahara had more than just the usual motel rooms; it offered a gift shop, a restaurant and bar, two “terrace suites” used for events, and two penthouses – one of 291 which had housed Marilyn Monroe while she was in Phoenix filming her iconic role in Bus Stop in 1956. 82 Preservationists called the Sahara “an actual oasis” in the middle of a desert downtown, arguing in meetings with city staff regarding the need to save and reuse it because of its important provenance, cultural significance, and hidden-but-restorable architectural details. 83 The city and the university disagreed, though; as Phoenix’s economic development program manager contended, “There’s nothing about the way the hotel was built that’s conducive to anything we need.” Despite the irony of the university demolishing a structure built and once owned by the man whose name graces one of the university’s own schools (the Del E. Webb School of Construction), the Sahara Motor Hotel / Ramada Inn / Arizona State University Residential Commons did indeed fall to the wrecking ball. 84 However, a different Sahara in Arizona does still provide lodging for collegians today. [Figure 4.70]. A few hours’ drive away in Tucson, the Sahara Motor Inn has become student housing for the University of Arizona and Pima Community College, although it functions as such in an unofficial, private capacity – much as does the Vista del Sol community that replaced the former Sands of Tempe Motor Hotel / Mariposa Hall. Unlike the Arizona State University reuses, though, which transformed into dorms immediately after the motels closed, the Sahara Motor Inn had sat vacant and decaying for over 15 years before its conversion. 85 Still, in its heyday, the property had been similarly impressive. A large complex with around 170 units in several three- and four-story, outside-corridor buildings [Figure 4.71], it had been known as the Tidelands Motor Inn from its creation in 1959 until its 292 name change to the (more desert-locale appropriate) Sahara in 1974. 86 The Tidelands had billed itself as a “complete resort,” with one of its postcards boasting of a heated pool where swimmers could listen to music underwater, and of its fine-dining-and-dancing Terrace Room. (The Terrace Room offered nightly live entertainment during both the motel’s Tidelands and Sahara periods). According to the postcard, the motor inn also offered a cocktail lounge, coffee shop, and banquet room. 87 Even with all of its amenities, though, the motel was hindered by Interstate 10’s bypassing of its street, Stone Avenue. Stone had previously been one of the main commercial corridors in Tucson; minus the street’s usual traffic, its once-thriving businesses began a slow process of economic and physical decline. Thus, when the long-vacant, fenced-off motel started its conversion process in 2003, it was a major step in the right direction for Stone (capped by a major city enhancement project on the avenue in 2006). 88 Beyond aiding Stone’s revitalization through reopening a large property and bringing hundreds of students’ business dollars to the commercial strip, the Sahara Motor Inn’s owner was helping fill a real housing need among students. The University of Arizona’s official, on-campus dormitories only housed about 16% of its attendees, leading some students to sleep in dorm lounges and hotels. Thus, a major opportunity existed for outside operators to step in, and the Sahara was ideally positioned just a mile away from the university’s campus – not to mention two blocks from the community college (providing it with another pool of students from which to draw). As did Phoenix’s Residential Commons, Tucson’s Sahara Apartments has advantages not generally offered at on-campus housing. For instance, each studio has a bathroom and a full kitchen. In addition to the motel pool and spa, the Sahara provides 293 such student-friendly features as a mini-mart, coffee house [Figure 4.72], gym, computer center, game room, and screening room – plus gated parking. To aid those without cars, the Sahara actually gives students free bikes to use during their time living there, and it also offers a half-hourly shuttle to campus (as well as semiweekly shuttle service to a supermarket and the local mall). Despite all of the changes, the reused Sahara nonetheless still offers a vivid reminder of its past. With the word “Apartments” replacing “Motor Inn,” the Sahara’s towering neon sign stands, restored. Its vertical, googie-style blocks still spell out “Sahara” in an Egyptian font, below the image of a sun and above a row of pointed spears. 89 [Figure 4.73]. Tucson also offers another notable motel conversion aimed at a specific group of people – in this case, the elderly instead of college students. The Ghost Ranch Lodge had closed to travelers in 2005, as its new owners planned to turn it into senior housing. However, that project fell through, and the property sat vacant [Figure 4.74] until after developer Mark Breen bought the motel at auction in 2007. Breen’s idea to reuse the motel as originally planned hit several major snags, though. The state turned down his request for tax credits, and then a 2008 arson fire destroyed three of the motel’s freestanding buildings and damaged its restaurant and lounge. Still, with the aid of City Councilwoman Karin Uhlich, Breen was able to get the effort back on track. In 2009, the Arizona Department of Housing finally awarded $1 million in tax credits annually for ten years to the Ghost Ranch Lodge project. Using the tax credits along with city, county, and federal affordable-housing funds (plus additional private financing), the Ghost Ranch Lodge rose from the literal ashes to become 60 one-bedroom apartments for low-income 294 senior citizens. That senior complex – which also includes a clubhouse in the motel’s former restaurant, along with a dog park – opened in mid 2010. 90 The saga of the Ghost Ranch Lodge began in 1941, when prominent Southwest philanthropist Arthur Pack opened an upscale, resort-oriented motel in the open desert outside Tucson, on the main highway that brought travelers into town. He named the site after his massive Ghost Ranch in Abiquiu, New Mexico. Famed artist Georgia O’Keefe favored that well-known dude ranch, visiting it and then buying a house on the property from Pack – and depicting many of the ranch’s landscapes in her art. In fact, the new Ghost Ranch Lodge’s neon sign incorporated one of O’Keefe’s paintings – a rendering of a cow skull that she had given her friend Pack and his wife for a wedding gift. [Figure 4.75]. Wanting his motel buildings to be as impressive as its logo, Pack hired Josias Joesler to design them. Joesler, then and now Tucson’s most noted architect, created over 400 buildings in the city – primarily Spanish colonial revival and mission revival- style residences for upscale subdivision developer John W. Murphey. For the motel, Joesler designed seven red tile-roofed, one-story structures [Figure 4.76] in an 8-acre setting also renowned for its impressive landscape architecture (not surprising, as Pack was a naturalist who once edited Nature Magazine and later co-founded the Arizona- Sonora Desert Museum). 91 Along with its motel rooms, the Ghost Ranch Lodge also offered a gas station and a restaurant – which its postcards and advertisements stated had poolside patio dining, 92 “superb” food, and the “finest cocktails.” 93 The property, essentially an early version of the motor hotel in terms of design and amenities, was nice enough that it even held weddings and wedding receptions. In the 1940s and 1950s, the Ghost Ranch Lodge was 295 widely considered the best motel in Tucson, and for decades it was one of the city’s main residences for snowbirds – wealthy visitors who came to town for the winter in order to escape the unpleasant weather back East. A number of movie stars and other celebrities also stayed at the lodge while in the area. 94 With such an important history, local officials considered the motel’s preservation a priority. As Councilwoman Uhlich stressed in 2009 regarding the upcoming redevelopment, “I can tell you that we will continue to do everything in the city’s power to hold on to this historic property and convert it to good use.” 95 The county even required preservation as a condition for the project receiving county affordable-housing funds. Thus, the developers pledged to restore the existing Joesler buildings and keep the lodge’s famed cactus garden and other landscaping intact 96 – as well as to build additional new structures in a way that would “compliment the Joesler style.” 97 Beyond simply preserving a significant site, officials felt that the senior housing conversion would “be a cornerstone to development in this area,” as Pima County Affordable Housing Manager Betty Villegas insisted. 98 The Ghost Ranch Lodge’s reuse plays an important role in the city’s ongoing plans to revitalize its street, known as the Miracle Mile. Whereas the Ghost Ranch Lodge had started out practically by itself along that early highway in the desert, numerous other independent motels and traveler-oriented businesses soon joined it along what became known as the Miracle Mile. Tucson then grew out to surround the strip, making traffic along it heavy with local drivers – but, after Interstate 10 opened, tourists bypassed the Miracle Mile. Although the Ghost Ranch Lodge continued to draw its regular population of snowbirds even into the late 1970s, the Miracle Mile had begun deteriorating around it, 296 and the lodge’s usual clientele were increasingly out of place. By 1977, several of the neighboring motels had turned into adults-only, hourly-rate properties, and other adult- oriented businesses had started popping up around them. A reporter described the Miracle Mile’s nighttime scene as being “gay bars, strip shows, nightclubs, $45-an-hour ‘nude encounters,’ streetwalkers and motorcycle gangs that cruise up and down.” 99 Not surprisingly, that same year, founder Arthur Pack’s widow, Phoebe, sold the Ghost Ranch Lodge (which had expanded over the years from 16 rooms to 80). With new owners, hundreds of thousands of dollars in renovations, and the help it received in attracting tourist dollars through its charter membership in the Best Western referral chain, the Ghost Ranch Lodge somehow managed to hang on in that undesirable environment into the 21st Century. By that point, the Miracle Mile – beset not just by those older problems, but also by drug deals, shootouts, car thefts, and other crimes – had become the most violent area in Tucson. 100 Around the same time that the lodge finally closed in 2005 for the conversion, though, citizens and government started making a concerted effort to turn the strip around through two projects – the business/neighborhoods coalition Oracle Project and the city’s Oracle Area Revitalization Plan (named after Oracle Road, which the Miracle Mile had been renamed in 1987). Conditions had started improving in 2004, after the city bulldozed one of the street’s main adult businesses, the Tropicana (a combination hourly motel / porn theater / adult bookstore / sex shop), after shutting it down for code violations. A year later, the city repaved the street. Then, in 2007, the largest shift occurred. Tucson’s biggest police station opened on the strip – followed the same year by a family services center and then a $20 million police crime lab. The heavy presence 297 of police and welfare officials helped the area regain a feeling of safety, as negative elements closed or moved elsewhere. In the improved climate, various existing regular businesses began to refurbish, and new ones opened up shop. 101 Also, the notion of appreciating and accentuating the strip’s most notable historic features – its motels and their many neon signs – came into play as well. In 2008, the city began considering creating a historic sign district in the area, aimed at officially encouraging the preservation and restoration of existing signage and even the recreation of now-missing signs. Further, in 2008 and the two years since, the local business alliance used heritage tourism as a draw to attract people from throughout the city to the area for a major event. In 2010, the event was called the Historic Miracle Mile Tour and Festival – subtitled the Motor Courts, Motor Cars and Memories Festival. Along with a street fair, classic car show, and vintage fashion show, it provided historical tours, led by local historians, of some of the strip’s motels – including, of course, the Ghost Ranch Lodge. At the time of the festival, the Ghost Ranch Lodge was still in the process of renovating; when it reopened as a senior community a few months later, its successful conversion represented the Miracle Mile’s transformation back into a place of pride for Tucson. 102 Beyond seniors and students, converted motels have proved to be ideal sites for housing other specific groups of people as well. Just as motels have been able to take advantage of their close proximity to campuses, so too has the Hotis Motel with its location near the army base at Fort Drum. Built by the Hotis family following World War II in the Watertown / Pamelia area of upstate New York, the former motel has gained new life by providing furnished studio apartments for soldiers. Known as the Fort 298 Drum Studio-tels since 2008, the L-shaped, one-story facility is privately run; however, the military base’s housing division has listed it as an option. 103 Across America, such examples show how former motels can become apartments that help meet specific community needs. However, international cases exist as well. In the British Columbia capital city of Victoria, the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation’s Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program transformed the Jolly Knight Motel into affordable housing in 2004. (Then, in 2008, the provincial government purchased the property to ensure its continued use as intended – since officials were concerned about the increasing redevelopment of existing, affordable housing sites in the upscale, tourist town.) The three-story, outside-corridor building – renamed the Waterway Apartments – now features 49 bachelor apartments for low-income, primarily single Canadians. As the developer noted in a press release about the facility’s grand opening, “It is amazing to see an old, run-down motel turn to a viable apartment block, fully-occupied with a waiting list.” Although some might see a stigma in living in a former motel, the apartments feature amenities that many of the tenants had never had in their previous residences (including brand new appliances and cable television service), with the new, clean conditions improving their quality of life. 104 Improving the lives of the needy even further are converted motels that have become facilities housing the formerly homeless. One such place is the Seneca Heights Apartments in the Washington, D.C. suburb of Gaithersburg, Maryland. Formerly part of the Econo Lodge chain, the motel continued to operate until its 2003 purchase by Montgomery County (using a variety of city, county, state, and federal sources) to become the county’s first operation of its kind. The Econo Lodge, although a chain 299 facility, had been a fairly decrepit motel that officials said barely met codes; moreover, the property was not in the best location for a motel in terms of visibility. Near but not adjacent to Interstate 270, its lot was also set far back from the busy strip that gave the motel its address, Frederick Avenue / Maryland Route 355 – with several other businesses sitting between it and the street. That setting, which likely disadvantaged it as a motel, was more appropriate for the residential community that the property became through conversion. 105 Montgomery County’s idea for the property – a concept that has been spreading across the U.S. – was to focus its funding on creating real housing rather than temporary emergency shelters. In fact, although the Econo Lodge had served regular travelers during its time in business, it had also been, at least partially, one of those temporary shelters. Prior to its purchase of the motel, Montgomery County had been renting around 25 of the motel rooms from the Econo Lodge’s owners at a discounted rate. The county then used those rooms to house homeless people, usually for about two weeks at a time each, whenever all of the official county shelters were full. In a major change from that short-term system, the reused Econo Lodge would become apartments, accepting people from existing shelters as long-term residents – thus alleviating shelter overcrowding while providing a more traditional, safe, and supportive living environment. When the $8.5 million Seneca Heights Apartments opened in 2004 after a major interior and exterior renovation, the 41,000 square foot property looked like a nice, comparatively new, apartment complex rather than a declining motel. Inside the two- story structures with their peaked roofs and multiple gables, the Econo Lodge’s 97 motel rooms had become 40 furnished, studio apartments for homeless individuals (in one of 300 the motel’s two buildings) and 17 larger, multi-room, furnished apartments for homeless families (in the motel’s other building). The county designed the family units to be transitional (for stays of six to nine months), although the single residents could theoretically stay permanently. Both types of tenants can utilize on-site recreational facilities (including lounges, a playground, and a picnic area), as well as social services dealing with issues like addiction, mental illness, and disability. The community also offers job training, parenting skills classes, GED (high school completion) courses, after- school tutoring for children, etc. Meanwhile, the active, funded tenants’ council hosts regular activities such as weekly film nights, barbecues, and holiday parties. (Prior to its reuse, the Econo Lodge’s main building already had a conference room and a large, central lobby area, from which wings of motel rooms spread out; this physical arrangement worked well for Montgomery County in terms of providing tenant services.) Single tenants pay rent on a sliding, income-based scale, but families only pay a small stipend to cover services. For both, the payment feature is crucial, as the county is focusing on getting the working homeless back on their feet; the concept is that, even if it is a tiny amount, paying regularly will both acclimate people to the task and build up (or rebuild) their credit history. Thus, when they eventually move, renting and keeping an apartment will theoretically be easier for them. 106 Because of its innovative and supportive nature and the success it has had in transitioning people out of homelessness, the Seneca Heights Apartments project has won numerous major awards. The National Association of Counties gave it an annual Achievement Award, while the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials gave the reused motel its Award of Merit in Housing and Community 301 Development. The National Association of Local Housing Finance Agencies lauded the conversion as well, as did the National Association for County Community and Economic Development. The former Econo Lodge also won the Governor’s Commitment to Excellence Award for Special Needs Housing. 107 Finally, it was one of the recipients of the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)’s first annual HOME Doorknocker Award, which recognized “outstanding work in providing affordable housing to low-income and underserved people.” 108 Specifically, the HUD award commended the project for “transforming two motel buildings from a neighborhood eyesore into a vibrant residential community” – showing that such transformations, which positively affect both the structures and the people in them, are indeed possible. 109 Also having turned a former motel into a supportive space for those in need is Step Up on Second, a major mental health service provider in the Los Angeles area. Its Daniel’s Place operation provides a counseling center and other programs for youth with mental illnesses (such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and depression). In 2007, the nonprofit agency began the process of purchasing the Village Motel, located on Route 66 in Santa Monica, in order to transform it into permanent housing for some of the many young adults participating in the Daniel’s Place program. The small, outside-corridor motel, which has only eight rooms on two floors spanning 2346 square feet, opened in 1948 and had served for decades as a reasonably priced alternative for tourists unable to pay the rates at expensive hotels closer to the beach. [Figure 4.77]. With the help of over $2 million in funds from the city of Santa Monica, the Village Motel has once again offered affordable lodging to its guests – along with other services provided in 302 conjunction with Daniel’s Place nearby – since the property’s reopening as Daniel’s Village in 2009. The former motel’s new name reflects both its host program and its original usage; to that end, Step Up on Second has planned to reuse the motel’s historic, wall-mounted neon sign – keeping the “Village” part and simply replacing the neon word “Motel” with “Daniel’s.” 110 The organization expected the converted motel to fulfill an important purpose in the community; as its newsletter stated in 2008 about the future young residents, “At such a critical time in their development, they will be learning to live independently and how to cope with their mental illness in a safe environment and wonderful neighborhood.” 111 Following its success with the Village Motel reuse, Step Up on Second purchased yet another motel in late 2010 in order to convert it into permanent supportive housing. [Figure 4.78]. The 1954 property, originally known as the Sunset Palms Motel but renamed the Hollywood Studio Inn around 2007, was still operating at the time of its sale (like the Village Motel had been). The motel offered 25 rooms in a two-story structure with outside corridors wrapping three sides of its back parking lot. Fronting the street was the building’s stucco and stone façade, featuring a large, blue-painted, stone mural of a palm tree, as well as an eye-catching, wall-mounted sign with googie-style, neon letter- blocks and multiple neon arrows. [Figure 4.79]. Like the Village Motel on Route 66, the Sunset Palms Motel / Hollywood Studio Inn is located on a world-famous street: Sunset Boulevard. Its placement on the Sunset Strip, just a few minutes’ walk from the major attractions on Hollywood Boulevard, made it a draw for tourists (as did its low rates). While many guests’ reviews bemoaned the motel rooms’ rundown nature and their very 303 basic amenities (particularly their lack of phones), most reviewers praised its excellent locale. The motel’s location was also important for Step Up on Second, since the immediate Hollywood area is home to a large number of people whom the organization felt it could serve – specifically, mentally ill, chronically homeless individuals. The permanent, supportive housing project, which will include on-site services for the formerly homeless residents, will be known as Michael’s Village and is scheduled to open in mid 2011. 112 [Figure 4.80]. While converters targeted the previously mentioned apartments, dorms, and facilities at specific categories of people, many former motels are now simply apartments – or condominiums – that are available to anyone. A prime example of such a building becoming a plus for its community is the former Sanders Court, located just north of Asheville, North Carolina. Prior to its conversion, the motel was most notable as a story of failure preceding great success, as it was an early, failed enterprise of famed entrepreneur Harland Sanders. “Colonel” Sanders had opened the 20-room motel and restaurant in 1939 after several years of running his successful Sanders Court and Café in Corbin, Kentucky. He had created that café in Corbin in 1930, with the tiny restaurant located inside a gas station he operated; he had then built a much larger restaurant there, along with an adjoining motel, in 1937. Sanders’ Corbin and Asheville properties were located about 170 miles apart along U.S. 25, the heavily-traveled Dixie Highway; he had geared the locations to attract travelers passing through those small towns on their way to or from the many popular destinations on that specifically tourism-oriented route. Sanders thus advertised both of his Sanders Courts on the same postcards, which boasted 304 about their “splendid food” and “excellent accommodations” (including tiled baths, Perfect Sleeper brand beds, radios, air conditioning, and steam heat). 113 After a couple of years spent commuting between the two businesses, Sanders closed the Asheville location. It had struggled due to a new highway turnoff that bypassed the motel, as well as because of the coming of World War II – with its resultant rationing and declines in travel. Still, Sanders did not come away from Asheville empty- handed; he had used his time at both locations to help perfect his “secret recipe” for fried chicken (using fast, pressure-cooking innovations and a special spice combination, both of which he discovered in 1939-1940). Finally, after auctioning off the Corbin complex in the mid 1950s (when, in a similar scenario to what had happened in Asheville, a new interstate bypassed the town completely), “Colonel” Sanders parlayed his now-famous “secret recipe” into the worldwide Kentucky Fried Chicken fast-food empire. 114 The Corbin motel and gas station met the wrecking ball in 1969 (although the Kentucky Fried Chicken chain restored the restaurant and turned it into a Harland Sanders / KFC museum in 1990). 115 The Asheville Sanders Court survived, though. After Harland Sanders left, it did eventually reopen; however, it gained a reputation as a “no-tell motel.” Still, locals recognized the significance of the site, and a preservation- minded developer finally converted it into apartments. The Preservation Society of Asheville and Buncombe County gave the complex one of its annual awards in 2005, emphasizing the “classy” nature of the apartments and praising how the effort “focused on returning the exterior as closely as possible to its original look.” 116 The architecture that the project maintained is Tudor revival – with the one-story motel featuring a steeply pitched roof, multiple gables, and chimneys, just as the Corbin location did. (Both motels 305 were presumably strongly influenced by the Pure Oil gas station that Sanders included as part of the earlier Corbin complex, as the Pure Oil chain was renowned for its standardized, Tudor-style, cottage-like stations – as discussed in the chapter on gas station reuse.) 117 To accentuate the historic nature of the reused motel, the converters utilized salvaged fixtures such as authentic Eastlake hardware. Thus, far from being just another motel turned ad hoc into long-term apartments, Sanders Court is a preservation success story that serves as a powerful reminder of the humble beginnings of an American icon. 118 While the reused Sanders Court is less significant for what happened at that specific site than for what its former owner accomplished later, another converted “court” – the Surf Motor Court in Oceanside, California – has a major claim to fame of its own. [Figure 4.81]. Numerous sources, including the State Office of Historic Preservation, believe it to be the site of the very first condominium sales in California. That pioneering event occurred in 1957, approximately 30 years after the motel first opened in a beachfront location north of San Diego. Built by A.J. Clark, the complex consists of 24 identical cottages lined up in two parallel rows [Figure 4.82], staggered so that each unit has a view of the ocean. [Figure 4.83]. Each tiny, stucco-covered cottage, with its symmetrical façade of a centered door between a set of double windows under a pink- and-green striped roof, contains one 12-by-24 foot room – plus a front porch and an attic, which some owners have converted to a sleeping area. (Since at least 1957, the cottages were uniformly painted a salmon-like shade of pink. However, in 2009, the homeowners association finally approved some owners’ long-desired request to change colors, which some promptly did – making the complex a colorful mix of pink, pastel blue, pale yellow, 306 and light green cottages.) 119 Described accurately by a reporter as looking today like a collection of “little doll houses,” 120 the Surf Motor Court – which advertised itself as renting rooms “by day, week or month”– proved popular with vacationers, especially due its location within easy walking distance of a train station. 121 Perhaps because of its success, the property found itself constantly being “flipped” by owners – who had bought and sold it approximately ten different times by 1957. The 1941-1944 owners, Harry and Virginia Roberts, changed the complex’s name to Roberts Cottages, a name it has retained ever since. Three owners after the Roberts family, H.D. and Ruth Forquer tried to sell the motel for $120,000 and could not. Their realtor, a woman named Wilma Stakich, suggested a revolutionary concept: subdividing the property and selling the cottages individually. Her idea worked, with the units closest to the beach going for $5950 each and the ones in the back row priced at $5250. By 2001, those same miniscule units were selling for around $200,000, and they had gone up to $650,000 by 2009. 122 However, they have rarely come up for sale. Unlike the motel’s original owners, the individual condominium owners generally have hung onto what some call their “piece of paradise.” 123 As a case in point, the realtor bought one herself in 1957. She lived in it – and served as the resident manager for the condominium association – for forty years, until her death in 1997. Some owners have passed ownership of their cottages down through the generations, after years of having brought their children and then their grandchildren there to enjoy the ocean. While a number of the owners reside there year-round, others use their cottages as vacation homes. The condominium association offers a program that can rent out the cottages during times when those owners are away at their primary residences; for the 307 2011 summer season, rates are around $1000 a week – quite a change from the 1957 ownership prices. 124 More than just viewing the cottages as an opportunity to gain occasional rental income, though, owners appreciate the historic, unique nature of their homes. As one longtime owner and part-time resident stated, the property’s individuality is “what attracts me to Oceanside – these little places and how they’re painted and taken care of so well. They’re not big, cheesy condos like you see popping up all over the place.” 125 The fact that the Surf Motor Court and all the other motels in this section were preserved and reborn with new uses, rather than simply being demolished, demonstrates that even a lowly place like a motel can have real potential and value – far beyond just the monetary. 1 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America, The Road and American Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 57, 328-330, 333; Warren James Belasco, Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981), 4-5, 164; Warren James Belasco, Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981), 4-5, 164; Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 180; John Margolies, Home Away from Home: Motels in America (Boston: Bulfinch Press, 1995), 10, 42, 54, 78. 2 Belasco, Americans on the Road, 43-48; Liebs, Main Street, 169-170, 180-181; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 8. 3 Belasco, Americans on the Road, 72-78; Liebs, Main Street, 170-172; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 17. 4 Liebs, Main Street, 172-173; Belasco, Americans on the Road, 109-111, 121, 125-127. 5 Belasco, Americans on the Road, 4-5, 139, 164-165; Liebs, Main Street, 174; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 32; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 38-40. 6 Liebs, Main Street, 175-177; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 19, 37-38, 41, 43, 61; Belasco, Americans on the Road, 166; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 28-29, 36-37, 42-43, 78-83. 308 7 Belasco, Americans on the Road, 166; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 92-93; Liebs, Main Street, 182. 8 Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 18-20, 43, 45, 47, 61; Belasco, Americans on the Road, 165-166; Liebs, Main Street, 183; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 10-13, 92-93. 9 Holly Hughes and Larry West, Frommer's 500 Places to See Before They Disappear (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2009), 445, accessed October 19, 2009, http://books.google.com/books?id=xMDPksxFhCYC; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 68-69; Liebs, Main Street, 182; Joseph Giovannini, "The First Haven for Man and His Auto," New York Times, July 9, 1987, accessed October 19, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/1987/07/09/garden/the-first-haven-for-man-and-his-auto.html; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 19-20, 45, 61. 10 Liebs, Main Street, 183; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 57, 79; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 91. 11 Liebs, Main Street, 184; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 309; Margolies, Home Away from Home, 96, 116-117; Belasco, Americans on the Road, 171. 12 Margolies, Home Away from Home, 95-96; Jakle, Sculle, and Rogers, Motel in America, 49-51; Belasco, Americans on the Road, 171-172. 13 Liebs, Main Street, 184-188; 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Allen, "Realizing the Potential of a Mid-Century Motel," Ecology of Absence: The Preservation Research Office Blog (web log), June 9, 2009, accessed July 28, 2009, http://preservationresearch.com/2009/06/realizing-the-potential-of-a-mid-century-motel/; Michael R. 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See also Foote, Shadowed Ground, 75-79; National Civil Rights Museum, "About Us: Fact Sheet." 314 40 Wayne Risher, "Museum Work Claims Over Half of Old Lorraine - Demolition Part of Plan for Center," Memphis Commercial Appeal, August 23, 1990, accessed March 14, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com. See also Bremer, "Lorraine Motel". 41 Norment, "Memphis Motel Becomes". See also Cindy Wolff, "Design - Civil Rights Museum Decorators Are Happy to Play Second Fiddle," Memphis Commercial Appeal, July 21, 1991, accessed March 14, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; National Civil Rights Museum, Brochure: Mission, History, Interpretive Exhibits (Memphis: National Civil Rights Museum, Rev. 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Stanley, "Econo Lodge Turned into Transitional Housing," Gaithersburg Gazette, June 30, 2004, accessed February 18, 2011, http://www.gazette.net/gazette_archive/2004/200427/germantown/news/223896-1.html; Microsoft, "18715 N Frederick Ave, Gaithersburg, MD 20879-3121," Bing Maps: Aerial: Bird's Eye, accessed February 14, 2011, http://maps.bing.com; Google, "18850 Maryland 355, Gaithersburg, MD 20879," Google Maps: Street View, accessed February 14, 2011, http://maps.google.com. Note: although the address listed above for Google Maps Street View is 18850, the Econo Lodge is actually at 18715. However, the 18715 address does not have Google Maps Street View capability. Moreover, the 18850 address shows how the motel was blocked from the view of passing drivers by the commercial buildings in front of it. The former motel’s lobby can be glimpsed in between those buildings. 106 Mary Otto, "Housing Reflects Change in Helping Md. Homeless," Washington Post, June 24, 2004, accessed March 16, 2009, http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A1129-2004Jun23; Peggy Vaughn, "Motel Helps Open Doors for the Homeless," Gaithersburg Gazette, August 8, 2001, accessed February 18, 2011, http://www.gazette.net/gazette_archive/2001/200132/gaithersburg/news/66203-1.html; 322 Sedam, "Converted Motel to House"; Stanley, "Econo Lodge Turned"; Microsoft, "18715 N Frederick Ave"; Montgomery County Office of the County Executive, FY 05 Report: Montgomery County's Housing Initiative Fund: A Permanent Source of Funding for Affordable Housing and Neighborhoods, report, 13, accessed March 16, 2009, http://www.montgomerycountymd.gov/content/dhca/images/HIF05.pdf; Montgomery County Coalition for the Homeless, "Seneca Heights Apartments," MCCH Programs, accessed March 16, 2009, http://www.mcch.net/programs/senecaheights.html; Montgomery County Coalition for the Homeless, "Tenant Council Honored for Efforts to Make Their Community a Brighter and Better Place to Live," Homeless Times: A Publication of the Montgomery County Coalition for the Homeless, Summer 2007, 4, accessed February 18, 2011, http://www.mcch.net/documents%20for%20website/Summer%2007.pdf. 107 Montgomery County Coalition for the Homeless, "Awards," About Us, accessed February 18, 2011, http://www.mcch.net/aboutus/awards.html; Montgomery County Office of the County Executive, FY 05 Report: Montgomery. 108 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Homes and Communities Department, "HUD Honors 20 State and Local Governments with "Doorknocker Award" for Outstanding Work in Affordable Housing," news release, January 13, 2005, HUD Archives: News Releases, accessed March 16, 2009, http://archives.hud.gov/news/2005/pr05-004.cfm. 109 HOME Investment Partnerships Program, "HOME Conference Doorknocker Awards". 110 City of Santa Monica Human Services Division, "Daniel's Village," Bringing It Home: Homelessness in Our Community, March 2008, accessed July 31, 2009, http://community.icontact.com/p/homelessnessaction/newsletters/newsletters/posts/5179909464756875487 /content#Daniel; Martha Groves, "Helping with Their Coping: Daniel's Place in Santa Monica Is a Support Center for Mentally Ill Young Adults. 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Now: Southern California -- This Just in (Los Angeles Times Blog) (web log), September 2, 2009, accessed September 7, 2009, http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/lanow/2009/09/home-for-transitional-youth-opening-in-santa-monica.html; Step Up on Second, "Daniel's Village: A Model for Transitional Age Youth Living with Mental Illness," Step by Step, Fall 2008, 3, accessed July 31, 2009; page now defunct, http://www.stepuponsecond.org/downloads/fall2008.pdf. 111 Step Up on Second, "Daniel's Village: A Model". 112 Step Up on Second, "Home: Permanent Supportive Home Units Leading to Stability, Inclusion, and Recovery," Services, accessed February 19, 2011, http://www.stepuponsecond.org/services/home.html; Rentv.com, "Non-Profit Acquires Two Hollywood Properties," Rentv.com: Real Estate News Television, November 23, 2010, accessed February 19, 2011, http://www.rentv.com/content/southerncalifornia/losangeles/news/13795; Nick Fisher, "Sunset Palms Motel, Hollywood," Flickr, October 21, 2007, accessed February 19, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/nick_fisher/1671467428/; John Lynch, "Hollywood Studio Inn and Suites," Flickr, March 2, 2008, accessed February 19, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/john8e16/2310338084/; Frank Picard, "121 Sunset Palms Motel Hollywood, CA 1997," Flickr, 1997, accessed February 19, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/frankpicard/807037193/; Hollywood Studio Inn & Suites, "Home," Newly Renovated Hollywood Studio Inn & Suites, 2007, accessed February 19, 2011, http://hollywoodstudiola.com/index.asp. 323 113 Lew Powell, "The N.C. Quiz: He Bombed in Asheville," Charlotte Observer, September 15, 1999, accessed March 15, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; Tim Reid, "Asheville's Early Tourism Leaders Recall Struggles, Accomplishments," Asheville Citizen-Times, September 26, 1999, accessed March 15, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; KFC Corporation, "History At-a-Glance," About Us: History, accessed February 21, 2011, http://www.kfc.com/about/history.asp; Google, "Corbin, KY to Asheville, NC," Google Maps: Directions, accessed February 21, 2011, http://maps.google.com; Tim Hollis, Dixie Before Disney: 100 Years of Roadside Fun (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1999), 18-19, accessed February 21, 2011, http://books.google.com/books?id=ecaVOl1wzg0C; Phil Patton, "The Strange Story of Colonel Sanders," in Open Road: A Celebration of the American Highway (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), 177-184, accessed February 21, 2011, http://xroads.virginia.edu/~MA02/amacker/roadscape/col.html; Amy Gillis Lowry and Abbie Tucker Parks, North Georgia's Dixie Highway, Images of America (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2007), back cover, accessed February 21, 2011, http://books.google.com/books?id=itA8NkoBsZkC; E.B. Thomas, Pub., Sanders Court and Cafe, Hagley Digital Archives: Postcards of Motels and Roadside Attractions, Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, DE, accessed February 21, 2011, http://digital.hagley.org/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/p268001coll21&CISOPTR=45&CISOBOX =1&REC=7. 114 Paul Clark, "Jobs and Economic Development: Lodging Motor Courts Standing Up to Test of Time," Asheville Citizen-Times, September 25, 1999, accessed March 15, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; Powell, " N.C. Quiz: He Bombed"; Patton, "Strange Story of Colonel"; Hollis, Dixie Before Disney, 19-20; KFC Corporation, "History At-a-Glance". Note: accounts differ on what year Sanders sold the Corbin property. KFC’s corporate history site stated 1955; Hollis’s book stated 1956; and Patton’s book stated 1957. 115 Hollis, Dixie Before Disney, 20; City of Corbin, Kentucky, "Harland Sanders Cafe & Museum: The World's First Kentucky Fried Chicken," Corbin, Kentucky: The Smart Choice for Business and Family, accessed February 21, 2011, http://www.corbinkentucky.us/sanderscafe.htm. 116 Alli Marshall, "Colonel Sanders Slept Here: Griffin Awards Recognize Spaces (and Stories) Worth Saving," Mountain Xpress News: Asheville & Western North Carolina, June 8, 2005, accessed May 26, 2008, http://www.mountainx.com/news/2005/0608griffin.php. 117 Debra Jane Seltzer, "(Colonel) Sanders Court," Flickr, October 17, 2007, accessed March 24, 2009, http://www.flickr.com/photos/agilitynut/1609390622/; Patton, "Strange Story of Colonel"; Debra Jane Seltzer, "Eateries: Kentucky Fried Chicken," Roadside Architecture, accessed March 15, 2009, http://www.agilitynut.com/eateries/kfc.html; John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle, The Gas Station in America, Creating the North American Landscape (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), 139- 140, 163-177. 118 Marshall, "Colonel Sanders Slept Here". 119 Kathy Day, "Beach Blanket Bungalows: Lifestyle Endures at 24 Tiny Cottages," San Diego Evening Tribune, August 24, 1990, accessed March 13, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; Amanda Daniels, "Little Pink Houses Roberts Cottages Among the First Condominiums in the State," San Diego Union- Tribune, April 8, 2001, accessed March 13, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; Automobile Club of Southern California (AAA), 2007 Auto Club Calendar: Vintage Photos of Southern California as Seen in Westways (Los Angeles: Automobile Club of Southern California, 2006), front cover and June 2007 calendar pages; Michael Burge, "Brushing Away the Past: Salmon Color Scheme Is Giving Way at a Cluster of North Strand Cottages," San Diego Union-Tribune, July 19, 2009, accessed February 22, 2011, http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/2009/jul/19/lz1mc19cot215141-brushing-away-past/; Joe Wolf, "Roberts Cottages, Red Green Red," Flickr, October 10, 2010, accessed February 22, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/joebehr/5068077488/; Joe Wolf, "Sunrise, Oceanside CA - Roberts' Cottages," Flickr, January 8, 2010, accessed February 22, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/joebehr/4257702805/. 324 120 Day, "Beach Blanket Bungalows". 121 Automobile Club of Southern California (AAA), 2007 Auto Club Calendar, front cover and June 2007 calendar pages. 122 Daniels, "Little Pink Houses"; Day, "Beach Blanket Bungalows"; Burge, "Brushing Away the Past". 123 Day, "Beach Blanket Bungalows". 124 Judge P. J. McConnell, "Ruling: Roberts Cottage Assn. v. Chapin (Court of Appeal, Fourth Appellate District, Division One, State of California)," FearNotLaw: Legal Source Directory - Because We Know Legal, March 20, 2006 (filing date), accessed March 13, 2009, http://www.fearnotlaw.com/articles/article766.html; Day, "Beach Blanket Bungalows"; Burge, "Brushing Away the Past"; Pacific Coast Real Estate Sales & Management, "Rental Rates: 2011 Summer Rates," Roberts Cottages: Cottages on the Beach, 2011, accessed February 22, 2011, http://www.robertscottages.com/page3.html. 125 Daniels, "Little Pink Houses". 325 CHAPTER 5 Driving Away from Dining: The Adaptive Reuse of Prefabricated Diners The diner holds a key place in American culture. For purists and many historians, a diner is a prefabricated, factory-built restaurant that arrives at its site either whole or in a few major pieces. This dissertation utilizes that technical conceptualization and does not focus on homemade or site-constructed buildings, the various coffee shops and family restaurants that call themselves diners, or former railroad and trolley cars that people have converted into restaurants. However, a diner is far more than just its (often small and shiny) structure – which is just one part of the so-called “diner experience,” as portrayed in numerous television shows, movies, commercials, and coffee-table books. In the public imagination, diners are synonymous with all-American home-style cooking, for decades having served up affordable yet hearty meals like turkey with stuffing and meatloaf with gravy-covered mashed potatoes (often accompanied by a milkshake or coffee and a slice of pie). In these often family-owned, independent eateries, such items are typically served around the clock – as the nostalgic stereotype goes – by uniform- wearing waitresses who might call their customers “Hon.” Those customers, who (in the common image) sit on built-in, swiveling stools at long counters or in Formica-topped booths that have tabletop jukeboxes playing oldies music, could fall into a wide demographic range. They might be truckers just passing through, industrial laborers from the nearby plant, or elderly couples coming for the blue 326 plate special. They could also include young children whose mothers offer them selections from the kids’ menu, or teens just hanging out. Many are a mix of all of the above. As the general perception goes, these patrons are mostly longtime customers, regulars who often know each other, the wait staff, the cooks, and the owners – thus filling those homelike diners with the sounds of friendly chatter and gossiping. 1 That view of the diner as a neighborhood gathering place, a site of democracy in action where people of all ages and classes meet and mingle, has led to it becoming a frequent campaign stop for politicians. Even as traditional diners have declined across the country, this diner strategy has remained key for those running for public office. Take, for instance, the situation with Philadelphia’s iconic Mayfair Diner, which opened in 1956 in its present building. A structure that the seminal Jerry O’Mahony Company constructed of stainless steel with green Flex-Glass stripes, it is famed for its astoundingly long length of 188 and a half feet. [Figure 5.1]. A working-class neighborhood institution also beloved by diner enthusiasts and historians from far outside Pennsylvania, it has garnered its fame not just from its huge size and appropriately gigantic menu, 2 but also from its role in national politics. John F. Kennedy held a rally, thousands strong, at the Mayfair Diner during his 1959-1960 presidential campaign – and that was just the beginning of the diner’s status as a campaigning hotbed. In 1992, during the critical, final two days of his campaign prior to the presidential election, Bill Clinton ate breakfast inside the Mayfair Diner, followed by a speech outside to around 2000 people. Over fifteen years later in 2008, his wife, Hillary Clinton, did the same. At a block party in front of the Mayfair, she spoke to a crowd of between 3000 and 4000 people, as she attempted to win Pennsylvania’s 327 presidential primary (which was just a few days away) and become the Democratic candidate. Following in her footsteps a few months later was the man who had by then become that candidate, future U.S. President Barack Obama, who rallied an assembled crowd of some 5000 people at the Mayfair Diner. 3 The quintessential diner is thus enshrined in the American consciousness, not just as a design and culinary icon, but also as a prime place of public discourse and true community. However, it did not begin that way. The American diner originated in Providence, Rhode Island, in the mid 1800s. At that time, the city’s restaurants generally closed by eight o’clock at night, meaning that the many night-shift workers there had nowhere to buy food during their lunch breaks – except, perhaps, from a street seller. One such vendor was Walter Scott, a daytime press operator at a newspaper. That newspaper’s office would fill up with hungry employees who had to spend all night preparing the morning edition. Sensing a valuable opportunity, Scott used his free time after his day shift ended to peddle sandwiches and such at his office and two other local newspapers – first using a basket, then a handcart. In 1872, Scott left his newspaper position to run his profitable “night lunch” business full-time. At that point, he began utilizing a small, horse-drawn freight wagon, in which he had cut windows for passing the meals (including sandwiches, eggs, and pie, all of which he cooked at home and then loaded into the wagon) to waiting customers. 4 Walter Scott’s successful invention soon had others following his example, providing affordable food for factory workers, saloon patrons, and others who stayed out beyond normal restaurant hours. One of those competitors was Ruel B. Jones, who in 1883 had a wagon manufacturer create the very first, purpose-built “lunch wagon” for 328 him. By 1887, Jones had a chain of seven lunch wagons rolling around Providence. That same year, his cousin, Samuel M. Jones – an unemployed mechanical engineer who had left Providence in 1884 to become a lunch wagon operator in the industrial city of Worcester, Massachusetts – made a significant advancement in the fledgling night lunch industry. At Worcester’s New England Fair in 1887, he introduced the first lunch wagon in which people could actually dine (albeit still standing up), rather than having to eat while standing outdoors in the sometimes inclement weather of the Northeast. Additionally, the food his customers ate came fresh from a built-in kitchen. Also unlike many earlier models, Jones’s lunch wagon had an attractive design, with elaborate woodwork and colorful, glazed windows with an etched menu. 5 The next major step in diner evolution came in 1891, when Worcester’s Charles H. Palmer, who had previously bought some of Jones’ wagons, started manufacturing visually appealing lunch wagons that offered counter seating. Along with that innovation, Palmer’s decorated structures had not only a curbside walk-up window but even a street-side drive-up window for passing carriages. Palmer’s patented creation quickly became the industry standard. For its part, Worcester would remain a center of American lunch wagon / diner manufacturing for decades to come, with multiple factories operating there. 6 The lunch wagon business boomed for several decades, as entrepreneurs purchased the relatively cheap structures on installment plans – just like a car. For instance, in 1912, Providence had almost fifty such mobile restaurants. As their numbers increased, so did their hours – with many starting to stay open in the mornings in order to catch people either getting off the night shift or going to work. While lunch wagons had 329 not caused many traffic problems overnight, that was not the case in the A.M., especially as automobiles came into vogue and began filling the streets. Due to the congestion, many cities began forcing lunch wagons to close or be off the streets by certain times. For an operator, a simple workaround was to simply lease or buy a tiny plot of land in a busy location – often at a port, or squeezed between downtown storefronts, or outside a major factory or mill in an industrial area. There, the lunch wagon would sit, with its wheels often hidden behind a wooden frame, having made the transition into a permanent restaurant. 7 With a set location, many former lunch wagons were then able to stay open around the clock, which necessitated expanding their menus as well. Additionally, once fixed locations became typical, manufacturers could make bigger, longer models than had been possible when the lunch wagons had to maneuver the streets – especially after the 1920s, when steel framing came into widespread use. That meant that these permanent businesses had room for more built-in equipment and appliances in the kitchen, more built-in stools at the lengthened counter, and even more seating through the addition of built-in booths and tables. These prefabricated structures were still portable, though; flatbed railcars, barges, and/or trucks could simply transport them to their sites and set them down on a foundation with utilities. Entrepreneurs could establish such restaurants quickly and easily – not to mention affordably, which let them pass on those savings to their customers. Being generally stationary, the term “lunch wagon” no longer fit them, and by the mid 1920s, these structures became widely known as “diners” (short for dining cars, because of their resemblance to those on trains). 8 330 As of the early 1930s, approximately 4000 such diners were already in existence, and the number skyrocketed to 6000 by that decade’s end. With their large size, long hours, casual atmosphere, and full yet cheap menus typically stocked with comfort foods, these new diners could appeal to a much wider customer base than had previously been the case. This was especially true for diners that sprang up (or, rather, sat down) along major automobile strips and at highway exits, particularly in postwar suburban areas and vacation destinations catering to the upwardly mobile working class and the middle class. In such locales, families, teenagers, and businesspeople became a crucial part of diners’ clientele, with many diners specifically targeting women and children in their marketing efforts – promising that dining at a diner would be a fun, affordable, simple night out. 9 As diners proliferated, their designs changed significantly over the decades. A specific diner’s design, however, was dependent on which manufacturer created it. Since as many as 65 diner companies once existed (albeit not all simultaneously), many tried to distinguish their products in some way, while others simply copied from competitors. A number of builders offered several different models at a time, with varying price ranges, sizes, and features. Today, diner historians and enthusiasts classify diners using several main factors, when such information is available (often found on a manufacturer’s original “tag” or nameplate inside a diner). They include the manufacturer, the model (for those manufacturers that used model names to differentiate), the specific serial number (for companies that provided that information), and its year (or age range). For instance, diner-related sites identify Aberdeen, Maryland’s New Ideal Diner as a 1952 O’Mahony, number 2206. The New Ideal Diner’s appearance – being a pristine, stainless 331 steel structure with green stripes of enamel and a red, neon rooftop sign – would also aid diner fans in identifying the diner’s general age. 10 [Figure 5.2]. In the early era of diner construction, diners looked quite different. As pioneered by the Worcester Lunch Car Company in 1907, most early diners had monitor roofs – a barrel look, under which sat a long row of vented clerestory windows facing the street, providing both light and ventilation. These early diners were typically wooden, with porcelain enameled, steel panels often covering the façade. The panels, upon which the diners’ names were often hand-painted decoratively, not only protected diner structures from harsh climate conditions but also gave them a sleek look. Inside, countertops were often marble or tile, and floors and walls were often tiled as well. Decorative etched windows, a popular feature continued from the nicer varieties of lunch wagons, were often included. 11 After this phase in diner evolution came a new one, of which the New Ideal Diner was a part – with its name implying the significant design change from older models. From the 1930s to around the mid 1950s, diners frequently echoed the streamlined nature of that era’s trains, automobiles, appliances, and commercial buildings (like Greyhound bus stations and icebox-style gas stations, as described in those sections of the dissertation). Common features included curved corners, wraparound windows, glass brick elements, stainless steel backing in the behind-counter kitchen area, and either porcelain or stainless steel façades – with the Paramount diner company having pioneered the use of shiny, stainless steel in diners. Diners with exteriors of porcelain (which the industry sometimes referred to as terra cotta) often had accents of stainless steel, and vice versa – with stainless steel diners frequently boasting colorful, porcelain enamel stripes 332 (or, sometimes, bands of similar-appearing, colored Flex-Glass). On the outside of these gleaming structures, eye-catching neon signage was common, especially aimed at garnering the notice of drivers speeding past. Whereas earlier diners generally directly abutted the sidewalk, oriented to attract people working or living within walking distance, these newer models usually had large parking lots fronting them – often a function of their highway-side and/or suburban environments. 12 Diner design shifted again during the 1950s and 1960s. While stainless steel and accent coloring remained normative, the included elements left streamline moderne and shifted to the then-trendy googie – exemplified by what Kullman called its “new Space Age design.” New diners of this type offered exaggerated, flamboyant elements like canted plate-glass windows, flat or zigzag rooflines edged by wide, angled, lighted canopies, and overall angular shapes. Inside, such futuristic diners featured elements like patterned terrazzo floors, pastel color schemes, Boomerang-style Formica countertops and tabletops, and a line of mirrors along the ceiling that provided a feeling of increased spaciousness. 13 As such aspects became common, some existing diners remodeled to match the trend – one being the Atlantic Diner in Wildwood, New Jersey. The 1949 diner, which Mountain View had built, received a googie remodeling by Paramount in the 1960s – helping it fit in better with its setting in that popular midcentury resort area, which became one of the main centers of googie architecture nationally (as described in the dissertation’s motel section). Now known as the Pink Cadillac Diner, a retro-themed interior [Figures 5.3 and 5.4] complements its vintage exterior, with its upturned, lit, stainless steel canopy and its diamond-shaped elements over the vestibule. [Figures 5.5 333 and 5.6]. The diner received an annual restoration award from the local recent past preservation organization, the Doo Wop Preservation League, in 2005. 14 New and remodeled diners in this mode, like the Atlantic / Pink Cadillac Diner, increasingly looked less like dining cars and more like the googie coffee shops that were becoming popular during that era. This was especially the case since few of them still had the kitchen area behind the counter inside the diner itself; rather, the kitchen was in a separately built addition, typically located behind the prefabricated diner. Making that transition complete were the diners that manufacturers created during the 1960s and ‘70s. Although most were still named diners, and all were still prefabricated (although so large that they typically had to be assembled in pieces on-site), they had little in common with the earlier models. In fact, they often heavily downplayed their true nature, trying to have the public simply see them as family-oriented restaurants. Many had Colonial Revival or Mediterranean appearances, with exterior features like columns, arches, brick, and stone, while the interiors offered wooden (or wood-look) paneling and furniture, plus wallpaper, curtains, and carpet. This style dovetailed with the then-trendy environmental look in architecture, with its focus on using “natural” materials to make roadside structures more appealing in a new era of eco-consciousness regarding the automobile’s impact. Many older diners remodeled in this manner during the period – covering up their metal and enamel façades with an array of era-appropriate materials. 15 Take, for example, what happened to two diners located along Route 40 in the adjacent, Maryland coastal towns of Aberdeen and Havre De Grace – where they provide a strong contrast to the previously mentioned New Ideal Diner, which sits on that same strip. While Michael Karl Witzel’s book The American Diner described the New Ideal 334 Diner as being “just the kind of picture that one would find if they looked up the word diner in the dictionary,” that concept does not hold true for its neighbors. One, built by the Silk City diner company, began in the 1930s as the New Bridge Diner. As it aged, however, its name no longer reflected its status. Thus, it dropped the “New” from its title, becoming simply the Bridge Diner – with its exterior still showing the holes where that word once hung, bolted on. More than just the name changed, though. The diner’s striped façade of shiny silver metal and red and cream enamel now sits beneath an incongruous mansard roof covered in brown shingles; meanwhile, red brick covers the vestibule. 16 [Figure 5.7]. Still, the Bridge Diner is recognizable as a remodeled historic diner – which is not really the case with the nearby Aberdeen Eagle Diner. It opened in the mid 1950s as a typical, stainless steel, Kullman diner. Today, however, all that remains on the exterior to show its provenance is one small corner segment, which has a curved window topped by fluted, stainless steel. That element aside, tan brick coats the entire façade, while a red-shingled mansard roof covers it. Moreover, the original, small diner now sits connected to a side addition of a dining room, which features the same brick and shingles – thus looking like one contiguous whole, a typical coffee shop rather than a prefabricated diner. 17 [Figure 5.8]. One fascinating, common phenomenon was that, because of diners’ portable nature, when an existing diner’s owner wanted a more contemporary-looking and/or larger diner, he or she could simply trade the older diner in to the manufacturer and apply the trade-in value toward buying a new model. Then, just as occurs with used cars at an automobile dealership, the manufacturer could sell the original diner at a discount, 335 frequently to someone wishing to enter the diner business – either selling it as-is if it was still in good condition, or, if it was not, reconditioning it first in order to bring it up to standards. In this manner, owners of particularly successful diners sometimes transitioned through multiple structures over the years. 18 That situation occurred at the Thru-Way Diner, located in a prime spot directly off Interstate 95 in the New York City suburb of New Rochelle. Its owners opened their restaurant in 1955 in a DeRaffele-built diner, then traded up in 1965 to a googie-style DeRaffele with a folded-plate roof and a bright, orange-and-white interior. Finally, in 1990, the Thru-Way’s owners purchased their last diner, which was the first of only about 25 high tech / late modern style diners that DeRaffele would build overall – part of a diner design trend at the time. It was a comparatively massive structure with lots of chrome and huge, slanting windows of green glass, all sitting under a neon-lined roof topped by a neon rooftop sign. [Figure 5.9]. Interestingly, its nostalgic patrons still considered the Thru-Way Diner to be historic, even though the actual building that it occupied was quite young. The idea that the diner’s significance went much deeper than its current building became apparent when, in 2007, its owners leased the property to a developer who planned to build a Walgreens drugstore. Distraught customers and other diner enthusiasts launched a campaign to try to save the longtime community institution, with over 5000 people signing a petition urging its preservation. Despite their attempts, a Walgreens did indeed replace their beloved diner. 19 By that time, diner closure and destruction had become commonplace. Multiple factors intertwined to make them increasingly less viable. One issue was that diners had always been an Eastern phenomenon. Although a few East Coast companies did try to 336 expand west of the Mississippi River, they did not have much success. In the West and Southwest, drive-in restaurants – including large chains like A&W – were much more popular, especially because of the hospitable climate and dominant car culture. They already attracted the business of the typical diner clientele, leaving little room for diners to enter the market. 20 Only one diner company, Valentine Manufacturing, really made an impact there. Based in Wichita, it built over 2000 diners between 1938 and 1971. Significantly, though, Valentine diners looked practically nothing like the stereotypical diners of the East, at least on the outside. Instead, as tiny, boxy structures with plain exteriors covered in white, porcelain enameled steel (and topped by integrated sign pylons), Valentine diners strongly resembled early fast food stand chains like White Castle and White Tower. Not coincidentally, White Castle had started in Wichita in 1921, producing its first portable fast-food structure in 1928 – just a decade before Valentine began building similar diners. Also showing the connection between the types and styles, Valentine Manufacturing actually built 15 White Tower restaurants for that chain during the 1950s. 21 Valentine diners aside, the West was never a diner paradise, while the East was quickly becoming much less of one than it had been. A key factor was deindustrialization. As factories and mills closed down, nearby diners that catered to those industrial workforces found themselves struggling to survive without their main clientele. Meanwhile, downtown diners were also seeing their patrons flee, leaving urban areas for the suburbs. However, even those diners further out, along major automobile strips and early highways, faced declining business when the interstates and other 337 limited-access, divided highways bypassed them. 22 For diners in prime, often suburban locations, their well-traveled sites became problematic as well. Developers realized that diner properties, which most diners simply leased rather than owned, were excellent sites for new developments – as occurred with the chain drugstore that replaced the Thru-Way Diner (as well as with the Tastee Diner, the preservation of which is described later). Another severe problem was the rise of fast food stands, especially chains, and particularly those with drive-throughs. They provided what had always been diners’ mainstay, affordable food, while combining it with much faster service oriented toward an on-the-go nation of people. Moreover, the new chain fast-food restaurants, chain coffee shops, and chain family restaurants all offered standardized menu items with predictable prices and quality. The generally independent diners, although mass- produced and often identical in appearance, varied greatly in each of those crucial areas. That made the newer restaurants seem like a better choice for many people – both entrepreneurs and customers. In the 1960s and ‘70s, literally thousands of diners went out of business – as did diner manufacturers. By 1993, only four of the original diner manufacturers were still in existence. 23 As diners across the country closed, the public began to recognize and mourn what it had lost. For instance, in 2010, a statewide preservation organization, Preservation New Jersey, named the “Historic Diners of New Jersey” – as a group – to its 16th annual list of the state’s “10 Most Endangered Historic Sites.” 24 Advocating for their saving, the organization thus officially “encourage[d] appreciation of New Jersey’s historic diners as representative of 20th century development, culture, and architecture,” 338 contending that diners are “an integral part of New Jersey’s cultural landscape and, more specifically, its scenic byways.” 25 The increasing appreciation and nostalgia for historic diners has spawned the creation of various postmodern diners in recent decades. This type generally hearkens back to the stainless steel facades and interior designs common during the 1950s, creating an appealing, retro-style setting where waitresses wear poodle skirts, jukeboxes play oldies, and kids can sip milkshakes and malts. As a fun, nostalgic eating experience, many of them are situated in areas where diners were never common as a building type – like in the Southwest, where the 5 & Diner chain of factory-built diners has flourished since it began in 1989. It now has 16 restaurants in six states, the majority of them in Arizona. 26 [Figure 5.10]. America’s first such throwback diner was the Dining Car, which opened in 1981 in Philadelphia. As had occurred with the Thru-Way, the new one – a 1981 Swingle – was a replacement for an older, outgrown model: the Torresdale Diner, a 1962 Swingle that then moved to New York. Swingle designed its six-section, 1981 creation to resemble O’Mahony’s Monarch model from the 1930s, with the Dining Car featuring a black façade of porcelain enamel and a barrel roof, along with a vestibule with glass bricks, curving windows, and stainless steel. [Figures 5.11 and 5.12]. Inside, the diner offers homemade meals and baked goods in an art deco atmosphere, 24 hours a day – just as many of its much earlier predecessors did. 27 Following in its successful wake was the Silver Diner chain, which now has 16 retro diners in three Northeastern states. Its creator studied at the Dining Car for a week to determine how best to proceed with his concept, before opening his first Silver Diner 339 in Rockville, Maryland, in 1989. To create the family restaurant’s vintage style appearance both inside and out, he hired diner expert Richard Gutman – author of the seminal book American Diner: Then and Now – as a consultant, and turned to famed diner manufacturer Kullman as well. (After that factory-built Rockville location, though, the company constructed its later Silver Diners on site.) 28 [Figures 5.13 and 5.14]. Kullman’s very first retro diner, the American City Diner in Washington, D.C., had opened just a year earlier. Its developer knew exactly what he wanted; he brought Kullman a copy of Gutman’s book (the first edition, then simply titled American Diner) and opened it to a page showing a 1940 Kullman diner, telling the staff that he wanted one just like it. Today, the Kullman replica, with its blue, porcelain enamel stripes and glass blocks, is still there [Figure 5.15] – albeit somewhat hidden by the successful restaurant’s newer additions. [Figure 5.16]. Some other “authentic” diner companies have made reproductions of their own, original models as well, as Paramount did in the Florida city of North Miami. There, the Gourmet Diner – a French bistro serving high- end cuisine – opened in 1994 in a stainless steel structure with curved corners and glass brick elements, looking essentially as if it were a 1950s Paramount. 29 [Figures 5.17 and 5.18]. As newly created diners like those thrive, historic diners are increasingly making a comeback as well, thanks to preservationists and ardent enthusiasts. One marker of that success is how many diners the National Register of Historic Places counts among its ranks of landmarks. The very first diner to attain designation was the 1941 Modern Diner in Pawtucket, Rhode Island, which still operates today. [Figure 5.19]. The cream and maroon colored, porcelain enameled diner was part of the J.B. Judkins Company’s 340 Sterling diner brand. It was one of Sterling’s now incredibly rare Streamliner models, a single-ended version designed to look like a streamlined train – an illusion heightened by the Modern Diner’s original placement directly next to another building, so that it appeared to be emerging from a tunnel. In 1978, long before it reached the typically- required fifty-year mark, the Modern Diner became part of the National Register. 30 By 2010, approximately 40 other diners had followed in its pioneering footsteps – including such examples as the operational 29 Diner in Fairfax, Virginia. In 1992, the register added that 1947 diner, which the Mountain View company built with stainless steel, vertical strips of blue enamel, and large segments of glass brick. [Figures 5.20 and 5.21]. As of early 2010, the latest diner nominated for the prestigious designation was Winchester, Virginia’s Triangle Diner, which had just received state landmark status. In 1960, as part of a modernization effort, that 1948 O’Mahony diner had its stainless steel façade enclosed in a larger, boxlike structure made of plywood, complete with a shed- style roof sitting over the diner’s original, barrel-type one. However, the interior remained intact. In early 2010, its new owners – who had just nominated it – removed the later additions to reveal the diner’s true nature once again, as part of a $1 million restoration prior to its reopening. 31 Across the country, many other diners have also been the focus of restoration and/or reopening efforts. For instance, in 2008, the National Park Service’s Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program provided a $10,000 cash-match grant for the creation of a preservation plan for (along with priority repairs to) the vacant Highway Diner in Winslow, Arizona. The decaying structure is a nine-stool, Nifty-Nine model Valentine from around 1950. [Figure 5.22]. While it has not yet reopened, others have. 32 341 Yet another red and white Valentine in Arizona (this time a Little Chef model), Phoenix’s 1945 Welcome Diner, closed in 1982 and then sat empty for over twenty years before its eventual reopening in 2004. [Figure 5.23]. This success story, however, was somewhat marred in late 2009, when two drivers swerved their cars directly into the diner while trying to avoid crashing into each other. Although the building itself was alright, it moved several inches off of its foundation, and its utilities and outdoor seating area were damaged. As of early 2010, the popular eatery sat closed as the owners dealt with insurance and repairs; they expected to reopen soon. 33 A diner that managed to bounce back from a much worse tragedy is O’Rourke’s Diner in Middletown, Connecticut. The 1941 diner, the Mountain View company’s serial number 223, suffered a major fire in 2006 that gutted its historic interior and damaged its stainless steel and glass brick exterior. Before the kitchen fire, the diner had received national acclaim in publications like Gourmet magazine and the New York Times for its creatively upscale dishes combined with its intact, vintage atmosphere. Famed roadside photorealist John Baeder, who painted it, even called O’Rourke’s “the finest diner in America” in his art book Diners. Locals also loved the owner, known for donating his services to charity events and providing food to the homeless and others who could not pay. The always family-owned business had no fire insurance, but the local community chipped in to provide the necessary funds to restore it. Thus, over the next year and a half, a variety of fundraising events raised almost $200,000, while the city council provided a $25,000 federal community development grant. The nearby Wesleyan University, whose students and staff frequented the diner, donated approximately $30,000 worth of kitchen equipment and even booths, which came from dining halls that 342 the university ideally happened to be remodeling at the time. Meanwhile, experts and contractors donated their time to the restoration project. In 2008, O’Rourke’s triumphantly reopened. 34 While these preserved diners have remained in their historic locations, because of their inherently portable nature, saving many diners simply requires unhooking them from their foundations and utilities and then transporting them elsewhere – just as diner owners frequently used to do with their trade-in models. In fact, one endangered diner that ended up moving to prevent its demolition, the O’Mahony-built Tastee Diner in Silver Spring, Maryland, had itself been a 1946 replacement for an older, smaller diner. (The site’s original diner, the 1934 Meadow’s Dining Car, subsequently ended up in nearby Rockville.) The Tastee Diner served patrons for decades, until 2000 – when Discovery Communications (the parent company of cable TV channels like Discovery, TLC, and Animal Planet), decided to move its headquarters onto the diner’s leased property. However, the cream-colored and stainless-steel-accented diner, which had become a Montgomery County Historical Landmark in 1994, survived the loss of its land. Utilizing funds from the county and state, the Tastee Diner moved via flatbed trailer to what had been a parking lot, just a few blocks away. It has since continued to operate from that new location, surrounded by compatible new additions that give it more dining room space. 35 [Figures 5.24 and 5.25]. While the Tastee Diner did not even move a mile, many diners have traveled much further, as diner enthusiasts seek out and purchase closed, classic diners and then relocate them across the country. That occurred with two separate, 1948, Pennsylvania diners, which both ended up in tourist areas far from traditional diner territory. One, the 343 Birmingham Grille, originated in the Philadelphia suburb of West Chester. By 1992, that Kullman diner, with its stainless steel and blue façade and glass brick entry, was vacant and decaying – perched on blocks amidst weeds. Its savior was a San Francisco restaurateur who wanted to open a home-style eatery in historic downtown Truckee, California – a popular mountain resort town where he owned a vacation home. The diner’s trip to the famed Lake Tahoe area took a month. After a $1.2 million effort, which included giving the structure a new green and cream porcelain enamel exterior, it reopened as Andy’s Truckee Diner in 1995. Since 2009, it has operated as JAX at the Tracks (a.k.a. JAX Truckee Diner), with its railroad-adjacent location and name alluding to the diner’s history of mobility. 36 [Figures 5.26 and 5.27]. The other Pennsylvania transplant is the former Olympic Diner, a Paramount creation whose streamlined, stainless steel façade with curving, glass brick corners originally sat in Wilkes-Barre. In that coal mining community, the diner served miners and retired miners for decades, until its closure in 1990. Two years later, though, its new owners took it on a seven-day journey down to Florida. The formerly somewhat decrepit structure, now restored to its original gleam, today operates as Miami Beach’s 11th Street Diner. [Figures 5.28, 5.29, and 5.30]. The 24-hour operation is particularly popular as a late night dining spot for young club-goers and partiers, who dine on a combination of traditional diner fare and hip items like flame-broiled tofu. 37 Despite the major change in clientele, as the Wilkes-Barre historical society’s director argued, “It’s somewhere people will appreciate it” – specifically, in the midst of a very appropriate setting, the famed South Beach Art Deco District (which, as the dissertation introduction described, was the National Register’s very first recent past historic district). 38 344 Some companies have even risen up to meet the needs of people desiring to purchase diners, or of existing diner owners who hope to make their historic diners more commercially viable through accentuating their historical / nostalgic value. One is the Phoenix Diner Company, formerly State & Main, a successful niche company even profiled by Business Week with a major article and project slideshow. Since 2004, it has been providing valuable services such as connecting potential buyers with diners for sale, finding the best locations for the new ventures, helping create business plans, and assisting with the moves. They also offer menu design and website creation, while also restoring exteriors and renovating or remodeling interiors. One diner that took advantage of the company’s services was the former Olympia Diner. It had previously moved in 1995 from Carneys Point, New Jersey – where it had sat vacant for over a decade – to Jessup, Maryland. There, the l959, googie-style, Kullman Princess model – which features a stainless steel canopy soaring above angled walls of plate glass [Figure 5.31] – received the new name of Frank’s Diner. In 2005, its owners had State & Main redo its later, orange interior in a more appropriate, retro diner style. 39 Perhaps the most prominent diner consultant, though, is historian Richard Gutman. He has helped relocate numerous diners and has aided in the restorations of approximately 70 across America. In 2005, he became the executive director of the Culinary Archives & Museum at Johnson & Wales University’s College of Culinary Arts, located in the diner’s original birthplace, Providence. Gutman had already curated the Culinary Arts Museum’s still-ongoing, 2002 exhibit, Diners: Still Cookin’ in the 21st Century, which provides locals with a history of their homegrown industry. The exhibit 345 even includes a 1926 Worcester Lunch Car Company structure, Providence’s Ever Ready Diner, the owners of which had donated it to the museum after its 1989 closure. 40 Various other museums nationally also have diners as part of their collections. One, the Strong National Museum of Play in Rochester (discussed in the below diner reuse segment regarding that city’s Highland Park Diner), utilized Gutman as its restoration architect. In fact, so did the Henry Ford Museum / Greenfield Village in Dearborn, Michigan. In 1984, after museum staff began trying to locate an appropriate, closed diner to become part of the museum, Gutman pointed them toward Lamy’s Diner, which was for sale in Hudson, Massachusetts. Lamy’s, a blue-enameled, 1946 Worcester diner, had already moved twice over the years, before its final relocation to its new home. Following a long restoration process, it has sat since 1987 as a key part of the museum’s permanent exhibit, The Automobile in American Life. 41 The Henry Ford Museum / Greenfield Village boasts not just a Worcester Lunch Car Company diner, though, but also a real, pre-diner lunch car: the Owl Night Lunch Wagon, which the museum believes to be America’s only surviving, horse-drawn lunch cart. That wagon had personal significance to Henry Ford, who used to eat at the late- night business when he worked as an engineer at Edison in downtown Detroit in the 1890s. In 1927, when its longtime owner died, Henry Ford then purchased the lunch wagon and moved it to Greenfield Village, where it became the outdoor museum’s first snack bar. After spending some years displayed inside following a 1983 restoration, it now sits outside, serving snacks to museum patrons once again. 42 The Owl Night Lunch Wagon has thus returned to its original purpose, even though it is not located on a busy city street anymore. However, many saved diners have 346 not been able to keep performing their historic function and have turned to other uses instead. Still, a number of such converted diners have managed to retain some semblance of their original usage by returning to the food business, albeit in different capacities. That is the case with four separate diners just in Pennsylvania alone. One, for instance, went from serving meals to selling the implements with which its customers could catch their own dinners. That reused restaurant is the former Transit Diner, located in Morrisville (a Pennsylvania suburb of Trenton, New Jersey). [Figure 5.32]. Manufactured by the Paterson Vehicle Company under its Silk City brand in 1941, the monitor-roofed diner opened in 1946, in what was then a prominent spot along the cross- country Lincoln Highway. During its time in operation, its owners included John P. Biedka and, separately, Pierce H. Markley and his wife Genevieve, known as Jean. (Prior to running the Transit Diner, Jean had performed on the vaudeville circuit, dancing and singing in theaters across the Northeast. As part of the Roane Sisters duo, her claims to fame included being an opening act for Jimmy Durante and performing for guests aboard a transcontinental flight of the luxurious Hindenburg – the infamous airship that would later tragically explode in 1937.) 43 With U.S. Route 1 eventually bypassing the local stretch of the Lincoln Highway, the flow of potential customers driving past the Transit Diner dried up. After its closure, the building became the B&B Lawn Mower Service. Then, in 1979, a new owner turned it into H.L.’s Live Bait and Tackle. Ideally located just a few blocks from the Delaware River, the shop’s fishing focus has helped it survive for thirty years, reusing a building that is still easily recognizable as a prefabricated diner. It remains unchanged on the outside, except for a coat of red paint covering the walls and roof. 44 [Figure 5.33]. 347 While the Transit Diner now sells bait for catching fish, customers at the former Greenhill Diner can simply purchase fish instead, since the building now serves as Hill’s Quality Seafood Market. The Greenhill Diner, which was the 352nd diner produced by the Mountain View diner company, opened in 1953 in Newtown Square, a Philadelphia suburb. Located on a major thoroughfare, it was once a local hotspot. Regular customers congregated 24 hours a day, sitting on green vinyl seats at white Formica tables 45 – drinking what the diner advertised as being “the best cup of coffee in town.” 46 As its longtime cashier reminisced, “I can remember times when we were so busy, we’d have to use a microphone to call people outside in the parking lot to tell them we had a seat at the counter.” By 1985, although drivers could still see the diner as they drove down the traffic-jammed road, few stopped in for a bite. With a typical lunch hour hosting only five customers, owner Alice Harmon thus closed the Greenhill Diner. 47 Today, however, with an unobtrusive addition built behind it, the silver diner again gleams brightly. Even the diner’s googie style sign survives, with its jutting angles and Swiss-cheese-type hole indicating the 1950s origins of the shiny structure housing the seafood market that the sign now advertises. 48 Also near Philadelphia is another diner-turned-market, this one with broader offerings than just seafood. Now hosting the Country Food Market, the former Ed’s Diner in Doylestown had a long and rich history before its transformation into retail. Edgar “Ed” Taifer first opened his restaurant in a small wooden building in 1937. After the new operation proved successful, he moved to a larger structure elsewhere in Doylestown during the 1940s, and then finally moved again to the current location in 1951. That reopening occurred in a brand new, O’Mahony-built diner, which still 348 survives on the site today. [Figure 5.34]. Located on Route 202, a major highway teeming with travelers driving from New York and New Jersey into the region (and vice versa), the diner attracted a broad swath of the populace. Because it was open 24 hours and for many years was apparently the only restaurant featuring such hours along the highway for many miles in either direction, it became a well known, favorite stop for both tourists and truckers. Students from the local college also patronized the diner and its soda fountain regularly for a late bite. Moreover, tiny but upscale Doylestown’s position as the county seat for Bucks County allowed Ed’s Diner to serve for decades as an after-work hangout for county government employees, lawyers from the county courthouse, and other business-oriented clientele. Its convenient location was only part of its appeal, however, as its family-run, congenial atmosphere and food were also draws. 49 One of the restaurant’s early advertisements even cleverly argued, “Don’t be disappointed. If you like foods that are inferior and not properly prepared, don’t come to Ed’s Diner.” Instead, Ed’s Diner promised to serve only items “of the highest quality” in a setting that was “clean and wholesome” 50 – stating that, “We serve the very best at its best.” 51 Over time, though, things changed. Edgar Taifer died in 1973, with the day of his death being the one day – other than Christmas – that the continuously open restaurant had closed in its entire time in operation. Edgar’s daughter, Laura Taifer, continued to operate the diner, but she soon had to contend with a new challenge. Much as had occurred with the Transit Diner in nearby Morristown, a new highway section – created in 1974-1976 and called, appropriately, the Doylestown Bypass – bypassed Ed’s Diner and caused a steep decline in its business. One of the diner’s chefs, who worked there for 349 nearly 30 years, noted, “You’d have to think that the (Route 202) Bypass really hurt us,” stating that he could tell “by how many orders we got back in the kitchen; it wasn’t the same.” Finally, in 1981, Ed’s Diner shortened its hours, staying open 24 hours only on the more popular weekends. However, the change was not enough to save the restaurant, and it closed that year. 52 That once-successful business still provided a valuable opportunity, though. It reopened just a few months later with a new owner, Robert V. Heinle, who had previously operated several bakeries, a restaurant, and a grocery store in the area. Playing to his strengths, he renamed Ed’s as the Doylestown Diner & Bakery and added a take-out option for a variety of fresh-baked items. 53 He also added Chinese food on the weekends, with the dishes prepared by his Chinese-born son in law, Chen Lee. A painter and instructor at Philadelphia’s Moore College of Art, Lee viewed serving as a chef to be an enjoyable side activity; he stated that he was doing so in order “to make this place more interesting” and to provide people with “art for the tongue” instead of just the eyes. 54 Nevertheless, despite the extension of its menu beyond typical diner fare, the Doylestown Diner & Bakery only survived for five years. Showing the viability of the property, though, the building reopened in 1986 – the same year it closed – as Grau’s Carousel Flowers. Before moving his existing flower and gift shop into the building, however, owner Frank Grau held a public auction for the diner’s contents. 55 He was well aware of the diner’s importance to the local community, and he used that significance as a prime advertising tactic to attract customers to his store. In what the florist’s grand opening advertisement called “spectacular news,” Grau insisted that, “We have 350 completed fantastic and very extensive changes to the building which was Ed’s Diner, and it is a proud Doylestown landmark once again.” 56 In 1994, Grau’s Carousel Flowers moved across the street to reuse yet another historic building, a green Victorian house, where it remains today. Subsequently, the diner’s current reuser, the Country Food Market, moved in. 57 The market’s conversion of the diner’s streamlined space made sense in light of its previous site, an art deco building that it had occupied since 1989, which is located on the same block but on the other side of the highway from the diner. (That art deco building now houses a hobby and craft store that had shared the space since 1990 but expanded to fill the entire structure after the market moved.) 58 In what it advertised as its new, “bigger and better” home in the converted diner, the Country Food Market features traditional grocery standbys (keeping the meal-preparation element of the diner alive with made-to-order deli sandwiches). It also provides a variety of other useful services to the small town – offering video rentals, UPS shipping, money orders, key making, and the like. 59 Despite the building’s success as a market, owner Amit Patel applied for a liquor license in 2001 in order to operate the building as a restaurant called (in a shout-out to its past) New Ed’s Diner. This sudden desire to restore the diner back to its original usage was presumably a result of upcoming changes in local liquor laws, which would soon alter the way in which the government permitted such licenses – making them much more difficult to obtain. Regarding being one of last two businesses in town to try to receive a license before the old laws ended, Patel’s lawyer insisted that, “Without a [liquor] license, a restaurant skirts a very fine line in terms of profitability.” 60 However, faced with mounting city opposition, Patel soon withdrew the application and continued with 351 the Country Food Market. Today, the diner sits between additions at its back and both ends – including two sunroom elements presumably added during the building’s florist era. [MY IMAGE]. Despite the changes, the market structure’s history is evident, with its vibrant stainless steel and aqua stripes still clearly visible. 61 [Figure 5.35]. Meanwhile, in the northern Pennsylvania town of Bradford, another former diner also transformed from a florist into a food-related enterprise: an upscale tea and gift shop. The former Congress Street Diner, which opened in 1940, is a truly rare survivor, as diner scholars believe it is one of only four Rochester Grills-built diners still in existence. Rochester Grills, a furniture manufacturer that branched out into the diner business, only made diners for about four years. Unlike most other diner companies, which shipped complete diners to sites, Rochester Grills instead prefabricated multiple cross-sections of the building in its factory and then put them together at the site. Because they did not have to fit on top of a rail car or truck for transport, size restrictions were not an issue for Rochester Grills’ diners; the barrel-roofed Congress Street Diner stretches 56 feet, sitting perpendicular to the street on its large lot. Upon its opening by owners James and John Johnson, the yellow- and brown-colored, steel building hosted customers 24 hours a day in twelve booths that sat six people each – served by a staff of 32 employees. 62 After the Congress Street Diner’s closure, nearby grocery store owner Dwayne Zimmerman eventually purchased it and turned it into Bloomer’s Florist. Besides viewing the diner’s parking lot as a way to increase the parking spaces available for his market’s customers, he also sought to save the diner and thus kept not only its exterior but also much of its interior intact. The counter and its stools survived the transition, as did more than one booth. They still exist today, with the diner’s original menus even 352 sitting under glass, adding to the quaint character of the business that now operates inside the currently gray-and-pink diner. Bloomer’s Florist moved to a new location in 2007, and a few short months later, Grandma’s House Tea and Gifts moved in. Along with serving fresh-brewed tea and fresh-baked scones, the enterprise sells numerous varieties of teas, teapots, and tea-related accessories – plus gift items like candles, hand-made soaps, stationery, antique glassware, and custom gift baskets. Grandma’s House clearly appreciates its unique setting, providing a history of the diner (with vintage photographs) on its website 63 and advertising itself on the regional tourism website as being located in a “charming historic diner.” 64 While Grandma’s House Tea and Gifts caters to tourists and locals who want a unique experience, other reused diners offer the members of their communities more “everyday” types of services. One example is a 1972, DeRaffele-built diner in the Providence suburb of Pawtucket, Rhode Island. The large, stone-clad, environmental- style structure had opened as Alexion’s Diner. By 1996, its name had changed somewhat, having replaced the then-old-fashioned “diner” title with one that was more homey, yet also quirky – becoming Alexion’s Famille Restaurant. The change did not make it last, though, since as of 1999, the building had become Wetherlaine’s Restaurant and Pub. However, the eatery’s latest incarnation also failed to survive. In 2003, an entirely new type of operation took its place. Since that time, the former diner has played host to an array of the neighborhood’s children, just as it would have done during its years as a diner and a family (or “famille”) restaurant. Now, though, it does so in its new role as the My Kids & Co. childcare business. 65 353 Also providing locals with useful services are two Valentine-built diners that are located outside the diner haven of the Northeast (as is true for most Valentines, as explained earlier in the diner-history segment). In Michigan City, Indiana, just across Lake Michigan from Chicago, sits a large, Double Deluxe model Valentine that opened in 1957 as the M & M Diner. The structure now serves as Lou Esper’s Barber Shop; Esper started his business there in 1979, shortly after the restaurant operation moved to another building. Although Esper did replace the diner’s interior fixtures (including the model’s 10 stools and 7 booths) with traditional barbershop items, the exterior remains mostly unchanged – with the exception of a new rubber roof to reduce utility costs. A red, white, and blue striped barber pole now hangs on the steel and porcelain enamel façade, matching the diner’s white body and the red and blue trim on its overhang and angular sign pilaster. 66 A diner aficionado once offered Esper what Esper called “a whopping sum of money” to buy the Valentine and move it elsewhere, but he refused. Not only did Esper prefer to continue operating his business, but he also did not want the diner moved from its original location, where it has served for decades as an important architectural element of Michigan City’s historic downtown. 67 A few states away, though, moving another Valentine diner from its original downtown setting was a crucial part of saving it and allowing for its reuse as a provider of an important community service – in this case, by becoming a police substation. [Figure 5.36]. Named the Little House Café (although sometimes called the Little House Diner), the appropriately named diner featured only eight stools – and no booths whatsoever – inside its white exterior wrapped with red speed lines. Despite its diminutive size, the Little House Café (which was Valentine’s Aristocrat model, serial 354 number 541) successfully operated from at least 1947 until 1992, just off Route 66 in downtown Albuquerque. Upon their retirement, its owners and operators since 1949, Joe and Della Hernandez, donated the diner to the Albuquerque Museum to ensure its preservation. 68 The city decided to honor two of its iconic roadside restaurants at once by moving the Little House Café onto the vacant lot once occupied by Albuquerque’s very first drive-in, the Triangle Café. The lot is located in a prominent spot along Route 66, where a three-street intersection had created a triangular property – hence the name and unique shape of that brick drive-in (and the neon triangle sign topping its tile roof). The Triangle Café had operated on the site from 1929 until 1934, when it lost its lease. At that point, the Triangle Café’s owner, C. M. Dyer, simply moved the building – much as would happen years later with the Valentine diner that took over the drive-in’s former property. However, the Triangle Café did not go far, simply moving to an almost-adjacent lot on one of the plot’s two cross-streets – where it operated with carhop service until at least the early 1940s. By the mid-1950s, it was instead serving as the Triangle Cocktail Lounge, in which guise it survived into the 1970s. Another restaurant, a typical Taco Bell, now stands in its place. 69 Meanwhile, the triangular lot’s owners had refused to continue the drive-in’s original lease in order to build a Standard Oil gas station on the site. J. Tonnie Pegue operated the station as Pegue’s from 1939 until 1966, when he retired to devote more time to his passion, miniature car racing; that year, he set a new world record at a race in Anderson, Indiana. New owner Howard Hull renamed the station Howard’s Chevron Service; by the 1970s, it was known as the Triangle Service Station (and later as Dobb’s 355 Triangle Chevron). The new moniker took advantage not only of the site’s shape but also of people’s familiarity with its locally renowned restaurant neighbor of the same name. However, the gas station became infamous for another reason in 1971. In a robbery gone wrong, two juveniles entered the station and asked for change for a twenty dollar bill; after attendant Herbert Smith opened the cash register, one teen grabbed money from the register and ran out. When Smith attempted to prevent the other boy from leaving, the youth pulled out a gun and shot him in the head; Smith died days later. Both teens received jail sentences, and although the service station did continue to operate afterward, the tragedy had tainted it. 70 By 1996, when the city came up with the concept of moving the former Little House Café to that triangular lot, the site was vacant. Opening a police substation on the property was something of a fitting memorial to the tragic events that had happened there decades prior. The Little House Café was an appropriate home for the police as well, as multiple burglaries had beset it over the years. Unlike at the Triangle gas station, however, those thefts had mostly been break-ins while the restaurant was closed, and only resulted in the loss of such small items as (at separate times) $9 in cash, an electric mixer, and 15 cartons of cigarettes and candy. 71 Moreover, crime was an issue in the reused diner’s new location, the hip, revitalized Nob Hill district, and so business owners there welcomed the idea of a constant police presence. As the owner of a sporting goods shop across the street noted, “I think it’s fabulous. We’ve had problems in the area with graffiti, vandalism, with vagrants. Maybe (the substation) will help deter it.” Police officers were also pleased with the new, 24-hour facility, which features several police officers on staff. Aside from 356 those actually working there, the former diner also provides other officers in the area with a place not only to conduct basic police business (like dealing with reports) but also to take their breaks and eat – much as their predecessors would have done when the Little House Café was actually serving food. That substation was, in fact, only one part of the city’s plans for the triangular property, which it intended to make the new visual gateway to Nob Hill. It thus became the small Triangle Park – complete with trees and public art and, as its centerpiece, the restored diner. Tying the diner into its new home along the Mother Road, the park/substation’s 1997 grand opening ceremony featured schoolchildren performing the famed song “(Get Your Kicks on) Route 66.” Today, aside from a small, unobtrusive addition at the back containing public restrooms, the Little House Café looks much as it has since the 1940s [Figure 5.37] – although it now includes necessary elements such as electronic locks on the door and bulletproof glass inside its shiny steel window frames. Inside, citizens sit on the stools at the counter not to eat but to write up and receive police reports. Decorative police coffee mugs sit on the original stainless steel shelving behind the counter – near a reproduction Route 66 street sign that the police added to increase the nostalgic ambience. A vintage menu from the Little House Café is on display inside as well (featuring such items as a fifteen cent slice of pie). In 2000, the statewide organization devoted to the Mother Road, the New Mexico Route 66 Association, honored the diner’s preservation and reuse as the Triangle Park Police Substation with one of its annual awards. 72 Across the country, yet another community entity is preparing to move a diner and convert it for public purposes. In Torrington, near Hartford, the former Skee’s Diner will soon become the Northwest Connecticut Welcome & Information Center. The road 357 to this reuse has been long, as Skee’s – which the Jerry O’Mahony company built around 1920 – is believed by diner scholars to be not only the oldest O’Mahony diner surviving and the oldest diner in Connecticut, but also most likely the oldest viable diner (that is, one still capable of being operational without major restoration work) in America. The diner began its life in Old Saybrook, where it operated until 1944; at that time, owners Rudy Cielke, Tom Ryan, and John Miran moved the diner – then called Rudy’s – to Torrington. Just two years later, brothers Edmund and Anthony Cisowski purchased the restaurant and renamed it Skee’s Diner (“Skee” being a nickname for “Cisowski”). The Cisowskis owned Skee’s until their retirement in 1975, during which time it had proved quite popular with workers at the factories that surrounded it; Anthony remembered lines frequently stretching out the front door. After the Cisowski era ended, the diner operated for years in the hands of new owner Judith A. Belmonte, who at one point renamed it Jude’s Place. In 1995, the adjacent St. Maron’s Church purchased the diner and leased it out to several different restaurateurs until 2001. 73 Despite over seventy years of serving food, Skee’s Diner remained remarkably intact upon its closure – as it still does today. Exterior changes had included the 1995 replacement of part of the 35-foot-long metal exterior, which had rotted. It also had received a repainting, with the cream-colored, barrel-roofed diner having had red trim at least in the 1990s but now displaying peeling green trim. Additionally, the diner’s name no longer sits mounted in large red letters on the façade. On the inside, virtually the only alteration had been the removal of part of the counter and a few stools in order to install the diner’s one and only booth – which exists in addition to 14 original swivel stools. Aside from those relatively minor changes, the various owners and operators had 358 respected the vintage O’Mahony design, which included a number of impressive architectural elements. Original features still extant include a tan, real marble countertop edged by swirl-covered tiles, windows with patterns etched in the glass, mirrored wooden refrigerator doors, brass fittings on the wood cabinets, coat hangers with porcelain tips, and a floor covered in one-inch, yellow and green ceramic tiles. 74 After the closure of Skee’s, locals and diner enthusiasts alike began to worry about the fate of the famed, comparatively pristine diner. Its image had frequently appeared in diner photography books and guides, had been the subject of a painting by major roadside artist John Baeder, and had even graced the cover of the local telephone company’s phonebook. As an omen of what could befall it, though, they needed to look no further than across the street, where Skee’s former neighbor – another 1920s O’Mahony called the North End Diner – had been demolished for a Walgreens drugstore. Recognizing the significance of Skee’s Diner, the Connecticut Historical Commission (the state historic preservation office) soon prepared a nomination for the National Register of Historic Places. The diner achieved that rare designation in 2002 (and is also now listed on the State Register), but it still sat vacant for several years as St. Maron’s Church considered what to do with it.75 Finally, the church put both the diner and the rest of the church’s property – including the church building itself – up for sale. At that point, the Northwest Connecticut Chamber of Commerce came up with a plan to buy, move, and then turn Skee’s Diner into a regional welcome center. Beyond simply saving a key building, it would also aid local communities and enterprises by providing an entry point where tourists and new residents could gain information about area attractions, lodging, 359 opportunities for shopping and dining, etc. Government officials, preservationists, and businesspeople alike welcomed the proposal – as did St. Maron’s Church, which agreed to sell the diner to the chamber for only $20,000. For its part, the state agreed to lease a portion of a commuter parking lot (at a busy highway exit about a mile from the diner’s original location) jointly to the chamber and the city of Torrington for the diner’s prominent new home. Then, the issue became simply raising the over $300,000 needed to move, install, and restore the diner. In 2007, in order to be able to receive tax- deductible donations, the chamber established a nonprofit foundation for the purpose. 76 The state Commission on Culture and Tourism soon awarded the foundation a $100,000 matching grant from its Endangered Building Fund Grant Program, and the chamber has since been raising the rest of the amount through various donations and fundraisers. Appropriately enough for saving a diner, one fundraiser has been the sale of a new community cookbook containing 200 recipes submitted by area citizens and businesses – even by Connecticut’s Governor and First Lady. In mid 2009, the chamber’s 70-exhibitor Home Show and Expo included sales of that cookbook, as well as a fundraising drawing to further support the diner project. The expo’s ribbon-cutting ceremony featured not only city and state officials, but also longtime Skee’s Diner co- owner Edmund Cisowski. The conversion effort received a boost in mid 2010 when the U.S. Department of Agriculture gave it a $30,000 grant, and as of early 2011, architects were working with the department on bids for the project. 77 In cities like Torrington and Albuquerque, locals celebrated the transformation of their iconic diners into true community resources. However, a different cause for celebration occurred in Rochester, New York, where a very rare, former diner reopened 360 after years of adaptive reuse – finally returning to its original raison d’être. That restaurant, originally named Dauphin’s Superior Diner, was built in 1948 by the Orleans Manufacturing Company. The company, located nearby in Albion, created only three diners during its short tenure as a diner manufacturer in 1947 and 1948, before it went bankrupt. Dauphin’s is now the sole survivor, the only Orleans-built diner still in existence. It had closed in 1974, but in 1975, an official New York off-track betting facility leased it. When the betting parlor’s lease ended a decade later, it decided not to renew, since its business had been declining. The diner’s era of reuse thus ended. 78 The structure’s vacancy presented an opportunity for Bob Malley, a former history teacher who – along with other family members – had owned and operated another well-known local restaurant, Donuts Delite, since its opening in 1958. 79 Noting that he and his family were “pretty much nostalgia buffs,” Malley jumped at what he termed “a chance to preserve a piece of America” and quickly purchased the converted diner. 80 After a decade of betting taking place inside, the diner was not in the best condition. It suffered from dry rot, and many of its original interior fixtures were missing. As Malley began over $200,000 worth of restoration work, 81 the changes confused former Off-Track Betting patrons. Malley’s son, the diner’s manager, later recalled, “The whole place was being ripped up, and people were still coming up and asking where to place their bet.” 82 In 1986, the restaurant reopened as the Highland Park Diner – with its new name emblazoned in neon on an $8000, custom-made, 28-foot-long sign atop the diner’s roof. Beneath the neon, the diner’s pale yellow, porcelain enamel exterior gleams again, surrounded by vibrant green trim and stainless steel accents. Inside, at the counter with 361 its new black and green tiles, Malley replaced the missing stools with another set of vintage stools – salvaged from a former luncheonette at a Woolworth’s department store. With those new stools and the green and black booths, the large Highland Park Diner can seat 45 people, served by waiters in bow ties and waitresses wearing stereotypical, diner- style black uniforms. Serving classic diner dishes, the reopened diner’s success led to fame on a much broader scale than just with Rochester locals, who flocked back to the restaurant. The American Diner Cookbook featured the Highland Park Diner, and the Danbury Mint (a major collectibles company) makes and sells a miniature replica sculpture of it. 83 Meanwhile, Conde Nast Traveler, the luxury travel magazine, included the diner’s apple crumb pie in an article naming America’s best treasures. As its travel writer asserted, “If there is a better slice (of pie) in the nation, I have yet to find it!” 84 Following his success with the Highland Park Diner, Bob Malley decided to buy another diner and open it elsewhere in Rochester. At an auction in 1996, he purchased the former Mountain Top Diner, which closed and had to move (or else face demolition) because of the construction of a new highway through its town of Trout Run, Pennsylvania. Malley moved the 1956, Fodero-built diner to a parking lot in Rochester and waited for an ideally located yet affordable piece of property to come on the market. Unable to find such a site, he sold the diner to Rochester’s Strong National Museum of Play, which is now the second-largest children’s museum in the nation. The museum promptly moved the bright silver diner to its grounds and reopened it in 1997 as Strong’s on-site restaurant. Renamed the Skyliner Diner, the eatery now includes classic diner features like oldies-filled tabletop jukeboxes, which sit at gray and pink vinyl booths with boomerang-pattern Formica tops. 85 As the museum’s public relations director, Susan 362 Trien, declared, “I call it our largest artifact because it really is an icon of American culture. And we are a museum with world-renowned collections of Americana, so it seemed the perfect fit to have a diner.” 86 In 2004, Bob Malley decided to retire and sold the Highland Park Diner to local restaurateur Van Zissis, who vowed to keep the diner’s staff, recipes, and design intact – calling the operation “a well-oiled machine [that] needs no change.” That point was crucial for Malley; he insisted that he “wanted someone to preserve the legacy” of what had been, for so long, “a very important part of the city of Rochester.” 87 The diner still operates today, much as it has for over twenty years – with its past as a betting parlor now just a distant memory. Having come back from what many would believe to have been an irreparable conversion, the story of this truly rare survivor shows the potential former diners have – for both reuse and reopening. 88 1 Karen Offitzer, Diners (New York: MetroBooks, 1997), 4-12; Brian Butko and Kevin Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1999), 1-2; Richard J.S. Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), 140-144, 170, 213-216; Michael Karl Witzel, The American Diner (St. Paul, MN: MBI, 2006), 6, 9, 155; Ronald C. Saari, "What Is a Diner?" Diner City, http://www.dinercity.com/dinerFacts.html (accessed March 12, 2010). 2 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 166-169; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 58-60; Witzel, American Diner, 32, 108-109. 3 Harry C. Silcox and Jack McCarthy, "George Slept Here? Living in the Past," Northeast (Philadelphia) Times, November 13, 2008, http://www.northeasttimes.com/2008/1113/history.html (accessed March 22, 2010); Michael Kelly, "The 1992 Campaign: The Democrats; Clinton and Bush in a Sprint as Race for White House Ends," New York Times, November 3, 1992, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed March 22, 2010); KYW Newsradio, "Sen. Clinton Makes Campaign Stops in Radnor and Northeast Phila.," KYW Newsradio 1060 Philadelphia, April 18, 2008, http://kyw.cbslocal.com/ (accessed March 22, 2010); Seema Mehta, "Philly Democrats Get Several Visits," Los Angeles Times, October 12, 2008, http://articles.latimes.com/2008/oct/12/nation/na-obama12 (accessed March 22, 2010). 363 4 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 12-15; Witzel, American Diner, 11-18; Andrew Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks: Chasing the American Dream in Postwar Consumer Culture (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 26. 5 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 15-18; Witzel, American Diner, 18-22. 6 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 18-21; Witzel, American Diner, 22, 26-31. 7 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 37-38; Witzel, American Diner, 42-43; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 27-30; Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 217. 8 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 47, 58, 61-63, 78-83, 89; Liebs, Main Street, 217-218; Witzel, American Diner, 9, 54. 9 Liebs, Main Street, 219; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 42-43, 47-55, 60-64, 83. 10 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 222-243; Ronald C. Saari, "Maryland Diner Directory," Diner City, http://www.dinercity.com/mdDiner/mdDiners.html (accessed March 21, 2010); Theodore Fischer, "Diamonds in the Rough: Gritty Aberdeen Boasts Baseball, Big Guns- and, Oh Yeah, a Guy Named Cal," Chesapeake Life, March/April 2005, http://www.chesapeakelifemag.com/index.php/cl/travel_article/ht_aberdeen/ (accessed November 4, 2009). 11 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, xii-xiii, Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 55; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 62-63, 149. 12 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, xii-xiii; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 123-129; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 55-56; Liebs, Main Street, 219. 13 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 56-57, 68-69; Witzel, American Diner, 108, 122-125; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 170-176; Liebs, Main Street, 221; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, xiii, 21, 41, 106-107; Baeder, Diners, 132-133. 14 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 188-189; Kirk Hastings, Doo Wop Motels: Architectural Treasures of the Wildwoods (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2007), 113, http://books.google.com/books?id=KdFQ8_csr9QC (accessed November 9, 2009); Ron Mathis, "Doo-Doo- Wop," A Site for Shore Eyes: The Wildwoods, the Jersey Shore, and Satire, web log entry posted October 24, 2006, http://islanderart.com/shore.htm/2006/10/24/doo-doo-wop/ (accessed November 9, 2009); Trudi Gilfillian, "Doo-Wop Playing Well in Wildwood: Doo-Wop Is Identified with the 1950s and 1960s," Press of Atlantic City, June 10, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed November 9, 2009); LoopNet, "Big Ernie's Fabulous 50's [sic] Diner," Retail Property - Off Market, October 25, 2004, http://www.loopnet.com/Listing/13816815/3801-Atlantic-Avenue-Wildwood-NJ/ (accessed June 17, 2009); Randy Garbin, "Diner Finder," Roadside Online, http://www.roadsidemag.com/index.php/diner- finder/Owner/rgarbin/8 (accessed November 9, 2009); WildwoodDooWop.com, "Pink Cadillac Diner," , http://wildwooddoowop.com/Pink+Cadillac+Diner/ (accessed June 17, 2009); Doo Wop Preservation League, "Doo Wop Annual Awards 2006," Press Releases, http://www.doowopusa.org/press/060806- awards06.html (accessed January 7, 2010). 15 Alan Hess, Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2004), 15-19, 24; Witzel, American Diner, 108; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 179-183, 188-190, 197; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, xiii, 11, 23, 47, 90-92, 114-116; Witzel, American Diner, 122-125; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 101; Liebs, Main Street, 64, 221; John Baeder, Diners, Rev. ed. (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1995), 16, 41, 44-45, 48, 72-73, 79. 364 16 Witzel, American Diner, 82-83; Chris J. Petropoulos, "Road Trip: Wye Grist Mill & Museum," Washington Post, June 22, 2003, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- srv/style/columns/roadtrip/maps/trip06222003.pdf (accessed November 4, 2009); Saari, “Maryland Diner Directory”; Spencer Stewart, "Bridge Diner- Havre De Grace, Maryland," Diner Hunter: In Search of the Roadside, web log entry posted September 3, 2008, http://dinerman.wordpress.com/2008/09/03/bridge- diner-havre-de-grace-maryland/ (accessed November 4, 2009). 17 Randy Garbin, "Diner Finder: Maryland," Roadside Online, http://www.roadsideonline.com/diner-finder/maryland (accessed June 30, 2010); Spencer Stewart, "Aberdeen Eagle Diner- Aberdeen, Maryland," Diner Hunter: In Search of the Roadside, web log entry posted March 14, 2009, http://dinerman.wordpress.com/2009/03/14/aberdeen-eagle-diner-aberdeen- maryland/ (accessed November 4, 2009). 18 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 97-98, 220; Liebs, Main Street, 218; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 3; Baeder, Diners, 70-71, 90; 120. 19 Marilyn Toby, comment on "Goodbye Thru-Way Diner," Topix Local News: New Rochelle, NY, web log comment posted February 29, 2008, http://www.topix.com/forum/city/new-rochelle- ny/TB3MIEI2RRA2NRI08 (accessed March 21, 2010); Larry Cultrera, "New Rochelle's Thru-Way Diner Closes," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff, web log entry posted July 14, 2008, http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2008/07/14/new-rochelles-thruway-diner-closes/ (accessed March 20, 2010); Ken Valenti, "Thru-Way Diner Serves Last Meal," Lower Hudson Valley Journal News, July 14, 2008, http://www.lohud.com/ (accessed March 20, 2010); Barbara Whitaker, "Town Resists Bidding Farewell to Beloved Diner," New York Times, November 25, 2007, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed March 20, 2010); Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, xiii, 13; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 199-201; Andrew Park, "Last Supper at Thru-Way Diner: New Rochelle Landmark to Be Replaced by Walgreens," New Rochelle Sound Report, February 1, 2008, 1, 3, http://news.mywebpal.com/partners/1031/documents/pdfsubscribe/SR02-1_1-16.pdf (accessed March 20, 2010). 20 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 44-47 21 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 44-45; Witzel, American Diner, 104-107; Beccy Tanner, "Wichita-made Eateries Have Fans All Over - A Local Company Built Some of the Most Unusual Metal Diners, and Experts Hope Wichitans Have More Information About Them," Wichita Eagle, March 4, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 13, 2009); Kansas Historical Society, "History," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/history.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "More Valentine History," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/history2.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "How Can You Tell It's a Valentine?" Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/identify.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "Valentine Diner Businesses," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/businesses.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Philadelphia White Tower #17," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/USA/pennsylvania/philly.htm (accessed March 21, 2010). 22 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 13; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 41-42, 47-51; Donna R. Braden, "Pic of the Month: November 2006: Lamy's: A Diner from the Golden Age," The Henry Ford Museum, http://www.thehenryford.org/exhibits/pic/2006/06_nov.asp (accessed November 9, 2009); Witzel, American Diner, 119 23 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 170, 172, 204; Witzel, American Diner, 111, 115- 120, 127; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 92-103. 24 Stephanie L. Cherry-Farmer, "Preservation New Jersey's 2010 '10 Most Endangered Historic Sites' List Announced," Preservation New Jersey Press Releases, May 18, 2010, 365 http://www.preservationnj.org/site/ExpEng/images/images/pdfs/Press%20release%2010%20Most%202010 .pdf (accessed September 28, 2010). 25 Preservation New Jersey, "Historic Diners of New Jersey," Preservation New Jersey's 10 Most Endangered Historic Sites of 2010, http://www.preservationnj.org/site/ExpEng/index.php?/ten_most/index_detail/Historic_Diners_of_New_Jer sey (accessed September 28, 2010). 26 Baeder, Diners, 33, 66-67, 94; Witzel, American Diner, 127-132; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 14-15; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 216; 5 & Diner of North America, LLC, "About 5 & Diner: The Story," http://www.5anddiner.com/about/index.html (accessed March 21, 2010); 5 & Diner of North America, LLC, "Locations," http://www.5anddiner.com/locations/index.html (accessed March 20, 2010). 27 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 14, 39-41, 62-63; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 201-203. 28 Silver Diner, "Menus & Locations," http://www.silverdiner.com/restaurants (accessed March 21, 2010); Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 202; Witzel, American Diner, 134; Baeder, Diners, 94; Larry Cultrera, "Silver Diner Celebrates 20th Anniversary," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff, web log entry posted May 28, 2009, http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2009/05/28/silver-diner-celebrates-20th-anniversary/ (accessed May 28, 2009). 29 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 202; Witzel, American Diner, 133-134; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 14; Ronald C. Saari, "Florida Diner Directory," Diner City, http://www.dinercity.com/flDiner/flDiners.html (accessed March 21, 2010); Zagat Survey, "Hanna's Gourmet Diner," Miami/So. Florida Restaurants, http://www.zagat.com/Verticals/PropertyDetails.aspx?VID=8&R=52846 (accessed March 21, 2010); Glenn Wells, "The Story of RoadsideFan Number 5501, Part 2: They Have Books About This?" RoadsideFans: Your Online Guide to the Great American Roadside, http://www.roadsidefans.com/fan5501p2.html (accessed November 9, 2009). 30 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 208, 239-240; Liebs, Main Street, 222; ArtInRuins, "The Modern Diner," Still in Use, http://www.artinruins.com/arch/?id=stillinuse&pr=moderndiner (accessed March 21, 2010); Joel Keller, "Day Trip: Where No-Frills Fast Food (the Real Thing) Was Born," New York Times, April 27, 2007, http://travel.nytimes.com/2007/04/27/travel/escapes/27trip_ready.html (accessed March 22, 2010). 31 Larry Cultrera, "With the Inclusion of RI's Liberty Elm Diner, It's Time to Update the List of Diners on the National Register of Historic Places," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff, web log entry posted January 29, 2010, http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2010/01/29/with-the-inclusion-of-ris-liberty-elm-diner-its-time-to- update-the-list-of-diners-on-the-national-register-of-historic-places/ (accessed January 29, 2010); Marc Christian Wagner and Preservation Associates of Virginia, "Owners: 29 Diner Fairfax Virginia," 29 Diner, http://www.29diner.com/owners.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Marc Christian Wagner and Preservation Associates of Virginia, "Exterior: 29 Diner," 29 Diner, http://www.29diner.com/about/exterior.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Nicole McDaniel and Triangle Diner Restoration Project, LLC, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: The Triangle Diner, report, Diners of Virginia, MPS (National Park Service, September 7, 2009), in Virginia Department of Historic Resources, http://www.dhr.virginia.gov/registers/Cities/Winchester/138-5004_2009_NR_Draft.pdf (accessed March 22, 2010); Associated Press, "Historic Diner Added to VA Landmark Register," WHSV 3 ABC, December 24, 2009, http://www.whsv.com/home/headlines/80064632.html (accessed March 22, 2010); Larry Cultrera, "Update on Virginia's Triangle Diner," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff, web log entry posted February 4, 2010, 366 http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2010/02/04/update-on-virginias-triangle-diner/ (accessed February 4, 2010). 32 Ron Warnick, "Route 66 Corridor Program Grant Recipients Announced," Route 66 News, web log entry posted October 18, 2008, http://rwarn17588.wordpress.com/2008/10/18/route-66-corridor- program-grant-recipients-announced/ (accessed October 23, 2008); Kansas Historical Society, "Winslow, Arizona: Highway Diner," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/USA/arizona/highway.htm (accessed November 9, 2009); Roger Freedman, "Highway Diner on Route 66," Flickr, April 13, 2008, http://www.flickr.com/photos/78792726@N00/2526068060/ (accessed October 23, 2008). 33 Martha + Mary Projects, "Welcome," Welcome Diner, http://www.marthaandmary.net/welcomediner/index.html (accessed July 2, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "Phoenix, Arizona: Welcome Diner," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/USA/arizona/phoenix.htm (accessed November 9, 2009); Stacey Delikat, "Cars Avoiding Collision End Up Crashing into Downtown Diner," KTVK-3TV, December 3, 2009, http://www.azfamily.com (accessed March 22, 2010); Welcome Diner, "Wall," Facebook, http://www.facebook.com/pages/Phoenix-AZ/Welcome-Diner/129974033563 (accessed March 22, 2010). 34 Baeder, Diners, 46; Ronald C. Saari, "Connecticut Diner Directory," Diner City, http://www.dinercity.com/ctDiner/ctDiners.html (accessed March 22, 2010); Alaine Griffin, "Diner's New Start: Rebuilding Project Nears Completion," Hartford Courant, January 23, 2008, http://articles.courant.com/2008-01-23/news/0801230056_1_diner-s-new-start-historic-diner-brian-o- rourke (accessed November 9, 2009); Randy Garbin, "Featured Diner: O'Rourke's Diner," Good Diners, Good Neighborhoods, http://www.randygarbin.com/subpages/editorial/dne-orourkes.html (accessed March 22, 2010); Sheryl Kayne, "Rebuilding a Beloved Diner," American Profile, April 13, 2008, http://www.americanprofile.com/heroes/article/26257.html (accessed November 9, 2009). 35 Jerry A. McCoy and Silver Spring Historical Society, Historic Silver Spring, Images of America (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005), 101-103, http://books.google.com/books?id=vFX-vGYz7FgC (accessed March 22, 2010); Discovery Communications, "Discovery Sites," Corporate, http://corporate.discovery.com/ (accessed March 22, 2010); Michael E. Ruane, "Diner Moves into Sunday Comics," Washington Post, October 26, 2000, http://www.zippythepinhead.com/pages/aadinerarticle2.html (accessed March 22, 2010). 36 JAX at the Tracks, "JAX History," JAX at the Tracks -- Truckee, CA -- Honest Food with a Twist, http://jaxtruckee.com/history.html (accessed April 10, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "California Diners," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/diners/ca.html (accessed April 10, 2010); JAX at the Tracks, "JAX at the Tracks Home Page," JAX at the Tracks -- Truckee, CA -- Honest Food with a Twist, http://jaxtruckee.com/ (accessed April 10, 2010). 37 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 129; Gart A. Warner, "Miami Diner: A Movable Feast," Orange County Register, April 9, 2006, http://www.ocregister.com (accessed March 21, 2010); David Kidwell, "Deco Diner Gets New Life on the Beach," Miami Herald, February 27, 1992, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 22, 2010); 11th Street Diner, "11th Street Diner's Story," http://www.eleventhstreetdiner.com/menu.pdf (accessed March 20, 2010). 38 Kidwell, "Deco Diner Gets New". 39 Phoenix Diner Company, "Phoenix Diner Company," , http://njwebsite.net/phoenix/index.html (accessed July 2, 2010); Jeffrey Gangemi, "Coffee, Pie, and the Diner Guys: State & Main Is in Business to Help Diner Veterans and Wannabe Owners.," Business Week, July 6, 2006, http://www.businessweek.com/smallbiz/content/jul2006/sb20060706_763343.htm (accessed March 22, 2010); Jeffrey Gangemi, "Diner Guys to the Rescue: State & Main's Unusual Business Offers Would-be Owners and Industry Veterans the Help They Need to Keep a Bit of Americana Going," Business Week, July 6, 2006, http://images.businessweek.com/ss/06/07/diners/source/1.htm (accessed March 22, 2010); 367 Ivan Penn, "Gleaming '50s Diner Rock-and-Rolls to Jessup Site," Baltimore Sun, January 27, 1995, http://www.baltimoresun.com (accessed March 22, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Maryland Diners," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/diners/md.html (accessed June 17, 2009); Jeffrey Gangemi, "Diner Guys to the Rescue: Frank's Diner," Business Week, July 6, 2006, http://images.businessweek.com/ss/06/07/diners/source/8.htm (accessed March 22, 2010). 40 Keller, "Day Trip"; Johnson & Wales Media Center, "Gutman Named Executive Director for Culinary Archives and Museum," Johnson & Wales University, August 2, 2005, http://www.jwu.edu/media/ri08_02_05.htm (accessed August 28, 2006); Johnson & Wales University Culinary Arts Museum, "About the Exhibit," Diners: Still Cookin' in the 21st Century, http://www.culinary.org/dinerpage/abouttheexhibit.htm (accessed March 22, 2010); Johnson & Wales University Culinary Arts Museum, "Ever Ready Diner," Diners: Still Cookin' in the 21st Century, http://www.culinary.org/dinerpage/EverReadyDiner.htm (accessed March 22, 2010). 41 Johnson & Wales University Culinary Arts Museum, "About the Exhibit"; Braden, “Pic of the Month”; Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 216-218; Henry Ford Museum, "Must See Exhibits," Exhibits, http://www.hfmgv.org/museum/exhibits.aspx (accessed March 22, 2010). 42 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 218-219; Witzel, American Diner, 13; Henry Ford Museum, "The Restored Owl Night Lunch Wagon in Greenfield Village," Pic of the Month - November 2006, http://www.shopthehenryford.com/exhibits/pic/2006/november/pic.asp?pic=3 (accessed March 20, 2010); Henry Ford Museum, "Sweets, Snacks & Beverages in Greenfield Village," Onsite Dining, http://www.henryfordmuseum.org/visit/shop_dine.aspx (accessed March 20, 2010). 43 Brian Butko, The Lincoln Highway: Pennsylvania Traveler's Guide, 2nd ed. (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2002), 17, http://books.google.com/books?id=N1ZaJ8543KsC (accessed May 21, 2009); Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 239; Bucks County Courier Times, "John P. Biedka," January 28, 1969, Obituaries sec., http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Doylestown Intelligencer, "Genevieve 'Jean' Markley," April 28, 2009, Obituaries sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Jennifer Rosenberg, "Hindenburg Disaster: The Tragedy That Ended Lighter-than- air Passenger Travel in Rigid Dirigibles," About.com: 20th Century History, http://history1900s.about.com/cs/disasters/a/hindenburgcrash.htm (accessed May 21, 2009). 44 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 46, 71; Bucks County Courier Times, "Where's That? Last Month's Photo," June 28, 2007, BC Magazine sec., http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Butko, Lincoln Highway, 17; Google, "78 E. Bridge St., Morrisville, PA 19067," Google Maps, http://maps.google.com (accessed May 21, 2009). 45 Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 71; Mark Butler, "A New Era in Eating Brings the End for a Pair of Diners," Philadelphia Inquirer, April 1, 1985, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 8, 2009); Bill Lawrence, William W. Lawrence, and Adele Mocerino, "The History of Marple and Newtown in The County Leader 1954-1956," County Press, February 4, 2007, http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?BRD=2549&dept_id=514259&newsid=17783839&PAG=461&rfi=9 (accessed May 13, 2009). 46 Greenhill Diner, "Advertisement," Delaware County Daily Times, August 30, 1967, 28, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 8, 2009); 47 Butler, "New Era in Eating". 48 Google, "3659 W Chester Pike, Newtown Square, PA," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed May 13, 2009). Note: Diner’s address is actually 3605, but building and sign are visible in Street View at 3659. 368 49 Doylestown Daily Intelligencer, "Doylestown Diner Auction Is Today," July 15, 1986, 7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Jerry O'Mahony, Inc., "Congratulations, Ed. Taifer," Doylestown Intelligencer, August 27, 1951, 4, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Bucks County Historical Society, "A Page from Bucks County History," Doylestown Intelligencer Record, May 11, 2001, B3, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Ramon G. McLeod, "Closed for Alterations, Ed's Diner May Remain Closed," Doylestown Daily Intelligencer, March 13, 1981, 4A, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Edward Levenson, "Remembering Vanished Doylestown Landmarks: The Borough Is Filled with Historic Buildings," Doylestown Intelligencer Record, January 8, 2001, A5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 50 Ed's Diner, "Advertisement," Doylestown Intelligencer, April 12, 1952, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 51 Ed's Diner, "Advertisement," Doylestown Intelligencer, April 5, 1952, 6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 52 McLeod, “Closed for Alterations” (parentheses in original). See also Eastern Roads, "Doylestown Bypass (PA 611): Historic Overview," The Roads of Metro Philadelphia: Your Gateway to Philadelphia's Expressways and Parkways, http://www.phillyroads.com/roads/PA-611/ (accessed May 22, 2009). 53 Doylestown Daily Intelligencer, "Doylestown Diner Reopens Monday," August 21, 1981, 40 [on PDF], http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 54 Anne Shultes, "Art for Eyes and Tongue," Doylestown Daily Intelligencer, February 3, 1984, 15, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 55 Doylestown Daily Intelligencer, "Doylestown Diner Auction". 56 Grau's Carousel Flowers, "Advertisement," Doylestown Daily Intelligencer / Montgomery County Record, November 19, 1986, 7, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); 57 Country Food Market and Grau's Carousel Flowers, "Joint Advertisement," Doylestown Intelligencer, July 27, 1994, A-4, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 58 Country Food Market. "Advertisement." Doylestown Intelligencer Record, June 8, 1989. http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Herb's Hobbies and Crafts, "About Herb's Hobbies and Crafts," http://herbshobbiesandcrafts.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 59 Country Food Market and Grau's Carousel Flowers, "Joint Advertisement"; Country Food Market, "Advertisement," Doylestown Intelligencer Record, March 29, 1996, D-2, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 60 Edward Levenson, "'New Ed's Diner' Is on the Drawing Board," Doylestown Intelligencer, March 9, 2001, B-1, B-2, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009). 61 Edward Levenson, "Regulating Transfer of Liquor Licenses," Doylestown Intelligencer Record, June 29, 2001, B3, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 22, 2009); Jerry W. Fuqua, "Ed's Diner," Flickr, May 30, 2010, http://www.flickr.com/photos/jwfuqua/4659802788/ (accessed May 3, 2011). 62 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 238; Lindy Week, "Rochester Grills Diner Company," Nostalgic Architecture, http://www.jitterbuzz.com/indpla.html#roch (accessed May 28, 2009); Michael Engle, "Great Lakes Dining Car Mysteries," NYDiners, http://www.nydiners.com/msyt.html 369 (accessed May 28, 2009); Michael Engle, "Lake Erie Region Dining Car Companies," NYDiners, http://www.nydiners.com/lediners.html (accessed May 28, 2009); Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 205-206; Grandma's House Tea and Gifts, "History," http://grandmashouseteagifts.com/history.html (accessed April 24, 2009). 63 DMN from Bradford, PA, "User Reviews: Bloomer's Florist," Florists, January 2, 2006, accessed May 8, 2009, http://www.superpages.com/bp/Bradford-PA/Bloomers-Florist- L2040217359.htm?&rwtab=1#BPreviewContainer; Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 205-206; Dottie Maitland, "Pennsylvania Route 6: Take the High Road," Just Ask Dottie, http://www.justaskdottie.com/Pennsylvania-Route-6.asp (accessed May 8, 2009); Bradford Landmark Society, "The Necrology and Chronology of Business 2007," The Inkwell: The Newsletter of the Bradford Landmark Society, January 20, 2008, http://www.bradfordlandmark.org/images/upload/inkwell- january_2008.pdf (accessed May 8, 2009); Grandma's House Tea and Gifts, "Welcome to Grandma's House Tea & Gifts," http://grandmashouseteagifts.com/ (accessed May 8, 2009); Grandma's House Tea and Gifts, "History". 64 Allegheny National Forest Visitors Bureau, "Grandma's House Tea & Gift Shop," Allegheny: Where to Eat, http://www.goerie.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100129/ALLEGHENY03/70606024 (accessed June 11, 2009). 65 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 267; Google, "846 Newport Ave, Pawtucket, RI," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed March 20, 2010). [Note: Diner’s address is actually 855, but building is most visible in Street View at 846.] Providence Journal-Bulletin, "Central Falls: Carlton C. Quebec," April 22, 1996, Obituaries sec., http://proquest.umi.com (accessed March 22, 2010); USDiners.com, "Alexion's Famille Restaurant (Pawtucket, Rhode Island)," USDiners.com: Where Do You Want to Eat Today? , http://www.usdiners.com/cgi- bin/show.pl?ID=AB1D1CF2G6HI2MFOJ478S8MVV2&State=RI (accessed March 22, 2010); Providence Journal, "Bars Cited for Liquor Law Violation," December 21, 1999, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed March 22, 2010); Providence Journal, "New Businesses," October 16, 2003, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed March 22, 2010); Randy Garbin, Diners of New England (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2005), 38, http://www.amazon.com/Diners-New-England-Randy-Garbin/dp/0811731413 (accessed May 8, 2009). 66 Kansas Historical Society, "Michigan City, Indiana: Lou Esper Barber Stylist," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/USA/indiana/louesper.htm (accessed May 12, 2009); Paula McHugh, "A Slice of Americana Just Across the Street," Beacher Weekly Newspaper (Michigan City, IN), March 15, 2001, accessed May 12, 2009, http://www.bbpnet.com/pdf/2001/BeacherMar15.pdf; Kansas Historical Society, "How Can You Tell It's a Valentine?" Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/identify.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Indiana Diners," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/diners/in.html (accessed July 5, 2010). 67 McHugh, "Slice of Americana". 68 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 258; Kansas Historical Society, "Albuquerque, New Mexico: Albuquerque Police Substation," Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/USA/newmexico/albuque1.htm (accessed July 5, 2010); Kansas Historical Society, "How Can You Tell It's a Valentine?" Valentine Diners, http://www.kshs.org/diners/identify.htm (accessed March 21, 2010); John A. Heitmann, "The Little House Cafe, Albuquerque, NM. Since 1947. Oversize Hamburger Graphic a Later Addition," ASI 320: Cities and Energy - PowerPoint Presentation: The Automobile and the City, 1893-1941, slide 26, http://homepages.udayton.edu/~heitmaja/previouscourses/ASI320Cities_Energy/asi320carsandcities.ppt (accessed May 7, 2009); Anthony DellaFlora, "City Looks at Resuscitating Nob Hill Triangle," Albuquerque Journal, November 17, 1996, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009). 370 69 DellaFlora, "City Looks at Resuscitating"; Albuquerque Journal, "Triangle Building Will Be Moved," October 24, 1934, 5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Journal, "Help Wanted-Female," June 9, 1942, Classifieds sec., http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); New Mexico Restaurant Association, "Advertisement," Albuquerque Journal, October 3, 1954, 32, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Journal, "Employment: Bars/Restaurants," December 17, 1975, Classifieds sec., http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Google, "2901 Monte Vista Boulevard Northeast, Albuquerque, NM," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed July 5, 2010). 70 Albuquerque Journal, "Tires Deflated on Eight Cars," February 11, 1954, 1, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Tribune, "Tonnie's Cars Are Speedy; More Time Now for Racing," September 16, 1966, B-8, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); University Heights [Shopping Area], "Advertisement," Albuquerque Tribune, December 15, 1967, C-5, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Chevron, "Advertisement," Albuquerque Tribune, October 7, 1974, B-10, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Bruce Herron, "10 to 25 Year Sentence for November Slaying: Parole Possible in 3 Years," Albuquerque Tribune, July 13, 1972, A-2, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009). 71 DellaFlora, "City Looks at Resuscitating"; Albuquerque Tribune, "Car Prowlings, Breakins Told," May 15, 1952, 13, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Tribune, "Boy Caught in Cafe," March 28, 1959, 1, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Tribune, "Burglaries," January 1, 1969, C-8, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Tribune, "Burglaries," January 5, 1971, A-14, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Albuquerque Journal, "Two Sentenced; Judge Suspends Woman's Term," March 24, 1971, F-6, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 7, 2009). 72 Doug Brown, "New Nob Hill Police Substation Ready to Open for Business," Albuquerque Tribune, November 19, 1997, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Jim Snyder, "APD Took Over Diner a Decade Ago - Nob Hill Building Has Been Home to Cops Since 1997," Albuquerque Journal, December 29, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); DellaFlora, "City Looks at Resuscitating"; Albuquerque Journal, "Route 66 Group Hands Out Awards for Design, Help," August 7, 2000, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed June 12, 2009). 73 JoAnn Ryan, "Business," Waterbury Republican-American, April 6, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Randy Garbin, Diners of New England, 222-223; Waterbury Republican-American, "Facts About Skee's Diner, Register of Historic Places," June 11, 2008, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009). 74 David Owens, "New Life in Store for Old Torrington Diner," Hartford Courant, November 10, 1995, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Hartford Courant, "Welcome News for Skee's," January 21, 2008, Editorials sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Owen Canfield, "New Paint, an Old Picture, Community Art and the Loss of a Friend," Hartford Courant, November 10, 1996, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Larry Cultrera, "Skee's Diner Project Seeking Support to Raise Funds," Diner Hotline Weblog: Diners, Drive-in Restaurants and Other Roadside Stuff (web log), May 1, 2010, accessed April 28, 2011, http://dinerhotline.wordpress.com/2010/05/01/skees- diner-project-seeking-support-to-raise-funds/; Randy Garbin, "Skee's Diner - Exterior," Flickr, September 19, 2009, accessed April 28, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/25298781@N06/4108877127/; Randy Garbin, Diners of New England, 222-223; Randy Garbin, "Skee's Diner - Interior," Flickr, September 19, 2009, accessed April 28, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/25298781@N06/4108877453/. 75 Garbin, Diners of New England, 222-223; Baeder, Diners, 42; Canfield, "New Paint"; Baeder, Diners, 108; Winsted Voice News, "Torrington Landmarks Added to National Register of Historic Places," October 4, 2002, http://www.thevoicenews.com/news/2002-10-04/torrington (accessed June 13, 2009); 371 Chris Parker, "Skee's Diner Going for a Ride - Landmark Eatery to Be a Visitors Center," Waterbury Republican-American, June 11, 2008, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009). 76 Parker, "Skee's Diner Going"; Chris Parker, "Landmark Diner May Get New Life - Plan Calls for Use as Center," Waterbury Republican-American, October 14, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Chris Parker, "Chamber Seeks Grant to Buy Former Diner - Skee's Building Eyed to House Welcome Center," Waterbury Republican-American, August 16, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Waterbury Republican-American, "State Clears the Way for Skee's to Be Relocated as Tourist Booth," October 21, 2008, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Kevin Litten, "Council OKs Land Lease for Diner's Relocation," Waterbury Republican- American, April 7, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); Ryan, "Business". 77 Ryan, "Business"; Jim Moore, "Cooking Up Funds to Save the Diner - Effort Under Way to Transform Skee's into Visitors Center," Waterbury Republican-American, January 9, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 7, 2009); JoAnn Ryann, "The Chamber's Recipe for Spring," Litchfield County Register Citizen, March 29, 2009, http://www.registercitizen.com (accessed June 17, 2009); Litten, "Council OKs Land Lease"; Northwest Connecticut Chamber Education Foundation, "NBC30 CT Highlights Welcome Center Project on Nightly News," Northwest Connecticut Welcome & Information Center, May 4, 2010, http://nwctwelcomecenter.org/news/NewsRelease_05-04-2010.pdf (accessed June 16, 2010); Mike Agogliati, "Chamber Says Skee's Diner Project Is Moving Ahead," Litchfield County Register Citizen, February 12, 2011, http://www.registercitizen.com/articles/2011/02/12/news/doc4d561686a1911122237977.txt (accessed May 3, 2011). 78 Gutman, American Diner: Then and Now, 236; Dream Diner, "Diner Builders," http://www.dreamdiner.com/builder/builderlist.html (accessed June 17, 2009); Bennett J. Loudon, "Today's Specials: Neighborhood Diners Serve Up Hearty Helpings of Hospitality," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, November 19, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 12, 2009); United Press International, "New Diner Offers Sample of 1940s Era: Former OTB Parlor Rescued from Deterioration," Syracuse Herald-Journal, September 25, 1986, A17, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed May 12, 2009). 79 Loudon, "Today's Specials: Neighborhood Diners"; Amy H. Wu, "Donuts Delite to Close: The 47-year-old Mom-and-pop Store on Culver Road Says It's Been Hurt by Franchises and Cafes," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, June 15, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 12, 2009). 80 Nicola McIntosh, "For a Taste of Nostalgia: Gleaming Art-Deco Diner Serves Up Old Favorites," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, July 30, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 12, 2009). 81 United Press International, "New Diner Offers Sample"; Loudon, "Today's Specials: Neighborhood Diners". 82 United Press International, "New Diner Offers Sample". 83 Debra Jane Seltzer, "New York Diners," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/diners/6.html (accessed May 12, 2009); United Press International, "New Diner Offers Sample"; McIntosh, "For a Taste"; Chad West, "Highland Park Diner," Flickr, December 15, 2006, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/cwest/334096949/; Robin L. Flanigan, "2 for $25: Highland Park Diner - Clinton Avenue Restaurant Has an Old School Vibe," Metromix Rochester, March 27, 2009, http://rochester.metromix.com/restaurants/article/2-for-25-highland/1052672/content (accessed May 12, 2009); Danbury Mint, "Highland Park Diner Sculpture," Collectibles, http://www.danburymint.com/collectibles/prod/Highland-Park-Diner-Sculpture_6760.aspx (accessed May 12, 2009). 372 84 Karen Miltner, "Pie World's Upper Crust: Bakery's Disabled Workers Make Sweet Treats That Are in Demand," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, September 6, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 12, 2009). (Parentheses in original.) 85 Loudon, "Today's Specials: Neighborhood Diners"; Dave Goldberg, "Diner Directory: New York," Dave's Diner Homepage, http://www.physics.drexel.edu/~goldberg/princeton/states/NY.html (accessed June 18, 2009); Deborah Williams, "It's OK to Play Around at the Strong Museum," Buffalo News, October 23, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed June 18, 2009); Butko and Patrick, Diners of Pennsylvania, 182, 240; RocWiki, "Skyliner Diner," RocWiki: The People's Guide to Rochester, http://rocwiki.org/Skyliner_Diner (accessed June 18, 2009); Strong National Museum of Play, "History," http://www.strongmuseum.org/about_us/history.html (accessed June 18, 2009); Strong National Museum of Play, "Restaurants & Shops," http://www.strongmuseum.org/plan_a_visit/restaurants_and_shops.html (accessed June 18, 2009). 86 Loudon, "Today's Specials: Neighborhood Diners". 87 Mary Chao, "Highland Park Diner Under New Ownership," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, December 7, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed May 12, 2009). 88 Flanigan, "2 for $25: Highland". 373 CHAPTER 6 Racing Away from Retail: The Adaptive Reuse of Enclosed Shopping Malls Over the decades, the mall has played a meaningful role in the lives of millions of people across America. To children and those adults who grew up during the mall era, the mall is the magical place where they visited Santa to tell him their Christmas wish lists (often comprised of toys and games they saw at the mall’s stores). While there, they might have also enjoyed riding a carousel or romping at an indoor playground. To teenagers, the mall has often been the site of their very first jobs, as well as a favorite hangout – a parent-approved, home away from home. Within its walls, they have not only worked and shopped, but watched movies at the multiplex, played video games in the arcade, and snacked in the food court with friends – or with boyfriends and girlfriends (whom they might have even first met at the mall). In fact, for thousands of couples, it has been far more than just a date location, as the mall actually served as the location of their weddings. Meanwhile, to many elderly Americans and other light-fitness enthusiasts, the mall is where they have spent many early mornings participating in official mall-walking programs, exercising together in a safe, secure, climate-controlled environment – while simultaneously window-shopping at (and thus becoming potential customers for) the soon-to-open stores. Decades earlier, some of those current seniors would have been housewives, for whom the mall also provided a valuable service beyond convenience and selection; it offered a temporary escape from housework, boredom, 374 loneliness, and that infamous, supposed, suburban anomie. Additionally, for civic groups, charitable organizations, clubs, schools, and such, the mall has been a favored place for holding community events – ranging from blood drives and health fairs to cultural festivals, performances, art exhibits, pet adoptions, fundraising dances or dinners, and even candidates’ debates and town-hall meetings. 1 Thus, for generations of people, the American mall is a site of fond memories gathered throughout their life spans – as evidenced by the existence of multiple mall- memorializing websites that appreciatively relay the history of and patrons’ recollections of / experiences at various malls (particularly those that are now gone or much remodeled). All of the above scenarios portray the American mall as a wonderful place of fun, leisure, and enjoyment – a real community center for suburbanites. However, they also leave out other important parts of the picture. One of the most common criticisms leveled at American malls is that they and their homogenous chain stores have been the economic destroyers of historic downtowns and independent retailers (an issue detailed later in this section). Another frequent contention is they are prime examples of environmentally destructive suburban sprawl, with their construction destroying farmlands, wetlands, and habitats. Furthermore, critics accuse the malls that replaced those landscapes of being ugly, bland, windowless boxes (since malls’ visual appeal is often limited to the inside). Of course, malls are also widely condemned for their role in encouraging conspicuous consumption and in creating and raising generations of materialistic, indebted, conformist citizens. 2 Which citizens actually get to patronize the mall, though, is another issue. Part of the appeal of the mall is that it is a kind of consumerist fantasyland / fortress, an escapist 375 environment specifically designed to be divorced from the concerns of everyday life and the often unpleasant, urban reality outside its suburban walls – because, of course, such things might interfere with shoppers’ desire to consume. However, maintaining a comfortable, appealing, safe, and sanitized setting has meant that malls have often been much less accessible and inviting to those who are not their desired clientele. Essentially, critics charge that malls’ true nature as private, for-profit enterprises undermines their potential / intended role as suburbia’s de facto public squares. For instance, malls have been a frequent battleground for legal fights regarding traditional American freedoms like freedom of speech, freedom of association, etc. – particularly regarding the permissibility of political and religious activism such as protesting, petition gathering, leafleting, and soliciting for donations. Most courts have sided with malls, upholding their right as owners to ban certain activities and types of conduct on their private properties – or, at least, to regulate exactly when, where, and how those may occur. 3 While activists are thus generally not found in malls (except in tightly controlled contexts), other groups are also not common in certain malls. A frequent lack of public transportation to malls – sometimes at a mall’s own insistence, in a stated effort to increase security and prevent crime, rowdiness, gang activity, etc. – hinders access by people without cars who live outside the immediate area. That demographic is generally comprised of low-income and minority shoppers, particularly those living in inner cities, along with teenagers in general. Those who do come to the mall are typically restricted regarding appropriate clothing and behavior, and teens’ restrictions often even extend to hours – with many malls instituting curfews at night that ban teens without parents. Members of the less desirable demographic groups can also be the focus of major 376 surveillance and suspicion by security guards and employees, making some feel unwelcome. 4 The regulated, panopticon nature of the mall, and its strict separation from surrounding streets and street-life, are features that are typical and expected today. However, the enclosed shopping mall, that culturally and architecturally significant structural type upon which this dissertation section focuses, is a relatively recent development – springing up in the postwar period. It did so not as an entirely new entity, but rather as the result of the combination of various facets of individual, precedent- setting properties (and their progeny) across the nation. As the physical form of retail evolved over the 19th and 20th Centuries, many sites have attempted to stake their claim as America’s first shopping center – or, at least, the first of a particular sub-type or the first to offer some crucial feature. 5 In terms of design, the evolutionary ancestor of, and direct inspiration for, the enclosed mall was the arcade. Victor Gruen, renowned as the father of the modern mall concept, specifically cited what is perhaps the world’s most famous arcade – the 1856- 1857 Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II in Milan, Italy – as a major influence on his own work. Popular in American and European downtowns during the 1800s and early 1900s, the arcade was a single structure offering one or more stories of small shops and restaurants, which lined both sides of a pedestrian corridor. This covered path spanned the length of the building, providing shoppers and diners with protection from the elements as well as from the noise, rush, and dirt of the streets outside. Typically sitting mid-block, perpendicular to two major streets and with entries at both, the arcade also gave non-shoppers a convenient passageway between those streets. To let in natural light 377 and provide a feeling of openness, an arcade’s roof generally had large expanses of glass (like the atriums found in many malls today). America’s very first arcade was the 1828 Providence Arcade in downtown Providence, Rhode Island. 6 [Figures 6.1, 6.2, and 6.3]. Arcades were set amid the historic urban streetscape, but most of the pioneering shopping centers that would follow rose up instead in cities’ upscale fringe districts or in suburbs, frequently designed to be the retail/social hub of these new, generally affluent areas. That was the case at the next most important step in the retail evolutionary line, the Roland Park Shopping Center, an 1896 structure in Baltimore’s ritzy, planned, garden suburb of Roland Park. Its six storefronts were set back from the street, allowing for a previously unheard-of amenity, a parking lot – making it the world’s first strip mall. 7 [Figures 6.4, 6.5, and 6.6]. In the wealthy Chicago suburb of Lake Forest, the 1916 Market Square took Roland Park’s car focus even further, becoming the country’s first planned retail district oriented around the automobile. It was also significant due to the complex’s creation by a real estate investment trust, or REIT, which then managed it as a single unit. (As of 2004, almost half of America’s regional or super-regional malls were partially or fully owned by REITs, and cohesive management has always been a mall hallmark.) 8 Another groundbreaking retail development was Country Club Plaza, which opened in 1925 as a key part of the swanky Country Club District in Kansas City. [Figures 6.7 and 6.8]. Its 1928 expansion added critical, precedent-setting amenities, including multiple off-street parking lots, a parking garage, and the very first shopping- center-based movie theater. [Figure 6.9]. Future malls would also copy the actions of Country Club Plaza’s merchants’ association, which offered a variety of major events and 378 programs each year – making the shopping center into much more of a community center. 9 The next major stepping-stone for the retail industry was Suburban Square, located in the tony Philadelphia suburb of Ardmore. [Figures 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, and 6.13]. That 1928-1931 shopping center had a huge impact on American shopping center creation because of one key feature it included: the very first department store to open a full branch location in a shopping center (that parent store being downtown Philadelphia’s Strawbridge & Clothier, with its pioneering Ardmore structure now occupied by Macy’s). 10 [Figures 6.14 and 6.15]. Aside from the pre-automobile-era arcades, the previously discussed shopping centers all either faced streets or had streets cutting through them. However, those at modern malls are interior-focused instead. The shopping center that pioneered this crucial transition inward was Highland Park Shopping Village [Figure 6.16], constructed in units between 1931 and 1941 as part of the exclusive Highland Park residential development in Dallas. Its businesses completely turned their backs on the surrounding streets [Figures 6.17 and 6.18], orienting their storefronts entirely toward an inner courtyard area that offered parking for 700 cars. 11 [Figures 6.19, 6.20, and 6.21]. Whether early suburban shopping centers like these pioneering examples faced outward or inward, their developers had created them primarily to serve their local communities – comprised of a mostly wealthy clientele. Beginning in the postwar era, though, massive properties came into existence that attracted and intentionally appealed to shoppers from a much wider area and with a broader income range. Offering an extensive variety of stores, these typically sprang up adjacent to new divided highways and major automobile strips (especially at busy intersections), making them both highly 379 visible and easily accessible. The first such regional malls, which were constructed practically simultaneously and went on to influence mall creation around the country, were Northgate and Shoppers World. Both malls featured a mix of chain and local stores, a movie theater, and a major department store; however, Shoppers World’s original plan was for two anchor stores. Both were also open-air (although Northgate later enclosed, as did numerous other outdoor malls over the years). Northern Seattle’s 1948-1950 Northgate offered 80 small stores in two rows – essentially, two strip malls – facing each other along a paved, pedestrian corridor, surrounded by parking for a previously unthinkable 4000 cars. Shoppers World, located in the Boston suburb of Framingham, would surpass Northgate by 2000 parking spaces. That 1949-1951, regional mall distinguished itself even further by providing two stories of shops, which was a much more efficient arrangement that allowed for double the amount of possible retail frontage in the same space. Shoppers World’s 44 businesses sat across from each other in a U-shape, with the middle area being a landscaped, grassy courtyard – a suburban version of the traditional, New England town green. Shoppers World’s developer had originally intended to have a rectangular configuration, with a major department store anchoring each end of the corridor. However, because of the developer’s inability to find a second anchor tenant, that design did not come to fruition. If the plan had succeeded, though, Shoppers World would have become not only the first two-story mall, but also the first mall to utilize the later-standard dumbbell configuration. The dumbbell structure was economically ingenious, forcing customers who wanted to shop at both anchors to pass the many smaller shops that lined the long corridor between them – a cooperative strategy intended to bring higher foot traffic to all involved. 12 380 Still, foot traffic could fluctuate greatly at such open-air shopping centers – especially due to the weather. Most centers did provide built-in canopies over their lines of storefronts; however, rain, snow, frigid temperatures, wind, heat, and humidity could all still make shopping there an unpleasant task at certain times of the year. The climate situation caused many to stay away and others to want to leave quickly. The solution was to revert to the form of urban arcades, constructing new malls (and remodeling older, open-air malls) with full roofs – while improving on the concept by adding central heating and air conditioning, making their corridors comfortable environments for year- round consumption. Historians credit architect Victor Gruen as the innovator of the enclosed mall. Already well known in the industry for his designs of earlier, open-air centers, Gruen achieved world renown as the originator of and main specialist in the modern, regional mall (especially after the publication of Gruen’s 1960 book, Shopping Town USA: The Planning of Shopping Centers, which became the industry’s standard “Bible”). 13 As a 2004 article in The New Yorker contended, “Victor Gruen may well have been the most influential architect of the twentieth century. He invented the mall.” That referenced mall was Southdale Center, which opened in 1956 in the Minneapolis suburb of Edina. 14 However, the famed Southdale had much-lesser-known, enclosed predecessors. It was actually Gruen’s second attempt at the concept, following his unbuilt, 1950 proposal for Houston’s Montclair Shopping Center. Gruen’s unique Montclair plan, with its covered walkway and its air conditioning, was widely publicized in the press, and Southdale’s upcoming creation also made headlines after its announcement in 1952. Perhaps unsurprisingly considering this publicity factor and the multi-year gap between 381 the Montclair proposal, Southdale’s announcement, and then Southdale’s opening, another mall (albeit a comparatively tiny one) managed to beat Southdale to the fully- covered, climate-controlled punch. Appleton, Wisconsin’s one-story Valley Fair Shopping Center, upon its opening in 1954, 15 thus boasted in its advertising that it was “the first weather protected shopping center in the nation.” 16 Nevertheless, the $20 million Southdale Center was the mall that brought years of multiple shopping centers’ separate innovations together into one cohesive package. The enclosed, temperature-regulated mall had a dumbbell shape, with 72 inline stores sitting on two floors between two department stores, all encompassing 800,000 square feet. Its second floor of shops was accessible by tiered parking levels (with spots for 5,000 cars) and by escalators that rose up from an arcade-like, glass-covered space. That courtyard area, grandly named the Garden Court of Perpetual Spring, went way beyond the plants and trees found at open-air centers. It included not just those elements but also fountains, a fishpond, cages of colorful songbirds, and $50,000 worth of sculptures and other public art. A wide variety of community events regularly took place there as well. Victor Gruen’s successful creation became the prototype that thousands of malls around America and the world would follow in the ensuing decades (although most were simplified versions of what Southdale offered, generally leaving behind its impressive but costly aesthetic elements). 17 As suburban malls proliferated and proved tremendously popular, the traditional, downtown retail districts became increasingly less necessary. To suburbanites, they seemed comparatively old, crowded, inaccessible, and traffic-congested, plus severely parking-deficient. Their lack of standardized operating hours and days also contrasted 382 negatively with malls’ managed cohesiveness. Additionally, as the upper and middle classes moved out and took their retail dollars with them, the residents that remained to shop downtown were often lower-income minorities. Their increasingly dominant presence, combined with rising crime, made the desired suburban consumers even less likely to go back downtown to shop. Retailers attempting to appeal to the traditional clientele frequently could not hold on, with numerous department stores and smaller retailers either leaving for the suburbs or going out of business. Left in their place were vacant storefronts and low-rent types of stores, with their buildings frequently decaying since owners could no longer afford to maintain them – making downtowns appear even more unsafe. Overall, in major cities in the 1950s and beyond, central business district retailing nosedived while suburban sales boomed, with mall creation having had a devastating economic impact. 18 Across the country, cities desperately began creating schemes that they hoped would stem the steep decline and revive downtown retail. Three main tactics came into play nationally, with varying degrees of success. The first involved incorporating key design elements of malls into the existing urban environment, converting (previously) major shopping streets into so-called “pedestrian malls.” Appropriately enough, this plan to transform them into the mode of their competition was the product of Victor Gruen, who designed the country’s first such space, the Burdick Mall, which opened in 1959 in previously ailing downtown Kalamazoo, Michigan. Along several blocks of Burdick Street, an inviting environment consisting of grass, trees, flowers, fountains, benches, decorative paths, and even a playground area replaced the site’s original cars and blacktop. New parking lots would hold the cars, allowing shoppers to stroll comfortably 383 amid the landscaping and the historic storefronts, many of which had been “modernized” as part of the effort. The $60,000 project was funded half by the city and half by a special assessment levied on the mall’s storeowners. 19 Noting that the Burdick Mall’s opening succeeded in attracting “the largest crowds in downtown Kalamazoo’s history,” industry journal Chain Store Age contended that its model “held the key to revitalization of faltering downtowns across the USA.” 20 City officials and groups from around the country flocked to Kalamazoo to study the Burdick Mall, seeing in it a relatively simple, affordable, and fast method of bringing life back to their own main streets. In the ensuing decades, approximately 200 cities and towns (in both the U.S. and Canada) created pedestrian malls. A few went so far in their mimicry of suburban malls as to construct a roof over the pedestrian areas between the downtown shops, fully enclosing them and even providing them with air conditioning and heating. The nation’s first city to do so was Rock Hill, South Carolina, with its 1975 Towncenter Mall. Others simply added standardized lines of permanent canopies along the storefronts – plus, sometimes, a few covered strips stretching across the otherwise open pedestrian space, to help keep shoppers out of the weather. However, grass, sculptures, weather protection, and remodeled façades were not enough to make most of them successful. The huge majority failed to achieve their cities’ desired goals, neither pulling suburbanites back into downtown nor preventing businesses from either moving to suburbia or simply closing. Often, the pedestrian malls’ storefronts either filled with undesirable, low-rent tenants, sat vacant, or frequently both – while benches meant to be occupied by shoppers instead hosted the homeless. Consequently, most pedestrian malls 384 (including the pioneering one in Kalamazoo) eventually reopened to vehicle traffic. Cities generally removed the former pedestrian malls’ weather-related roofs or canopies as well (as occurred in Rock Hill), letting natural light back in through the storefronts – while also frequently removing the mall-era coverings and sidings that had hidden many historic façades from public view (which also happened in Rock Hill). Less than 25 pedestrian malls survive in America today. Those that have lasted are typically located in downtown districts that would have a high number of pedestrians regardless of the malls’ existence. The crucial mass of existing foot traffic that helps sustain such sites is particularly found in college towns, tourist resorts, and major cities where many office workers work within easy walking distance of the pedestrian mall. 21 While many cities were trying to turn their historic downtowns into mall-like spaces, others took that concept to its logical end by actually constructing new, suburban- style malls downtown. Once again, the pioneer in this type of revitalization attempt was none other than Victor Gruen, who designed the first enclosed, urban mall. His creation, Midtown Plaza in blighted downtown Rochester, New York, opened in 1962 – connecting two existing department stores, with the whole project done at those storeowners’ request (and mostly with their money) as a way to stop their businesses from being decimated by suburban competition. Just as had occurred with Gruen’s earlier pedestrian mall in Kalamazoo, the national press and the retail industry hailed the Midtown Plaza concept as downtowns’ savior, and desperate cities across the nation leapt onto the bandwagon during the 1960s and ‘70s. 22 However, creating a mall downtown was not as simple as banning cars from shopping streets, or as buying and then building on a huge plot of open land in the 385 suburbs – where property was both widely available and relatively affordable. The expensive effort, which often used federal urban renewal funds and major public subsidies, typically required putting together multiple small properties, which had different owners and had structures already on them. This necessitated a long process of oft-contentious negotiations, sometimes even eminent domain condemnations, and, generally, mass demolitions. Even with land acquired, though, finding a developer willing to go out on a limb by creating a mall downtown, and then attracting department stores and smaller chains to fill that mall (especially considering their widespread perceptions about downtown crime and security, as well as the often higher rents necessitated by higher land costs), were difficult propositions for cities. As a result, downtown mall developments often took years – sometimes over a decade – to open (and many proposed projects never got that far). 23 Moreover, when they did open, they often had little positive impact on the areas surrounding them, with many actually damaging local business rather than stimulating it. Urban malls generally did not connect with the outside world, but rather turned away from it, with their bare exteriors and parking garages. Additionally, their existence often disrupted traditional traffic patterns through the city core and walled parts of downtown off from each other. While they thus made things difficult for not only downtown businesses but downtown residents and workers, most also had little success at pulling the desired clientele away from their beloved, suburban malls. Some urban-renewal-era downtown malls have survived, particularly those that moved away from the failing idea of trying to attract suburban shoppers and instead geared their stores, services, and restaurants to the needs of a population of downtown office workers. However, many, if 386 not most, early downtown malls (including Midtown Plaza) ended up closing and then either getting reused, continuing to sit vacant, or being demolished for new projects – ironically, just like the often-historic buildings that they had replaced had been. 24 Take, for instance, what happened to the twenty downtown, regional malls that the 1989 book Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities listed (in a “selective” list) as having opened in America from 1971 to 1985. Three do not count for this dissertation’s purposes, with one being an open-air rather than enclosed shopping center, and two simply being additions to existing downtown malls. Of the remaining seventeen, only seven are still operating as malls today. The other ten include one that became office space; one that is in the process of reconfiguring as a combination of office space and big-box stores; three that are dead and currently sitting vacant; and five that have already been destroyed. Overall, the enclosed, downtown mall concept of the urban renewal era was widely considered a massive failure, and it has continued to be a risky proposition. 25 Perhaps the fastest collapse in the genre was that of the Scottsdale Galleria, which was one of the nation’s largest, no-anchor-store malls when it opened in 1991 in the downtown of ritzy Scottsdale, Arizona. The four-story mall, which sought to attract expensive designer boutiques, was a complete flop – closing just two years later in 1993 amid a critical lack of both shoppers and shops. The $130 million development sold at a foreclosure auction that year for only $6 million. (After multiple plans fell through, the structure finally reopened in 2001, reused as office space.) 26 A third type of downtown retail-revitalization project was much more successful, in part because it neither tried to make historic buildings look new (as many pedestrian 387 malls did) nor destroyed them (as was the case with many downtown malls). Instead, restored, adaptively reused structures have played a key role in making these developments stand apart from their homogenous suburban counterparts, giving them authenticity and a unique sense of place, thereby increasing their drawing power – especially for tourists. Called festival marketplaces, such sites typically feature an array of independent, specialty shops and boutiques that provide shoppers with something different from that offered by the traditional chain stores in most malls. Often in scenic, waterfront locations, they generally boast distinctive restaurants and a colorful, festive atmosphere with community events, street performers, etc. Some even include attractions such as museums. Mall developer James Rouse pioneered the festival marketplace concept with Boston’s 1976 Faneuil Hall Marketplace / Quincy Market, a development incorporating three preserved, marketplace structures from the 1700s and early 1800s. By 1979, it was pulling in more people than Disney World. Across the nation, other festival marketplaces that sprang up in its wake have also proven to be popular and financially successful, particularly as major tourist destinations. These costly projects have also served as catalysts, helping spur development – and often more preservation and adaptive reuse – around them, frequently through the creation of hotels, residential complexes, offices, etc., as occurred in the area around Faneuil Hall Marketplace / Quincy Market. Even so, the retail success has often been limited to the festival marketplaces themselves, not expanding to assist pre-existing stores in the wider downtown areas, with the marketplaces’ shoppers tending to stay within their safe, well-controlled limits. For instance, in the six years following Faneuil Hall Marketplace / Quincy Market’s opening, 388 Boston’s surrounding central business district actually lost fifteen percent of its retail jobs, and that held true elsewhere as well. 27 Overall, then, despite many attempts at salvation during the decades after the rise of the suburban, enclosed mall, city center retail continued to drop. However, even those once invincible suburban malls would feel the pinch of competition from new sources. The traditional regional malls, which offer around 40 to 80 stores inside 400,000 to 800,000 square feet, eventually started to seem small in comparison to the new wave of super-regional malls – beginning with mall mogul Alfred Taubman’s 1971 Woodfield Mall. Located in Schaumburg, a Chicago suburb, the $90 million development originally featured two million square feet of retail, making it the world’s largest enclosed mall. 28 By 2000, though, that huge complex had dropped to being only the fifth biggest mall in America. Currently, the nation’s largest super-regional mall is the appropriately named Mall of America, located in the Minneapolis suburb of Bloomington (close to its crucial, groundbreaking ancestor, the still-strong Southdale Center in nearby Edina). The Mall of America opened in 1992 at a cost of $650 million and currently boasts 4.2 million total square feet containing 520 shops and 50 restaurants. It also provides attractions such as the nation’s largest indoor theme park, an aquarium, a dinosaur museum, a flight simulator, and a NASCAR racing simulator. Far more than just a mall, the so-called “shoppertainment” facility attracts 40 million visitors a year, almost half of them tourists – with the Mall of America having quickly become one of America’s top tourist destinations. 29 While massive developments like the Mall of America serve as major attractions, other shopping center types have been gaining prominence at the expense of enclosed 389 regional and super-regional malls, while other store types have taken much of the clout from those malls’ retailers (especially department stores). In 1962, the same year that Victor Gruen tried to revive downtown Rochester with Midtown Plaza, the very first store opened in each of three new, discount department store chains that would go on to change American retail forever: Kmart (in Garden City, Michigan), followed by Target (in Roseville, Minnesota) and then Wal-Mart (in Rogers, Arkansas). (By 2000, the latter had become the world’s biggest retailer and America’s second-largest employer, after only the government.) With the arrival of these huge, broad-merchandise discounters, the era of the big-box store had begun. They and their membership-only, warehouse-store descendents, like Wal-Mart’s corporate sibling Sam’s Club, would be followed by an array of so-called category killers – large chains that specialize in one type of product (such as home improvement / building items at Lowe’s and electronic items at Best Buy). Shoppers began flocking to these big-box stores, with their pull especially strong when many of them sit together, conveniently combined in massive, parking-lot-fronting developments called power centers. The first such development was Terranomics Corp.’s 280 Metro Center, which opened in 1986 in the San Francisco suburb of Colma. Power centers, which generally offer 250,000 to 600,000 square feet of mostly large- format shops, are generally located along suburban strips and major highways – often near malls, benefiting from the people already accustomed to coming there to shop. The more than 2000 power centers across America attract shoppers from a wide area (typically up to 10 miles), just like regional malls do. 30 Another popular retail development type is the factory outlet center or outlet mall, which, like the power center, is typically an open-air, strip format. It appeals to bargain 390 lovers and tourists with its array of stores operated by major manufacturers / brands, which offer their merchandise (often overstocks, or “factory seconds,” or from the prior season) at discounted prices. The first multi-store factory outlet center, the VF Outlet Center, opened in Reading, Pennsylvania, in 1974. However, that mall was actually an industrial adaptive reuse, with clothing manufacturer Vanity Fair converting the 1908 Berkshire Knitting Mills – once the world’s largest hosiery factory – into that center. The first purpose-built factory outlet mall, the Belz Factory Outlet World in the Memphis suburb of Lakeland, opened in 1979. The concept has boomed in the years since, with 183 existing barely a decade later in 1990; the figure had risen to 284 by 1999, and it jumped by approximately another hundred in the next decade, with 380 outlet malls open as of 2009. Often located in popular tourist areas (frequently away from major cities so as not to compete with malls and power centers that would sell the outlet manufacturers’ full-price goods), outlet malls are big draws – pulling people from a 25 to 75 mile radius, the same as festival marketplaces. 31 Another shopping center type that is currently flourishing nationally is the lifestyle center – the first of which was The Shops of Saddle Creek, which opened in 1987 in the tony Memphis suburb of Germantown. Its developer, Poag & McEwen, went on to become the most prominent creator of lifestyle centers nationally. Typically situated in upscale suburban areas (often as an integral part of new, master-planned communities that surround them with housing, office complexes, etc.), lifestyle centers strive to attract an affluent clientele. Averaging around 325,000 square feet, they generally offer about fifty high-end, specialty stores (primarily chains), sometimes even including an appropriately fashionable grocery store (like Trader Joe’s) – along with 391 several trendy, sit-down restaurants, plus entertainment options such as multiplexes, outdoor ice-skating rinks, etc. Compared to regional malls, lifestyle centers are usually faster and cheaper to build and less expensive to maintain; most of these smaller facilities also lack department stores – and do not suffer for it. Perhaps most significantly, lifestyle centers make a major break with the evolution of shopping centers toward enclosed facilities, reverting to older design models instead. In fact, some of the previously mentioned, pioneering American retail centers that still thrive today, including Country Club Plaza, Suburban Square, and Highland Park Shopping Village, are considered forerunners to lifestyle centers and are often lumped in with them. With their shops arranged in a U-shape or in rows opposite each other, lifestyle centers offer an open-air format, generally providing not only storefront parking but also appealing, pedestrian-oriented plazas with landscaping, fountains, etc. – sites that often host various community events throughout the year. Many developers also try to create a nostalgic, “Main Street” atmosphere by utilizing multiple, historic storefront styles, as well as by providing offices or housing directly above the shops. The general idea is to create a downtown either for existing suburbs that never had one or for brand new suburban communities that will thus always have the benefits of one. As of 2007, around 150 lifestyle centers existed nationally, with 50 more in the planning stages. 32 Comparatively, according to the International Council of Shopping Centers, America had 1104 enclosed shopping malls in 2006. 2006 turned out to be particularly significant for the retail industry, because (as of this writing in 2010) it was the last year that an enclosed mall opened anywhere in the country – that being the Village at Turtle 392 Creek, a 750,000 square foot, single-story, regional mall in the college town of Jonesboro, Arkansas. The only indoor mall planned to open since then, the Meadowlands Xanadu megamall project in the New York City suburb of East Rutherford, New Jersey, has turned into a much-maligned, financial fiasco. The $2 billion development would have become the nation’s largest mall, with over 4.5 million square feet (including 200 stores and unique attractions such as an indoor ski slope, the continent’s tallest Ferris wheel, and a skydiving simulator). However, its construction seemed permanently stalled in 2010, with its owners and the state trying to figure out options for the massive property. 33 Not only has the nation’s existing stock of enclosed malls not increased recently, though, but it has declined greatly – dropping from around 1800 of them in 1998. Many malls have died – including Jonesboro’s 1968 Indian Mall, which was the sole mall in Northeastern Arkansas prior to the arrival of what could turn out to be America’s very last enclosed mall ever built. The Village at Turtle Creek, which was almost double in size and to which most of Indian Mall’s stores moved, killed the older mall almost instantaneously. Numerous others are barely clinging to life, with ever-decreasing patronage and profits bringing them down. Even though a few new malls were still opening in the early part of the 21st Century (pre-Jonesboro), the trend was against them, with others being demolished simultaneously for new (non-indoor-mall) developments. In industry parlance, they were “de-malled,” a procedure that occurred with 36 malls in 2002-2003 alone. In 2002, a “Greyfield Regional Mall Study” by PriceWaterhouseCoopers determined that seven percent of all indoor regional malls were “greyfields” – the industry term for dead malls (presumably referring to the properties’ 393 empty, grey, parking lots) – and that another twelve percent were on the brink of becoming greyfields. What had once represented a quintessentially American building type, an icon of suburban life, was facing extinction. 34 The causes of the steep decline of the enclosed shopping mall have been many. The examples of successful mall conversions below detail why each mall died; striking similarities exist between them, as well as between other failed malls. One common factor has been the demographic changes occurring in the malls’ surrounding areas. Early malls often opened in what were then new, postwar suburbs or districts – which sprawl later superseded. Once on the edge of urban development, they eventually became part of the inner ring, and, as that change occurred, much of their original population moved further out. As those people left, home prices declined, and other groups moved in; these new residents, frequently minorities, were often working class or lower-income. 35 Such groups generally lacked the spending money necessary to shop at their nearby malls. Additionally, they sometimes brought crime, gangs, and other problems with them from the city – making the malls seem increasingly dangerous and/or unappealing to shoppers, especially those without a need to be in those areas otherwise. Such shoppers often chose to patronize newer, larger malls (and lifestyle centers) instead, whose creation in more upscale, easily accessible suburbs and edge cities was often a death blow to older local malls – which were often located along automobile strips, rather than at convenient off-ramps of the new interstates and highways, as many new malls were. Not only did customers flee to these new malls, but so did many of the older, smaller malls’ stores (ironically, just as their predecessors, the downtown shops, had done when they followed urbanites out to suburbia in the first place). 36 394 The departure of department stores was especially damaging, since they had always served to attract shoppers to the malls in general. Increasingly, though, they were just closing instead of leaving. Many department stores across America closed after department store chains either bought out competitors or merged with them. In a mall with what had previously been two competing anchors, once they both were under the same ownership, one became redundant. However, many department store chains were simply going out of business entirely, as competition from big-box stores and discounters cut into their profits. As they died, so did smaller, inline stores in their malls, since they no longer received the foot traffic they once had. 37 That foot traffic aspect is particularly important. National marketing studies have shown that malls are no longer meeting many customers’ needs and that shoppers have become dissatisfied with them – seeing them as a hassle instead of a haven. With huge parking lots, few entrances and exits, and a lack of shopping carts, indoor malls can make getting what one wants quickly and easily next to impossible. Alternately, at a big box store, power center, or lifestyle center, the customer can simply park in front of the desired store, walk in, make the purchase, and leave. For busy people on tight schedules, such places fit their lives better than traditional malls. This is especially true due to the increased number of women in the workplace – whereas, in the early era of American shopping centers, malls had counted on and oriented themselves toward suburban housewives (who had more time to shop) as their main clientele. Essentially, window- shopping has gone out the window for a large percentage of (former) mall shoppers; thus, they visit malls less frequently and also spend far less time inside when they finally do visit. 38 395 Since the current American economic crisis and severe recession began in 2008, however, consumers have not just been making fewer trips to the mall and staying there shorter periods; they have also been spending much less money in malls overall. Amid widespread rising unemployment, foreclosures, bank failures, plummeting stock values, and multiple other problems, scores of Americans have found themselves in dire financial straits. Thus, many have stopped buying the specialty items they might have previously purchased impulsively while browsing at malls – non-necessary goods typically bought with discretionary income (like tech gadgets and upscale bath / beauty products). Meanwhile, consumers’ essential purchases have increasingly been taking place at discount-oriented, big-box stores like Wal-Mart, Target and Costco, rather than at malls. Thus, mall tenants’ same-store sales have dropped drastically, going down 6.5 percent between mid 2008 and mid 2009 – and falling even further (7.3 percent) at properties owned by Simon, the nation’s largest mall operator. 39 Not surprisingly, considering the sales slide, many mall stores have gone out of business. As a Wall Street Journal headline from mid 2009 succinctly explained, “Recession Turns Malls into Ghost Towns.” Numerous major chains declared bankruptcy in 2008 and 2009, including department stores and smaller retailers that had previously filled malls and shopping centers’ in-line spaces. In 2008 alone, national chains closed more than 6,000 locations – with over half of those being in malls. By the end of 2009, the vacancy rate in enclosed shopping malls had risen multiple points to 8.6 percent, the highest it had been in at least a decade. Retail real estate analysts expected that vacancy levels would continue to rise during 2010 and 2011 (even if jobs increased 396 in the country, because retail real estate has traditionally lagged behind that economic indicator). 40 In this toxic retail climate, malls have done what they can to keep their existing retailers, fill their many vacancies, and make enough money to survive. Many malls have reduced their operating hours, opening later and closing earlier, in an effort to cut costs; Westfield Group did so at all of its 55 U.S. malls. Some malls, unable to find replacement tenants, have literally turned vacant stores into billboards by renting out their storefront windows for advertising, a way of bringing in at least some income from them. Most mall owners or management companies have reduced space rents, and then have had to reduce them even further – with retail analysts darkly predicting that rents would not return to pre-recession levels until perhaps 2016 (regardless of how the American economy does overall). 41 Even with the rent incentive, retailers have still been closing up shop in droves; as one analyst noted, “If you’re going out of business because people aren’t shopping, then lower rents won’t make a difference.” 42 However, the decreased rents have had an impact in terms of attracting new businesses to move in, as have the traditionally unusual, short-term leases that many mall owners are offering. Frequently, these businesses are not ones that malls previously tried to recruit; in fact, just the opposite is true. Stores that malls generally would not consider in the past – having viewed them as anathema to the upscale, fashionable, trendy environment the owners wished to cultivate – are now becoming many malls’ saviors, at those malls’ request. These successes include big-box, broad-based discounters like Costco and even Wal-Mart, which have typically existed as standalones or in power centers as major mall competitors – but which are now starting to take over vacant 397 department store spaces, often in cities and areas that had been adverse to their presence in the past. (This trend actually began prior to the recession, having helped revive ailing malls since at least 2000.) The same is true for specialized, category-killer chains like Home Depot, as well as discount-oriented clothing chains like Ross Dress for Less. Some of these do not need a whole, multi-story anchor space, but can fill one floor of a former department store each, with mall owners eager to subdivide spaces to meet their needs. Malls are also beginning to accept even maligned, very low-end retailers, such as Big Lots and dollar stores. Moreover, one type of site that was an original tenant in many early malls across America, but which had long since lost its traditional place there (generally in favor of strip centers with storefront parking), is making a mall comeback: the supermarket. Westfield Group has been leading the way in adding supermarkets to its properties and has seen those malls’ overall sales per square foot increase greatly in response. 43 Faced with changing local demographics, some malls have decided to shift from their failing method of trying to attract the traditional mall clientele and instead primarily focus on catering to the surrounding ethnic groups. The nation’s biggest example of this transformation – which occurred prior to the current recession – is at the former Fort Worth Town Center, a 1962 regional mall in Texas, now known as La Gran Plaza de Forth Worth. In 2003, the mall had only twenty percent occupancy, with no surviving anchor stores. However, its new owners saw an opportunity in the fact that the area around it had become 79% Latino. By 2007, the renamed mall was 85 percent occupied, its spaces filled with over 160 Latino-oriented and mostly Latino-owned businesses. Tenants include small, independent inline stores selling items like traditional Spanish 398 dresses, piñatas, and Latin music – as well as a Hispanic supermarket, a Latin dance club, and even an eight-screen theater showing first-run, mainstream films either dubbed or subtitled in Spanish. (That multiplex is part of the Cinema Latino chain, which the dissertation’s section on multiplex theaters discusses.) Like traditional malls, La Gran Plaza also hosts a variety of community events – in this case, oriented toward its particular set of patrons. Thus, it offers mariachi performances every weekend, along with non-regular festivities like a mariachi music festival and a Cinco De Mayo celebration. 44 As its owner argued about its success, “This was an old mall that had a bad reputation and was empty…. We took the existing shell, reworked the architecture, looked at the demographic trends…. Our mall has become the town square of Hispanics, where they feel very much at home, thanks also to the cultural language spoken through music, architecture, and food.” 45 Although most malls do not go anywhere near the lengths that Fort Worth Town Center’s owners did in terms of completely repositioning themselves, malls are now, nonetheless, trying to make themselves even more central to the community than they had been in prior decades. Drawn by low rents, non-retail tenants are increasingly coming in to fill vacancies – targeting people who might not otherwise stop to shop at malls and causing them to stay longer once they are there. As seen on a much broader scale with the entirely reused malls detailed below, surviving malls are turning some of their vacant department stores and multiplex theaters into playhouses, fitness centers, and even extra classrooms for nearby community colleges. As a result of the recession, doctors, dentists, cosmetic surgery facilities, and tattoo parlors are also making mall inroads. Indoor skate parks and indoor surfing facilities (which utilize wave-making 399 machines) are joining malls as well, and many malls are creating playgrounds for children. Other malls are offering their food court areas and other attractive, large spaces as rentals for special events, and some are even growing hydroponic food gardens in their glass atriums (both of which unique methods of moneymaking are currently occurring at downtown Cleveland’s struggling, 1987 Galleria at Erieview). 46 For many malls plagued with increasing vacancies and a combination of lower rental income from and decreasing sales at the stores still operating, the situation became untenable. With the ongoing credit crunch and the real estate market collapse, many mall owners did not have sufficient capital to pay their loans and could not refinance their debts. Independent mall owners were especially hurt, with many of their malls falling into receivership, but massive mall companies felt the pinch as well. General Growth Properties, the nation’s second biggest mall owner, which boasted over 200 malls, went bankrupt in 2009 – making it the largest real estate failure in American history. (As of this writing in early 2010, several companies – including competitors Simon and Westfield – had been negotiating and bidding to take over General Growth.) Midway through 2009, eighty-four of America’s large, enclosed malls had already died during the recession, and analysts expected that figure to continue growing. 47 The death of a mall means far more than the loss of some shopping opportunities for consumers. Dead malls create blight, as their dismal-sounding industry name, “greyfields,” implies. Weeds can spring up in their vacant parking lots, while graffiti and vandalism can mar their exterior walls and sometimes their interior spaces as well. Also, looters, the homeless, teens, and others looking for places to do illegal or illicit activities can sometimes find their way inside. The visual impact and safety/security hazards 400 caused by a huge, vacant structure can contribute to an area’s decline. Malls are also one of the main sources of employment for many communities. Though such retail jobs may traditionally be low paying, nevertheless, each mall’s hundreds of workers depend on them tremendously. Moreover, these former mall workers’ unemployment and lack of paychecks then has a negative ripple effect on the rest of their areas. Also causing the cities surrounding dead malls to suffer is the fact that malls and their stores generally provide large amounts of property taxes, sales taxes, and business taxes. With those revenue streams suddenly drying up, cities with already depleting coffers find themselves facing massive budget deficits and are often unable to continue providing certain city services or to begin or complete planned infrastructure projects. 48 In late 2008, when the headline of an online article from national news network CNN declared, “Mall’s Demise Could Doom Community,” the reporter was not being hyperbolic. The community in question, the small Cleveland suburb of North Randall, was literally about to go bankrupt following that year’s shuttering of the Randall Park Mall, one of its two major revenue sources (the other being a racetrack). When it opened in 1976, Randall Park had been the Cleveland area’s biggest enclosed mall, a title that it managed to retain until its death – by which time, ironically, its huge size had become a hindrance rather than a help. 49 The Cuyahoga County Commissioner insisted that, in order to stave off becoming “a municipal fatality” that “could simply cease to exist as a city,” North Randall would have to quickly find a way to make the massive mall property profitable again. 50 (Officials were optimistic in late 2010, when a major developer contracted to purchase the Randall Park Mall in order to reuse the large structure as a light manufacturing and distribution/logistics center.) 51 401 Across the country, cities with dead and dying malls have been facing the same problem – both before and during the current recession. The typical solution has been to tear a dead mall down – to “de-mall” it – and build a new development in its place. These developments generally take several forms. The most frequently utilized method has been to replace the mall with what has proven to be some of its toughest competition nationally, a power center filled with big-box stores. Often, if one or more of a mall’s anchor stores had so far managed to survive despite the death of their surroundings, the developer would allow them to continue operating – demolishing the rest, but incorporating those large structures into the new project. Yet another major type of former competitor, the lifestyle center, has replaced other older, dying malls. 52 Another de-malling method, one championed by proponents of the interrelated New Urbanism and Smart Growth city planning movements, is to use the demolished older mall’s massive property to create a mixed-use, town center environment. Such places offer features like housing, offices, hotels, entertainment, dining, and, of course, retail – optimally in a pedestrian oriented, stylistically diverse, and environmentally friendly setting. Books and studies with appealing titles such as Greyfields into Goldfields, Malls into Mainstreets, and Retrofitting Suburbia have argued that these developments could not only be profitable but could also provide suburban areas with an enhanced sense of place and a valuable urbanity. Alternately, for older downtowns, these projects may return the sites to something like their original conceptualization and street plan, that which they had before the oft-destructive addition of the now-failed malls. 53 Overall, as the Congress for the New Urbanism has contended, “Greyfield malls offer the 402 opportunity to overcome past mistakes [and avoid] the greater risk of heading down the same old dead ends.” 54 De-malling efforts of these types have occurred at many pioneering and early malls that had eventually failed. Those lost include previously described ones like Shoppers World, the first two-story, regional mall (demolished in 1994 for a power center); Valley Fair, the first enclosed, climate-regulated mall (destroyed in 2007 for a supermarket and other stores); and Midtown Plaza, the first downtown mall (which, as of this writing in 2010, is scheduled to be demolished for a corporate headquarters). An (unsuccessful) preservation effort did occur for Shoppers World, and commemorative events took place in the years afterward – including a 2009 memorabilia exhibit at a local historical museum. Meanwhile, two of Midtown Plaza’s most notable public art elements have found new homes nearby. Its huge, hand-carved totem pole will stand inside the local zoo, while its restored Clock of Nations (a massive sculptural piece with diorama- set marionettes that dance to the music of 12 countries representing the twelve hours) now operates at the Rochester airport. 55 However, that level of appreciation and action has been rare. Preservation attempts are, as recent past preservation champion Dr. Richard Longstreth contended regarding Shoppers World, “hampered by a widespread prejudice against shopping centers generally” – with critics charging that, “shopping centers [are] the sort of thing preservation should be against.” Preservationists have nevertheless been able to save from destruction some notable, early centers, though, including two difficult accomplishments in the Washington DC area, which Longstreth cited: DC’s 1930 Park and Shop [Figures 6.22 and 6.23], and the 1938 Silver Spring Shopping Center in 403 suburban Silver Spring, Maryland. 56 [Figures 6.24, 6.25, and 6.26]. Moreover, some pioneering shopping centers have attained official landmark status. Both the Providence Arcade (which has been vacant since 2008, but is attempting to attract a major tenant) and Highland Park Shopping Village are National Historic Landmarks, the country’s highest and rarest preservation designation. 57 Meanwhile, Suburban Square and Roland Park Shopping Center are city landmarks. Roland Park Shopping Center is also part of a larger historic district on the National Register of Historic Places [Figure 6.27] – as is Market Square. However, those examples are physically fairly small, unlike the enclosed, regional malls threatened with demolition today. Nostalgia does exist for many of them, as shown by the previously mentioned rise of mall history websites and blogs, but outright preservation attempts (aside from adaptive reuse cases such as those described later) have been few. 58 One preservation case is the nation’s second downtown mall ever, Lincoln Square, which opened in 1964 in Urbana, Illinois – coming two years after Midtown Plaza’s creation by the same designer, Victor Gruen. Lincoln Square also held the title of being only the second enclosed mall in the state. It was a destructive urban renewal project, replacing nine blocks of downtown businesses and housing. However, the two- story Lincoln Square did incorporate the 1923 Urbana-Lincoln Hotel, the front entrance of which is now inside one corner of the mall. 59 The mall itself, according to architecture historian Karen Kummer, was “an excellent example of mid-1960s architecture,” with its exterior “deliberately planned to be rather plain so that once you walked inside you had this wonderful, sun-filled, climate-controlled space full of plants, benches, public sculpture and very large aquariums filled with fish.” 60 404 The pioneering downtown mall suffered, though, after a larger shopping center, the Market Place Mall, opened in 1976 in Urbana’s sister city of Champaign – along an interstate, making it even more desirable. The Market Place Mall’s 1999 expansion caused further harm, adding a new wing of shops, a food court, and a fourth department store – in comparison to the much smaller Lincoln Square with its sole department store, Bergner’s. The Lincoln Square Bergner’s store then closed in 2001, with the chain retaining its more profitable presence at Market Place Mall. The same year that its competitor had enlarged, new owners took over Lincoln Square and attempted to attract a new roster of national tenants to the ailing mall, which had been increasingly filled by local, “mom and pop”-type tenants – but their efforts were not successful. 61 By 2001, the owners had decided to branch out and turn the mall into the type of community-oriented, mixed-use space for which other malls’ owners were “de-malling” their properties – except, that is, doing so while still keeping the historically significant mall structure intact, rather than demolishing it for the new development. Today, Lincoln Square is known as Lincoln Square Village. The former Bergner’s anchor space became a combination of offices, a fitness center, and an organic/natural grocery store. Offices also take up most of the mall’s lower level, while a number of new, independent, specialty retailers and services also fill the mall’s space – as do restaurants of various types. In 2004, owners stated their intention to turn part of the mall’s upper floor into apartments overlooking the mall’s interior courtyard (much as occurred at the reused Chapel Square Mall, discussed below); however, that residential plan fell through. Despite the changes, the owners of the renamed Lincoln Square Village were careful to maintain the relatively physically unchanged mall’s appearance, both inside and out. 405 Their appreciation of the mall’s importance even led to their hiring of architectural historian Kummer to create a National Register of Historic Places nomination for the mall. The renewed Lincoln Square (along with the adjoining hotel) achieved designation on the National Register in 2006. 62 The landmarked Lincoln Square thus remains a mall, albeit one with a more mixed-use theme than it had previously – as implied by its clever slogan, “Same Square, New Angle.” 63 Although the adaptively reused malls detailed below do not retain their original retail function, they would have reason to utilize a similar slogan. Their owners have also managed to turn failure into success, all without demolishing and “de-malling” the historic structures. Shopping malls’ key features – particularly their typically large sizes, unique corridor-based floorplans, expansive parking lots, and locales in close proximity to major roads and highways – lend themselves quite well to certain types of reuses. Through creative thinking, many dead malls across the country have transformed into sites that now provide valuable services to their communities and are again vibrant parts of local life – often serving as catalysts for wider revitalization efforts. One of the most lauded types of conversions is that which morphs buildings in which families once shopped and teens hung out into places where they instead congregate to learn. Because of their size, some malls are even able to accommodate more than one school at once, plus additional school district facilities. As such, the presence of dead malls can actually provide a valuable opportunity for overcrowded school districts – especially those with limited or no room for new construction elsewhere. Moreover, the traditional mall design mirrors that of many schools – with multiple small rooms located off long hallways and with larger spaces (such as anchor 406 stores) available for key functions like gyms, auditoriums, and cafeterias. Additionally, as mentioned above, malls have historically been places where children and teens feel comfortable, places of which they have fond memories; that being the case, a mall- turned-school could potentially present a more positive, enticing environment for its students than the typical school might. The transformation of Phoenix’s former Maryvale Mall into an educational complex is a prime example of the potential inherent in such underutilized properties. Originally known by the grandiose name of Maryvale Shopping City, the 1958 center was the creation of developer John F. Long (with assistance from the famed Victor Gruen). Long designed the mall to be a crucial part of Maryvale, his new suburb (later annexed by Phoenix). Beyond providing goods for locals, Maryvale Shopping City also had the purpose of drawing new residents to the area; since it was only the second mall ever built in Arizona, it was quite an attraction. 64 The first such Arizona center – Phoenix’s open-air Park Central Mall, which opened in 1957 – is a successful example of another type of reuse: that of turning malls into business parks, in which capacity it has served since 1995. [Figures 6.28 – 6.32]. (This dissertation discusses the office reuse of enclosed malls later in this section.) 65 Like Park Central, Maryvale Shopping City was originally an open-air mall (featuring covered walkways to help alleviate Phoenix’s sweltering heat). Along with two department stores, it also boasted a supermarket and an attached bowling alley – cleverly called the Bowlero – as anchor tenants. A freestanding, twin-screen movie theater opened in the parking lot in 1971, while the Bowlero closed – with its space becoming a department store (in a very early example of bowling alley reuse). The big 407 change, though, came in the late 1970s – when John F. Long enclosed the center, added a new wing of shops (including two more department stores), and renamed the complex Maryvale Mall. 66 However, the mall’s improvements could not help demographic shifts in the region, where Maryvale (once on the outskirts of town) was becoming an inner-ring, older suburb in the face of Phoenix’s fast-expanding sprawl. Property values declined, the original residents moved on, and the neighborhood became majority Latino and one of the poorest parts of Phoenix. Multiple low-income families moved in together, crammed inside Maryvale’s originally single-family tract homes. The new residents had little money to spend at the mall, while outsiders increasingly avoided it as gangs, crime, and drug activity spiraled in the area. The 1981 opening of Westridge Mall (later known as Desert Sky Mall), located a few miles away and near an interstate, caused further problems for Maryvale Mall – which was not close to a major highway. Many stores, including several anchors, moved to Westridge; others simply closed. An indoor soccer arena called the Maryvale Pride Pavilion did open, presumably created to attract the area’s Latino residents to the mall, but it did not stem the tide. The mall’s Maryvale Theater closed in 1990, and the mostly-vacant shopping center closed entirely in 1995. 67 The pioneering mall sat empty for several years, until John F. Long conceived the equally pioneering concept of turning the space into schools. The project became, in fact, “one of the first large scale adaptive reuse school conversions in the country” (meaning the adaptive reuse by a school of any large building). 68 Long was already a well-known philanthropist who had helped fund numerous programs for the local Cartwright School District over the years. Thus, his desire to further assist the impoverished district and its 408 students made sense – especially when considering the educational needs of Maryvale, where no new schools had been built in over 20 years, where little open land remained for building such new schools, and where the average adult resident only had a 9th grade education. Therefore, Long offered to sell the majority of the mall – including approximately 330,000 square feet out of 500,000, along with 25 acres of land and parking lots – to the school district for $7.3 million. That figure was less than half the property’s appraised value, and Long wrote the remainder off as a tax-deductible donation to the district. (Census workers, gathering data for the 2000 census, would soon take over the remainder of the mall’s space. Long hoped that area would eventually host a vocational training facility, but a Wal-Mart Supercenter eventually opened there instead.) Cartwright School District purchased the property in 1998, and the unprecedented transformation began – finishing much more quickly, and with millions less spent, than would have been the case with a traditional new-build. 69 The conversion was not so apparent on the exterior, however, as Long had officially stipulated as part of the purchase agreement that Cartwright had to preserve the external appearance of the historic mall. [Figure 6.33]. This did present some construction challenges; for instance, the district could not add windows, so it oriented classrooms around existing skylights in the corridors and also constructed new natural- light wells. To brighten up the interior further, it added colorful murals along the mall’s wide corridors – with the elementary school’s entry mural depicting a streetscape with iconic buildings (like the Empire State and Chrysler buildings) to help aid teachers doing lessons about architecture and city development. In 2000, the Marc T. Atkinson Middle School opened with 1000 students. [Figure 6.34]. The Bret R. Tarver Elementary School 409 followed it a year later, adding 600 more students to the former mall. [Figure 6.35]. Although they have separate entrances, the fact that both schools share one facility allows for cost-saving and staff-reducing joint functions, such as a single kitchen for the two schools’ cafeterias and a combined media center / library (albeit split into two parts for the different grade levels’ reading needs). 70 The Maryvale Mall now contains much more than just two schools, though, as the district is making the most of the massive space. It features what the district deemed a “transitional school,” meant to hold classes and offices that have had to vacate other schools in the district temporarily due to renovations. 71 Moreover, Cartwright converted the Bowlero bowling alley into its new warehouse, which now holds district supplies and equipment. Similarly, the mall’s former skating rink kept its active nature intact by becoming a gymnasium – a logical progression. 72 Much larger than a typical school gym, it is, in fact, the very first gym in any of the district’s schools (a situation that presumably existed due to a lack of funds). Thus, officials called its opening “a real source of pride” for the district. The gym also serves Cartwright’s needs by being dual- purpose, specifically designed by the school’s architects to convert easily into a meeting / training space. The district utilizes the large area – which is big enough to hold all of its employees at the same time – frequently for such functions. 73 Other parts of the former mall now serve the broader community instead of solely young students. Services there include a police substation, a health clinic, and the school district’s Family Resource Center (which offers free adult education classes, a community lending library, and a “clothes closet” that provides clothing for underprivileged students). The district also made good use of the mall’s large parking 410 lots, turning much of that area into athletic fields and playgrounds for the schoolchildren. [Figure 6.36]. Finally, the district had always intended to reuse the Maryvale Theater as a joint school auditorium / community performing arts center – with its two, 525-seat theater auditoriums becoming a single, 770-seat facility. (That transformation would echo what has been occurring at a number of closed multiplexes across the country, as shown in the section on multiplex theater reuse.) The district began a fundraising campaign for that purpose in 2004, after years of the mansard-roofed structure sitting boarded up with its twin marquees empty. [Figure 6.37]. Unfortunately, the project fell through, and Cartwright eventually demolished the building to provide more space for parking. 74 The theater’s destruction aside, the Maryvale Mall’s educational reuse stands as a shining example of how dead malls can once again become productive sites – places that instill real pride in officials and community members alike. As the national School Building Association noted, “The rebirth of Maryvale Mall into a state-of-the-art education facility housing an elementary and middle school was a significant catalyst to the revitalization of the Maryvale core,” helping to change it from “an economically stagnant, deteriorating urban area to an invigorated, revamped model of urban renewal.” 75 While the Maryvale Mall’s school conversion success sprang from a carefully planned vision by a developer and a school district, Shepherd Mall’s reuse – as office space hosting a variety of government services – occurred in an ad hoc manner in the midst of the chaotic aftermath of the Oklahoma City Bombing in 1995. The mall had opened 31 years earlier as the first enclosed, air-conditioned shopping center in the state, 411 featuring over 630,000 square feet and three department stores. It remained a popular place for approximately two decades, but the decline of the mall’s surroundings (an aging, increasingly working-class neighborhood in the central city) hurt customer traffic. Moreover, locals’ concerns about safety came to the forefront when – in two separate tragedies in 1985 and 1986 – killers kidnapped women from the Shepherd Mall parking lot and then murdered them. The 1985 victim’s family sued the mall for inadequate security (an assessment with which the police officially agreed) and eventually settled for a substantial amount of money. Enhanced mall security did help prevent a similar incident in 1990; when a man tried to abduct yet another woman in her car, threatening her with a knife, a security guard captured him after other Shepherd shoppers heard the victim’s screams. Coupled with the crime issues was the makeover of Shepherd’s nearest competitor, a 1960, formerly open-air center called Penn Square Mall. Remodeling projects enclosed that mall in 1981 and then added a second floor of shops in 1988. Besides having become larger and more upscale than Shepherd, Penn Square was also more convenient, sitting at the prime intersection of an interstate and an expressway – versus Shepherd’s location amidst regular streets. Because of all these factors, customers and stores fled the Shepherd Mall. 76 A 1990 remodeling effort at Shepherd did little to stop the exodus. By 1994, when investors purchased the mall, it was only thirty percent occupied – with the massive vacant space including two of its three anchor stores. The new owners stated that they intended to do a gradual renovation and would focus on attracting discount chains – including ones that then had no presence in the region. Still, they were also open to considering non-retail uses to help fill the gaps. 77 In early 1995, when the state 412 Department of Environmental Quality decided to consolidate its five offices into a single new headquarters, it officially considered the former Dillard’s department store at the Shepherd Mall as one of its main options – with the department’s director noting that, because of the agency’s environmental focus, “recycling a building is what we want to do.” 78 (It did not move in, though.) A few months later, the mall’s owners announced that while they were still determined to bring in more retail, Shepherd would provide 12,000 square feet for the creation of Oklahoma City University’s International Aerospace Academy. The NASA-affiliated facility opened inside the mall that summer, featuring a glass-enclosed, full-scale, space shuttle simulator and other resources for the academy’s math, science, and technology-focused youth camps. 79 However, by the time the International Aerospace Academy opened, it found itself sharing the mall space not with numerous new retailers, but with an array of agencies that had filled the mall after the worst act of domestic terrorism in American history occurred on April 19, 1995. On that tragic day, Timothy McVeigh drove a truck carrying 4000 pounds of explosives into the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. The Oklahoma City Bombing killed 168 people, destroyed that nine-story building, and damaged numerous other structures downtown. Because of the Shepherd Mall’s high vacancy rate and location near downtown, features that had previously been major liabilities instead made the shopping center an ideal central site both for disaster relief efforts and for the relocation of suddenly homeless government agencies. The mall’s owners donated space for the purpose, and within a couple of weeks after the bombing, the mall had become the Oklahoma City Recovery Service Center. Shepherd’s vacant shops housed the primary aid offices of the Federal Emergency Management Agency 413 (FEMA), along with numerous other disaster-assistance agencies (such as Unemployment) – as well as the bases of both the Red Cross and the Salvation Army, the main international relief organizations. Also serving the community from the mall was the Southern Baptist Convention, which opened a free childcare center for disaster victims to utilize while dealing with the various agencies there. Meanwhile, inside the mall’s former supermarket, a disaster recovery company cleaned and sorted tangible reminders of the tragedy: documents, computers, and equipment that it had salvaged from the bombed buildings. 80 While many of the disaster-assistance agencies later closed their temporary quarters at the Shepherd Mall, both the Red Cross and the Salvation Army decided to make the mall their new local headquarters and signed leases. Meanwhile, because the government decided not to rebuild the Federal Building (instead turning the site into a memorial), numerous governmental offices that the bombing had dislocated began permanently relocating at the Shepherd Mall. The Social Security Agency took 18,000 square feet of the mall, while the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education leased another 22,000 for its student loan program offices. Other new government offices there included those of the Oklahoma Tax Commission, the Oklahoma Real Estate Commission, the Oklahoma Developmental Disabilities Council, and the state insurance commissioner. In a very significant move due to its implication regarding the mall’s preservation through reuse, the State Historic Preservation Office moved in as well. 81 The Shepherd Mall’s owners soon attracted major corporate tenants also. These included internet provider America Online / AOL (which took over most of the Dillard’s department store), the Commercial Financial Services debt-collection company (using 414 much of the J.C. Penney and TG&Y anchor stores), an insurer called the American Administrative Group, and Columbia/HCA healthcare. Commercial Financial Services then went bankrupt, but a national claim center for Farmers Insurance took its 100,000 square foot space in 1999. A year later, a new charter school called the Advanced Science and Technology Education Center (ASTEC) moved in – soon serving 600 students in 50,000 square feet. By 2003, the successfully repositioned mall was over 90 percent occupied, boasting more than 4000 employees inside – albeit few of them in retail sales. A handful of restaurants and merchants (such as a dry cleaner and a nail salon) did still exist, but those catered almost exclusively to the office workers. Despite its conversion into a business park filled with civic and corporate services, the property owners decided to keep the shopping center’s original name intact – doing so out of their recognition of the historic significance of the Shepherd Mall. 82 While the Shepherd Mall now focuses on serving the community through hosting many government agencies and academic facilities, other former malls have found success through aligning themselves almost exclusively with corporate functions. That is the case with Eastlake Square Mall in Tampa, which today serves as a technology- oriented business center called Netpark (or, officially, “netp@rk”). Believed to be the biggest reused mall in the United States (and one of the nation’s largest building reuses overall), its transformation occurred due to the vision of Gerald Divaris at Divaris Real Estate. Divaris saw the potential of that massive building – understanding that, if it only held office tenants instead of retailers, the mall would immediately become the largest office complex in its area. 83 415 Divaris’s firm spearheaded the conversion and management process after he offered his concept as a potential solution to the mall’s new owner, John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co. John Hancock, the property’s mortgage lender, had repossessed the failing, half-vacant mall in 1995. That same year had seen the opening of Brandon Town Center in Brandon, the Tampa area’s first new regional mall in nearly twenty years – plus the major remodeling of the nearby University Mall (which added a number of major tenants and a 16-screen megaplex, as compared to only a small triplex cinema at Eastlake Square). Even prior to that increased competition, Eastlake Square Mall had been struggling for years, partially due to its location in an industrial district. When the one million square foot mall opened in 1976, its surroundings had been mostly open land, and its developer – national shopping center magnate Edward J. DeBartolo – hoped that upscale housing tracts and other commercial projects would soon join it. Industries eventually surrounded the mall, though, a fact that decreased its position in an already crowded local market (where it was simply the fifth indoor mall). 84 Faced with these factors, John Hancock tried to gain headway in 1996 by campaigning to bring in new bargain stores that would attract value-oriented shoppers (much as the Shepherd Mall’s owners had once attempted). It was following the lead of two of the mall’s department stores, as the former Dillard’s store had become the chain’s regional clearance center while J.C. Penney was utilizing a large part of its anchor building as that chain’s furniture clearance center. John Hancock combined this image makeover with small physical changes as well, adding fresh paint and a colorful main entryway to the two-story structure. About a year later, Eastlake Square Mall had at least risen above 50% occupancy. However, other than its four department store anchors, only 416 three of its smaller stores were national chains, with the others being local retailers that did not have the same drawing power. Moreover, yet another competitor – the huge Citrus Plaza – had begun construction in the area, threatening even Eastlake’s minor gains. 85 Thus, in 1997, John Hancock accepted Gerald Divaris’s idea of turning the foreclosed mall into the Netpark office complex. Divaris designed his plan to capitalize on the influx of telemarketing firms and customer-service call centers, which had been flocking to the Tampa area at a rate that made it the leading spot in the nation for those types of operations. In order to attract them, the mall’s owner began upgrading it with features such businesses would most value, such as advanced telecommunications infrastructure and other technology (like duplicate sets of fiber-optic cables and duplicate power substations, which would decrease the chance of service interruptions and slowdowns for the phone-and-data-heavy clientele). To make the former mall more open and inviting, workers added windows to the façade and raised the roof, allowing for several light-providing atriums with skylights above courtyards with seating. Eastlake Square Mall’s 100 stores were easy to convert into varying sizes (and to customize to individual office tenants’ needs), because the storefronts were not built with load-bearing walls between them – allowing for less-permanent partitions. Other existing mall features – including multiple entrances, several escalators and elevators, and over 5000 parking spaces (with the owner adding a shuttle service to take Netpark employees to and from their cars) – made Netpark even more appealing for businesses. So did the 2007 addition of a large bus transfer center for the regional transportation system, making access to the complex easy for commuters and clients alike. 86 417 As occurred at Maryvale Mall, Netpark also smartly reused some of Eastlake Square Mall’s key former operations in interesting ways. An auto service building became a daycare center capable of hosting 300 children, with on-site childcare being a crucial need for many corporations. Meanwhile, the food court that once served hungry shoppers became the 500-seat corporate dining center, essentially an office cafeteria that could also hold banquets. Additionally, following a national trend of multiplex reuse (as described in that section of the dissertation), the mall’s second-floor theater – once part of the General Cinemas chain – turned into a conference center; it is equipped for teleconferences but also serves as a space for meetings and training sessions. (Beyond simply serving Netpark tenants, Netpark rents the reused multiplex out to other businesses as well.) The county planning commission rewarded Netpark’s innovative design by giving it one of the commission’s annual Awards of Recognition in 2003. 87 By that time, some 3000 people were working inside Netpark. Since it opened, the unique operation has attracted a number of prominent tenants – with the biggest generally filling up the former department stores, while the mall’s leasing agents have sought out smaller operations for the inline storefront spaces. Major corporate tenants have included a call center for wireless company Alltel Communications, a mortgage services call center for banking company HSBC North America, an information technology development office for John Hancock Financial Services, a Medicare customer service center for healthcare provider Humana, a prescription-processing operation for pharmaceutical company Merck-Medco Managed Care, and the headquarters of Corinthian Colleges, Inc. (which operates online degree programs). Non- corporate tenants have come aboard as well, with the School Board of Hillsborough 418 County leasing space for its Early Childhood Education Program; Hillsborough County also opened a satellite office for its Building Services Department, while the state Division of Motor Vehicles located its Bureau of Field Operations there. As with any major office complex, Netpark’s tenant roster has changed considerably over the years, with some major participants closing due to changing economic conditions. (Closures included a large call center for struggling automobile maker General Motors; the information technology department for CP Ships, after that container shipping company was bought out; and a timeshare sales and marketing center for Marriott Vacation Club International, which opened there in 2001 – just before the September 11th attacks caused a steep decline in leisure travel.) 88 Overall, Netpark stands as a crucial case of how even a foreclosed mall can become a place that once again draws businesses, jobs, and money to an area. Moreover, Netpark’s success has had a major impact on what other companies do with their own failing, enclosed malls. For instance, in 2006, an even older mall in Tampa followed its example and converted entirely to business uses. The 1972, one-story Floriland Mall, a small property with only 160,000 square feet and around 50 stores, is now the Floriland Office Center. (Its main tenants are government agencies, a few of which had been reusing its two department stores since 2000-2001.) 89 Meanwhile, in Hampton, Virginia, another mall owner hired Netpark’s crucial management firm, Divaris, to transform the 575,000 square foot Newmarket Fair into a similar office complex. Like Netpark, that 1975, two story mall – renamed Netcenter – now operates as the largest office park in its region. 90 419 Back in 1995, while the future Netpark and Netcenter were both still struggling to fill their storefronts with retail, another visionary had a very different plan for the first mall in Jackson, Mississippi. Dr. Aaron Shirley, who headed the largest community health center in the state, came up with the idea that the nearly vacant Jackson Mall could become a health care facility, providing much-needed medical services for the impoverished, heavily African-American, urban area – which is indeed its purpose today. When it first opened in 1969, the $15 million Jackson Mall was the largest mall in a 400- mile radius and was, overall, the third biggest in the Southeast United States. Featuring nearly 900,000 square feet on one level with two (later three) department stores, it offered its customers 4000 parking spaces and – a rarity in malls – a luxurious, single-screen theater. Part of the Ogden-Perry theater circuit, the 700-seat Jackson Mall Cinema boasted rocking-chair style seats, a concession stand made of marble, and a lobby filled with tropical plants and topped by a large chandelier. Even with its size and amenities, though, Jackson Mall could not even stay on top of the Mississippi shopping scene for a whole decade. 91 In 1978, Metrocenter Mall opened on the other side of town – with that shopping center offering many more stores on two floors. Chain stores began moving out, leaving the Jackson Mall with a revolving door of local businesses and increasing vacancies. The Jackson Mall Cinema closed in 1985, the same year that yet another major shopping center, Northpark Mall, opened in the suburb of Ridgeland. Shortly thereafter, two of Jackson Mall’s department stores went out of business. Adding to the mall’s demise was the decline of its Midtown neighborhood into an area filled with poverty and 420 unemployment. By the 1990s, the mall had become a mostly abandoned eyesore that attracted vandalism and other crime. 92 Community leaders thus saw the medical center idea as not just a way to breathe life back into the property but also to help revitalize the area – to bring it (as well as the local citizens) back to health. To that end, Dr. Shirley presented his business plan to the University of Mississippi Medical Center (the only teaching hospital in the state), which had wanted to expand its teaching clinics but did not have the funds to construct a brand new facility. The university then collaborated with Jackson State University and the historically African-American Tougaloo College to start a nonprofit organization, the Jackson Medical Mall Foundation, for purchasing and operating the mall. The foundation financed the mall’s conversion through loans backed by the Medical Center as well as through city funds and bonds from both the county and the Jackson Redevelopment Authority. So that even the construction process would help the disadvantaged area, the foundation focused on hiring small, local, minority-owned firms for its contractors and subcontractors. It reopened with its new use in 1996; since that time, the renamed Jackson Medical Mall Thad Cochran Center (with its retail origins still clear from its name) has offered the community a wide variety of services. Jackson State University’s School of Allied Health occupies the former J.C. Penney department store, while the University of Mississippi Medical Center’s specialty teaching clinics (including radiology, diabetes, cardio-pulmonary rehab, tobacco treatment, etc.) fill the former Gayfer’s department store. The mall’s third department store, Woolco, became home to the University of Mississippi’s new cancer center and center for addictions. Meanwhile, the mall’s former cinema became the University of 421 Mississippi Medical Center’s conference center (much as occurred with the Eastlake Square Mall theater); it is also available for rental by nonprofit groups for meetings and other functions. Other parts of the mall hold the University of Mississippi’s primary care clinics (offering family medicine, pediatrics, ob-gyn, etc.), which locals can use without prior referrals – and which can then refer people, if necessary, down the mall corridors to the specialized clinics in the attached department store. Many other medical/educational facilities for both the University of Mississippi and Jackson State University exist there as well. Non-university medical tenants in the mall include several State Department of Health clinics and programs, along with various private and/or charity-based services (like an optometrist’s office). 93 Aside from the many medical uses, governmental institutions also rent space in the mall, including the City of Jackson’s Human and Cultural Services office, its Department of Parks and Recreation, and its Water/Sewer Administration department. Nonprofit groups also utilize the mall’s former storefronts, with tenants including the Jackson Association of Educators, the Metro Jackson Long-term Recovery Taskforce, the Mississippi Housing Initiative, the Perico Institute for Youth Development & Entrepreneurship, and numerous others. A few traditional mall businesses also remain, including approximately half a dozen restaurants (mostly fast food), plus enterprises such as a credit union, a beauty salon, a cell phone store, and a children’s book / art shop. Such places (most of which are owned by minorities and/or women) serve the mall’s 2000 workers, as well as the 500 people who visit the facility every day (on average) for health care. 94 422 Additionally, the Jackson Medical Mall serves a community center function, much as malls have done in the past. It has hosted numerous events, such as a health fair, a youth college and career expo, a teen summit, and concerts and plays. It also regularly holds helpful programs offering services like free tax preparation, free legal advice, education for first-time homebuyers, etc. Because of its unique method of turning a failed retail operation into a real community resource, the Jackson Medical Mall frequently attracts developers and local leaders from across the country – seeking inspiration regarding how to redevelop dead malls and big box stores in their own areas. 95 A few states away in the Panhandle region of Texas, another converted mall thrives on creative inspiration, because it now hosts dozens of artists – whose studios, galleries, and art-focused classrooms fill the storefronts. Like the Jackson Mall, Sunset Center started out proudly as the very first mall in its area, 96 with its slogan touting that it offered “Everything Under the Sun at Sunset.” 97 Moreover, after Sunset Center opened in 1960, the mid-sized city of Amarillo could boast that it had the third-largest mall in Texas – following only Gulf Gate Mall in Houston and Big Town Mall in the Dallas suburb of Mesquite. The man behind Sunset Center’s creation, M.T. Johnson, Jr., had traveled the country studying shopping centers in order to find the best elements for his Amarillo project; to that end, he recruited Big Town Mall’s developer, Gerri Von Frellick, to be his partner. 98 Von Frellick, later known as a “mall maven” because of how many he built, was at the time most famous for creating the Denver area’s Lakeside Center, which was then one of the three biggest malls in America. Significantly, Lakeside Center, Big Town Mall, and Gulf Gate Mall no longer exist. With their size no 423 longer considered massive and their amenities no longer considered unique, those once- vaunted palaces of consumption all eventually fell to the wrecking balls. However, their smaller and much less well-known counterpart in Amarillo managed to survive – not as a traditional mall, of course, but through adaptive reuse, thus helping reveal the lost potential that the others held. 99 Decades before its failure and conversion into an art center, Sunset Center’s life began in 1955, when M.T. Johnson Jr. applied to have his father’s Sunset Golf Course re- zoned for a shopping center. He then brought in a freestanding Sears department store, which opened in 1957. Although it would sit across the street from the rest of the planned mall, Johnson hoped – correctly – that Sears would serve as an attractant, drawing more tenants to the project by showing the area’s economic viability. Sunset Center opened three years later, with approximately 50 tenants inside an air-conditioned, 300,000 square foot structure surrounded by parking for 3500 cars. 100 As the regional mall’s opening day advertisement challenged, “We will pay you $1.00 if you fail to find a parking space at Sunset” – which it hyperbolically called, “The greatest array of values ever advertised under one roof.” 101 Along with the unattached Sears, Sunset Center featured one major department store, J.C. Penney, along with a Safeway supermarket and several smaller anchors like the five and dime chains Woolworth and Kress. That Kress was, in fact, the first shopping center-based Kress in Texas. (The chain already had nearly 40 downtown stores across the state, including one that had opened in 1932 in downtown Amarillo. That store survived into the 1970s despite the existence of the chain’s newer, much larger location at Sunset Center. The 424 1932 structure, which still displays the Kress name in several places on its art deco facade, now hosts a furniture shop. [Figure 6.38].) 102 The new mall that housed those many stores was a contemporary structure designed by architect Jim Collier, who had previously been responsible for Big Town Mall’s architecture. Sunset Center’s construction was of brick, concrete, and stone. It featured elements like a large, floor-to-ceiling, glass façade at the entry, along with several shapes of modernist pendant lights dangling throughout the corridors. 103 The mall’s color scheme was vibrant, but still Southwestern-oriented. A grand opening article described its main tones as being “brilliant turquoise, Tahiti coral, and sunglow” – appropriate colors for a place named Sunset Center. 104 Sunset Center was a single-level structure, except for J.C. Penney, which offered two floors – served by the very first escalator in Amarillo. The area’s children enjoyed the novel thrill of riding that escalator, although some of them rode up and down frequently enough to get into trouble with the mall’s staff. 105 One place at the mall, though, existed especially for children. Instead of having a traditional movie theater, Sunset Center boasted a unique attraction that, according to the trade journal Boxoffice, was “believed to be the only one of its kind in the country.” Dramatically named the Rocket X-7 Kartoon Theatre, it showed cartoons continuously in a supervised, lighted setting (made possible by its rear-projection system). Thus, not only could parents feel safe about dropping their children off at the theater while they shopped, but also, because of the light, they could peer in easily to check on their children without disturbing the viewing. For years, then, the mall served as a beloved center of the community, a place that held good memories for kids and adults alike. 106 425 Its reign as the sole major shopping center in the area lasted less than a decade, though. In 1968, Sunset Center had to cede its size title to Western Plaza, which was a fair amount larger at 485,000 square feet. Both single-story malls coexisted peacefully until 1982, when Westgate Mall opened and dwarfed them both with its approximately 125 stores in 885,000 square feet on two levels. Beyond the size issue, Sunset Center’s lack of a real movie theater was also a drawback, as both of its competitors offered that desired feature. Moreover, unlike Sunset Center, both newer shopping centers were located conveniently along the interstate. 107 Soon, stores began switching malls – including Sunset Center’s primary anchor, J.C. Penney, which vacated its large space and moved to Westgate Mall in 1986. Other major closures at Sunset Center included the mall’s supermarket and the freestanding Sears department store. A distribution center did reuse the former Sears building, which kept jobs in the area, but which no longer helped pull shoppers to the mall. Eventually, Sunset Center became a haven for bargain-oriented shops like Dollar General and a Goodwill thrift store, but even those had trouble surviving. Meanwhile, even with its position at an interstate exit, Western Plaza was having similar problems trying to compete with Westgate Mall. Filled with an increasing amount of vacant storefronts and anchors [Figures 6.39 and 6.40] – including its originally single-screened but later twinned cinema, which closed in 1991 [Figure 6.41] – Western Plaza slowly died. [Figure 6.42]. After its owners announced plans in 2005 to build a new power center on the site, bulldozers reduced Western Plaza to rubble in 2007. 108 Sunset Center had already avoided a similar fate, though, thanks to the ingenious decisions of Ann Crouch, who had owned the property since 1992. An artist herself, 426 Crouch began the mall’s slow transformation in 2001. 109 That was when she let the Amarillo Fine Arts Association take over Sunset Center’s former supermarket. As president Cindy Kelleher explained, the association’s anonymous benefactors “had always wanted a gallery space for Amarillo. This building became available, and they thought it would be a perfect space for a gallery….a permanent place to display our art.” The grocery store thus became the Panhandle Art Center. It was soon hosting the work of over 100 member artists from the local area in quarterly exhibits, while also holding monthly, juried shows featuring entries from across the country. (The center’s own artists pay for their memberships and must put in hours volunteering at the center every month, as well as pay a commission to the center on the work they sell there.) Beyond the gallery’s exhibits, the Panhandle Art Center also began putting on frequent art workshops for the public. 110 The educational element at Sunset Center came to the foreground in 2004, when the Amarillo Art Institute opened inside the mall. The institute has since offered a full range of part-time art classes at varying levels of skill for both children and adults, taught by approximately twenty volunteering local artists. The mall-based courses include such subjects as portrait drawing, digital photography, pottery, oils, and pastels. One of the school’s main draws, though, is that it regularly brings nationally and internationally known artists to Amarillo to conduct special, weeklong workshops on specific topics. With its dual focus, the Amarillo Art Institute prides itself on helping turn the city into an art haven. 111 As executive director Marsha Clements stated, “Amarillo can be a center where people come to study art, to buy art and to make art. We’re focused on building the local art community.” 112 427 That local art community has increasingly chosen Sunset Center to be its primary home. About six months after the Amarillo Art Institute opened at the mall, the rest of the mall’s vacant storefronts began to fill up with artists’ studios, as well as with their galleries. By mid 2005, owner Ann Crouch had rented out over half of the mall’s 50 spaces (at reasonable rates) to approximately sixty professional artists from around the Texas Panhandle region. Crouch allowed each space’s artists to decorate it as they wished inside and outside; additionally, many pieces of their art too large to go inside the former stores now sit in the mall’s main corridors, filling them with color and visual interest. 113 That artistic remaking of the former shopping center soon even extended to its massive parking lot; in 2007, workers began transforming 50 square yards of it into an outdoor sculpture garden. Today, that garden contains numerous for-sale sculptures, created by sculptors from around the region – all set amidst pathways winding through a landscape of grass, trees, and fish-filled ponds with waterfalls. 114 Ann Crouch explained her impetus for the sculpture garden, stating, “People wouldn’t have walked around a plain concrete parking lot. The art out here changes the whole mood of this place, and that’s what I wanted to happen” 115 – especially since “there’s nothing like this anywhere around Amarillo.” 116 The artists who create and sell their art at the former mall (now called the Galleries at Sunset Center) love the concept of their enterprise – particularly regarding how it allows them to collaborate and hold joint events while remaining independent. As sculptor Patsy Kisor insisted, “I believe whole-heartedly in what Ann is doing…. Every improvement at Sunset Center builds more excitement. And it’s all for the community, 428 which makes it so important.” 117 Drawing that wider, non-artist community to Sunset Center began to happen on a broader scale in 2006, when Ann Crouch organized a regular Amarillo version of a national, art-oriented phenomenon: the First Friday Art Walk. At the monthly Art Walks, studios and galleries across the area stay open in the evening for visits from locals, who travel from place to place (using a provided map) to view exhibits, watch art demonstrations, eat refreshments, listen to live music, etc. Of course, because of the dozens of artists available at Sunset Center, the converted shopping center is one of the Art Walks’ focuses. When the Art Walks first began, only around 125 people attended; just a year later, though, they had grown to be one of the city’s major events, hosting over a thousand art-appreciating visitors per night. 118 Despite Sunset Center’s rejuvenating focus on art, it still does hold a few normal retailers (including a furniture store and a party-rental shop), as well as a martial arts academy and a bingo hall called High Plains Bingo. 119 The facility’s major attraction other than all of the artwork, however, is also art, albeit of a different type: theater performances. The Amarillo Repertory Theatre, known as the Rep, opened inside the mall in 2006. It started out exclusively as a children’s theater, putting on original musicals primarily created by local playwrights. The Rep’s focus on youth brought the mall back full circle to its early years as the home of the Rocket X-7 Kartoon Theatre, although the new theater focused on giving children “a taste of culture on their level” rather than simply keeping them occupied while their parents shopped. The Rep later branched out to include performances of plays (both original and classic) aimed at older audiences. It also created new events at the mall, including the Panhandle Playwrights 429 Festival, which highlights the work of the area’s playwrights, and the now-annual Amarillo Shakespeare Festival. 120 Additionally, Sunset Center’s art-filled corridors have hosted more than one storefront church. 121 Don Novak, the pastor of the mall’s Harvest Christian Fellowship, explained the benefits of its unique, ultra-casual setting. “The message is come on in and have fun. Our services are very open, inviting, friendly. We try to keep the pressure down – we’re trying to be more inviting to people who may not be comfortable” in a traditional church environment. 122 Interestingly, that seeker-sensitive religious ethos found at Sunset Center also pervades another former shopping mall. The 5000-member Summer Grove Baptist Church bought Shreveport’s former South Park Mall in 2003. The Southern Baptist megachurch’s pastor, Rod Masteller, stated that he believed that God “wanted us to step out and restore the city and restore hope” by moving into the mall. South Park Mall, a 900,000 square foot, one-story shopping center that had opened in 1975, had just been put on the market by its owner, the national mall company Simon Property Group. 123 Much as happened at Shepherd Mall, perceptions of crime had undermined South Park Mall’s retail capabilities. Incidents receiving major press included a woman’s disappearance in 1996 after going to the mall with an acquaintance (who later confessed to murdering her) and then a teen’s shooting death in the parking lot in 1999. The surrounding area of Southern Hills, a former postwar suburb that Shreveport had annexed (as had occurred with the Maryvale Mall’s locale), had increasing problems with gangs; former shoppers spoke disparagingly of large groups of unruly African-American teens making trouble in the mall. The mall’s owners increased security, and although the 430 neighborhood’s crime rate actually went down for several successive years, customers did not return. 124 Another disincentive for citizens to come to the mall was the fate of the nearby plant for phone company AT&T, which employed approximately 7500 workers at its height in the 1980s but had decreased to less than 2000 by 1991. Even before the plant finally closed, its multiple rounds of layoffs meant that jobs and workers kept leaving the area, taking their money with them. What injured the mall the most, though, was the mass exodus of its anchor stores, beginning with Montgomery Ward in 1999 and then J.C. Penney in 2000. Both closed as part of their chains’ respective restructuring efforts (which shut about 40 Montgomery Ward and 100 J.C. Penney locations nationwide). Citing a sharp decrease in foot traffic at the mall because of those closures, a third department store – Dillard’s – followed them out in 2001. That same year, the mall’s six- screen multiplex also closed, a victim of the bankruptcy of the Regal Cinemas chain. 125 At that point, numerous smaller stores began closing as well. As the assistant manager of one of those businesses (a cookie shop) summed up, “We can’t sell enough here. We don’t have enough customers to pay payroll…. We can’t even keep employees. We’re afraid to walk to the car sometimes.” 126 The mall tried numerous ways of drawing shops and people back to the mall, including holding events every month (such as a circus and a beautiful-baby contest). Although city officials criticized Simon Property Group for not doing enough – especially for not renovating the aging property – the mall did make some headway. Those improvements almost all went away quickly, though. In 2001, the former J.C. Penney store became home to an indoor swap meet featuring nearly 300 vendors, with 431 local business leaders hoping it would help the mall become a hub for antique and gift stores and attract tourists. 127 Unfortunately, it closed less than a year later. Its developer explained, “Maybe it was the lack of money for advertising or maybe it was the mall’s reputation or maybe it was a combination. But we just did not generate the traffic.” 128 The same month, though, a bright spot appeared when the South Park Cinema 6 reopened with a new, independent owner – only to close, yet again, after not even a year. It opened again shortly thereafter, however, this time as a second-run discount theater. Its grand opening occurred in summer 2003, only a couple of months after Simon put the mall up for sale; under those circumstances, it did not survive long. The potential sale also negated the mall’s latest tenant concept, a massive skate park proposed for the former J.C. Penney / flea market anchor. By that time, the mall’s 70 spaces were only half full. 129 Into that vacuum stepped Summer Grove Baptist Church, which bought the property for $2.65 million, barely half the original asking price. 130 While other institutions and businesses were fleeing the area, it moved in – because, the pastor explained, “We saw an opportunity to help our community. The area was fast declining and headed for real trouble. Someone needed to help turn things around” 131 – in this case, by buying the failed mall and “trying to restore it and make it a village of safety and a healthy, family place.” 132 The church thus moved from its large, multi-structure campus nearby – although its existing church buildings did not go to waste, either. The city of Shreveport quickly purchased the property, using a state economic development grant, with the intent of leasing it to the U.S. Support Co. for its new call center. Open since 2004, that call 432 center – which takes technical support and customer service calls for approximately a dozen major companies – now employs over 1300 people. Between the influx of jobs at Summer Grove’s old campus and its transformation of the South Park Mall, city officials saw the hand-in-hand accomplishments as a sign that Southern Hills was finally starting to come back to life. As City Councilman Jeff Hogan exulted, “This is a huge leap forward for our district. It’s history in the making for Shreveport.” 133 The church’s conversion of the mall has been ongoing since that time. Its architects transformed the former J.C. Penney into a 2400-seat sanctuary, adding a new façade that resembles a traditional church – complete with stained glass windows and a tall steeple – while constructing a prominent bell tower at one of the mall entrances. They also combined multiple storefronts to form a 1500-seat banquet hall. Summer Grove intended for both facilities to be available for community use, and they have since held a number of events – including the graduation ceremonies for Louisiana Baptist University, the annual meeting of the Louisiana chapter of the National Baptist Convention, and functions for other local churches. Summer Grove also had plans for the mall’s movie theater, considering utilizing one of its auditoriums as a chapel for weddings, funerals, and the like – while screening family-friendly films in another. Additionally, it turned various storefronts into church offices, Sunday school classrooms, a 35,000 square foot children’s area, etc. 134 Despite the mall’s change in use, Summer Grove intended to allow the mall’s main restaurant, part of the Piccadilly Cafeteria chain, to stay open. However, Piccadilly closed its South Park Mall location, along with around 25 of the company’s other cafeterias, in 2003 – shortly before Piccadilly’s bankruptcy. Feeling that having a 433 restaurant in the mall would both serve church members and help bring in people from the wider community, the church promptly renovated and reopened it – keeping most of its original employees. (Summer Grove renamed the cafeteria Manna House, after the Biblical story of God miraculously sending the Jews food – manna – down from heaven after their escape from Egypt.) Summer Grove also brought a new, chain coffeehouse into the former mall property. Moreover, the mall’s final department store anchor – Burlington Coat Factory – remains open. 135 Summer Grove specifically wanted to keep some of the existing mall businesses and bring in more – offering them the possibility of a new, regular clientele. As the assistant manager of South Park Mall’s surviving barbershop noted, when Summer Grove bought the property, “At first we were scared because we thought they would kick us out. But now it’s a blessing” because of the increased traffic. Allowing for some business co- uses was always part of the church’s plan to revitalize the area economically, with Pastor Masteller stating, “We will do everything we can to create jobs and commerce.” While he insisted that, “We’re very open to retail,” the church emphasized that it wanted only those “businesses that are healthy for the church, for the community.” 136 To help attract customers to operations both inside and outside the confines of South Park Mall, Summer Grove has utilized its corridors to host the annual Southern Hills Business Expo, where over 100 local businesses, non-profit organizations, and government agencies have exhibits (and where numerous neighborhood restaurants offer a free “Taste of Southern Hills” as an additional incentive). 137 Along those same lines, Summer Grove stated its desire to let community service organizations and other groups utilize mall space to help the area as well, and that has 434 indeed happened. One mission for which the vacant Dillard’s department store was perfectly suited, but which the church certainly did not anticipate, occurred in 2005 – after Hurricane Katrina, one of the worst natural disasters in American history, devastated New Orleans and much of the Gulf Coast. With the aid of several state senators and hundreds of volunteers, the former Dillard’s quickly became the Summer Grove Disaster Relief Relay Center – Shreveport’s primary site for collecting, sorting, and distributing donated goods for the many evacuee shelters in the area. That conversion was only temporary (unlike what happened a decade earlier at the Shepherd Mall following the Oklahoma City Bombing), but other, more permanent co-uses have taken hold within the mall since. In 2006, Louisiana College began using part of the mall as a satellite campus for holding concurrent classes – a system in which high school seniors can get ahead by taking courses that earn them both college and high school credit. Adding to the educational environment is the 2008 addition of a full-time learning center for the local Caddo Parish School Board’s Adult Education Program. The center provides both day and night classes that focus on providing adults with basic skills (including literacy, job- readiness, high school equivalency completion [G.E.D.], etc.). 138 Also in 2008, the church agreed to sell 270,000 square feet of the mall – including the former Montgomery Ward department store (which it originally had to purchase separately from that chain), some of the theater auditoriums, and surrounding stores – to the new Louisiana Film Institute. Since 2002, Louisiana’s major financial incentives (including tax credits) have been attracting numerous movie productions, studios, and other film industry operations to the state, creating about $600 million in annual production revenue. Shreveport has become a hotspot for filming, with the Southern 435 Hills district boasting Mansfield Studios, which has shot a number of major movies at its new home (the reused AT&T plant whose layoffs and closure once caused such problems for the area and for South Park Mall). Thus, the church agreed that the vacant space at the mall was an excellent site for the startup film institute, created by a former state congressperson to include a training center for local film crews and filmmakers, as well as a studio that would produce family-friendly films. 139 Although the conversion of the former South Park Mall is still in progress, Summer Grove Baptist Church has done an exemplary job of attaining its mission of helping revive the mall and the area – creating a place where, as its pastor stated, “We want the entire community to feel welcome.” 140 Perhaps the next step up from welcoming the local community in is to have community members literally move into the mall. That is exactly what happened in New Haven, where the interior of Chapel Square Mall now boasts apartments instead of storefronts. The mall’s transformation into housing was part of a broader push to bring new residents to the city core – for, unlike the other reused shopping centers discussed above, Chapel Square Mall is located downtown. It opened as one component of a much larger 1950s-1960s urban renewal project, with New Haven’s ambitious plans for saving itself having received more federal urban renewal funds per capita than any other city in the country. Mass eminent domain condemnations and demolitions decimated New Haven’s historic central business district, displacing 785 businesses – including hundreds of small, locally owned specialty stores and several downtown department stores. In a crucial three-city-block section (with one block adjoining the New Haven Green, and thus with only the Green separating it from Yale University), what replaced them was a mixed-use development in which the Chapel Square Mall played a key role. 436 Flanking the mall were the 19-story Sheraton Park Plaza Hotel (created to be New Haven’s best hotel/convention center) and a 14-story office tower. Both opened in 1966, a year prior to the mall. Also included in the project was a large concrete parking garage, designed in the brutalist style by famed architect Paul Rudolph, the dean of Yale’s architecture school. A new, six-lane connector road cut through the downtown, leading from the interstate highways directly to the project. Officials believed that the road would give suburbanites easy access back into the city they had fled, encouraging them to shop, work, and stay at the new development. Whether they actually took advantage of any of it, though, was another matter entirely. 141 From the beginning, Chapel Square Mall had serious design flaws that hindered its ability to aid New Haven’s revitalization in the way that city officials intended. Not counting its two department stores (the locally-owned Malley’s, which moved from its historic, demolished building, and the first urban Macy’s outside New York City), the two-story mall was only 165,000 square feet with around 50 stores. That was tiny compared to the suburban malls of the era; its closest competitors – the 1960, single-story Connecticut Post Center in Milford and the 1964, two-story Trumbull Shopping Park in Trumbull, both of which were open-air – dwarfed it. Still, with most of downtown’s retail demolished, the mall’s inline stores and department stores together comprised literally half of New Haven’s retail space. 142 Also differentiating it from typical malls was its layout. Instead of placing its two department stores at opposite ends of the mall so that customers wanting to shop in both would have to pass the many smaller shops on the way (as is usually the case), the mall’s developers put Malley’s and Macy’s together, back to back. Complicating the issue 437 further was the fact that the department stores (which had opened before the rest of the complex in 1962 and 1964, respectively) did not form a physically contiguous space with the mall proper – or, for that matter, with each other. Thus, to access Malley’s from inside the mall (which sat on the block fronting the New Haven Green), shoppers had to first walk over a skywalk into Macy’s, then go all the way through Macy’s, and then access another skywalk into Malley’s. However, because the department stores were accessible directly from the development’s parking garage, driving visitors could easily skip the enclosed corridors of storefronts entirely. Therefore, whether shoppers drove or walked in, some stores were always at a disadvantage. Moreover, because of the connector road and garage, customers could enter the downtown area simply for the mall/department stores and not connect with any of the surviving retail on the streets outside – a world to which Chapel Square Mall presented nothing but blank concrete walls. 143 Chapel Square Mall’s creation had doomed much of downtown, but the mall was destined for failure as well. Adding to its design problems was the continuing downturn of the area. The slum-clearance program that had wiped out many of New Haven’s decaying older neighborhoods had not been able to slow the exodus of middle-class white citizens, as the city had hoped its urban renewal efforts would. Meanwhile, the minorities that were replacing them were not doing so in equal amounts (the ratio being three families out but only two in). Therefore, the city’s population kept shrinking – and the suburbanites did not return to shop, either. The mall’s primary customer base became lower-income, African-American teenagers. In response to constant concerns about gangs, drug dealing, and crime, mall management and the city tried unsuccessfully to 438 deter the teens’ presence. Measures included moving a bus stop that had been in front of the mall, playing classical music and easy listening standards (which they expected the teens to dislike) on the mall’s speaker system, and beefing up security. 144 The crime issue was fore-grounded in 1973, barely five years after Chapel Square Mall opened, when someone murdered a young female shopper in the parking garage – not at night, but around lunchtime, making it even more horrifying for potential mall- goers. The police’s inability to catch the killer – fingering four different suspects at various times over the next thirty years – kept the media’s, and thus the public’s, attention on the case. (The murderer, who had apparently been trying to steal the shopper’s car, was eventually arrested using DNA and fingerprint evidence in 1997 and then convicted in 2002. The story still stayed alive in the press, though, due to the appeals process – with the state Supreme Court finally upholding the conviction in 2008.) The woman’s death came to serve as a prime symbol of New Haven’s many problems and of the urban renewal program’s failure to solve them. Teen-instigated shootings inside Chapel Square Mall’s corridors in 1991 and 1995 only made its image worse. The 1991 attack was particularly damaging due to its occurrence in mid-November, giving locals a good reason to shop elsewhere during the traditionally busy Christmas shopping season. The same also held true, although perhaps to a lesser extent, for the 1995 attack, which happened about 10 days before Christmas. By that New Year’s Eve, three stores had already announced they were leaving the mall – an unsurprising move under the circumstances. 145 By 1995, though, numerous changes had already occurred at the mall. One of the earliest was that Malley’s had gone bankrupt and closed in 1982, with the building being 439 purchased at an auction by a developer who wanted to turn the space into a flea market called Ceasar’s [sic] Bazaar. Unlike South Park Mall, where the mall owners had been pleased to see such an operation fill a big, vacant space, Chapel Square Mall administrators and New Haven officials were appalled. The city denied the business the necessary permits, after which the developer did not pay taxes and stopped upkeep on the building; the city condemned the property and finally foreclosed it in 1995. A year later, New Haven was embroiled in three separate lawsuits the developer had filed against it. In 1997, after a settlement, the city finally razed the long-vacant Malley’s building (ironically, much as had occurred to its predecessors on the site). By that time, the mall had no department stores left (and neither did New Haven in general, for that matter), since Macy’s had been closed since 1993 – when the chain shut a dozen of its underperforming stores across the country after its bankruptcy. 146 Meanwhile, the James Rouse Company (famed developer of successful urban festival marketplaces) had sold the mall in 1995 to a foundation – created for the purpose by the city and the chamber of commerce – after not managing to save the mall following the company’s takeover and renovation of the property in 1983-1984. The Rouse renovation had at least succeeded in making the mall look less dark and foreboding, having added new skylights, a fountain, and a food court on the second floor overlooking the New Haven Green. However, Rouse’s planned expansion of the mall – including two more city blocks and another anchor store – had fallen through. The city and chamber hoped to immediately turn around and sell the nearly half-empty mall to a developer of its choice – but, having little luck at that, had to then deal with operating the mall themselves. Not helping matters was that the adjacent office tower was sixty percent 440 vacant, while the Park Plaza Hotel (no longer a member of the luxury-oriented Sheraton chain) had gone bankrupt in 1993 after years of having few occupants, with conventions choosing newer conference hotels in the suburbs instead. As a whole, the originally much-vaunted mixed-use development was a resounding flop. 147 Slowly, though, things began to turn around at the complex. After a $20 million renovation (half funded by state bonds), the hotel reopened in 1997 as the Omni New Haven Hotel at Yale, part of yet another high-end chain. Yale had championed its remaking, wanting it to house the university’s guests and alumni and to host university- related conferences. Meanwhile, after sitting vacant for over a decade, Macy’s was demolished in 2006; on the former site of both it and Malley’s, a huge new campus for Gateway Community College began rising, with its more than 6000 students scheduled to move downtown in 2012. Next door, having failed to fill completely with offices, the office tower switched gears and converted three of its floors into multiple luxury apartments. Renamed the Residence on the Green, it opened in 2003 and was soon fully rented. The Residence on the Green’s 33 apartments are part of over 1300 upscale housing units (including both apartments and condominiums) that would come into being in downtown New Haven during a housing boom in the years following the turn of the century. (Many of those units are in reused historic commercial and industrial buildings that had escaped the mass teardowns of urban renewal.) Along with the housing came trendy boutiques, restaurants, nightclubs, and theaters lining the once-decrepit streets (with Yale having spent $100 million buying and renovating properties adjacent to its campus, which it then leased out and re-sold). Finally, people – or, at least, people of the sort the city had always wanted – were moving back in, with a plethora of young, 441 professional singles and couples flocking to downtown. Part of the attraction was the new availability of good jobs, due in large part to Yale’s recent initiatives that had helped draw approximately forty biotechnology firms to the city. Suddenly, New Haven was becoming a hip, relatively affordable alternative to New York City. 148 As the area around it revitalized, city officials – who still owned and operated the mall through the foundation – hoped that Chapel Square Mall would begin benefitting. In 2002, the foundation thought it had made real progress when it handed the mall’s management to a major firm, Williams Jackson Ewing, which had worked on significant retail projects such as New York City’s Grand Central Station. The company announced that it would bring numerous high-end stores to the half-vacant mall, but its efforts were apparently contingent on being able to purchase the separately owned Macy’s building (which was still standing at that point). Finding itself unable to do so, it soon pulled out of the redevelopment project. 149 Taking the reins from the city after that major setback was developer David Nyberg, who had turned part of the adjacent office tower into housing. His concept for the mall was much the same. The first floor remained retail, although Nyberg wisely turned the storefronts outward so that they faced, and had their entrances at, the street – finally giving the mall a real connection with the now-lively society outside. A number of new, national retail and restaurant tenants soon filled the street-fronting spaces. The real reuse came on the mall’s second floor, where Nyberg converted part of the storefronts to office space and turned the rest into 75 apartments. To make the environment more inviting for potential residents, he added floor-to-ceiling exterior windows and tore off the roof over the mall’s corridors. The lower corridor became a 442 landscaped courtyard that the apartments’ interior windows and balconies overlook. The upscale community, called Residence Court, opened in 2004. It boasts features such as a full-time concierge, a dry-cleaning service, an advanced security system, a fitness center, and a billiard room. Of course, one of its main draws is the prime location, set not just amidst a rejuvenated downtown but also positioned directly across the Green from Yale – making it an especially desirable housing option for students. Chapel Square Mall, an environment where people can now live, work, eat, and shop all in one building, is a true mixed-use project that demonstrates the power of preservation instead of demolition – offering a stark contrast and correction to the destructive urban renewal development that birthed it. The positive examples of Chapel Square Mall and various suburban mall reuses, such as those described above, thus provide a powerful lesson to cities and developers. They show that regardless of how damaging such sites may have been in their heyday (whether economically or physically), and no matter how far they may have since fallen in the eyes of the community and the consumers, these huge structures can nonetheless hold great potential. Through preservation, they can again become places of civic pride. 150 1 James J. Farrell, One Nation Under Goods: Malls and the Seductions of American Shopping (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2003), 86-89, 101-104, 110-113, 119, 177-181; Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers' Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Vintage Books, 2004), http://www.amazon.com/Consumers-Republic-Politics-Consumption-Postwar/dp/0375707379 (accessed June 17, 2010); Dolores Hayden, Building Suburbia: Green Fields and Urban Growth, 1820- 2000 (New York: Pantheon Books, 2003), 172; Paco Underhill, Call of the Mall (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), 29-31, 52, 85-89, 103-104, 132; Ira G. Zepp Jr., The New Religious Image of Urban America: The Shopping Mall as Ceremonial Center, 2nd ed. (Niwot, CO: University Press of Colorado, 1997); William Severini Kowinski, The Malling of America: Travels in the United States of Shopping, Rev. 443 ed. (N.p.: Xlibris, 2002), 59, 181-185, 414-415; Witold Rybczynski, City Life (New York: Touchstone, 1995), 208-210; Ann Satterthwaite, Going Shopping: Consumer Choices and Community Consequences (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001), 142-143, 150-153; Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 260; Margaret Crawford, "The World in a Shopping Mall," in Variations on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space, ed. Michael Sorkin (New York: Noonday Press, 1992), 27; Peter G. Rowe, Making a Middle Landscape (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991), 47, http://www.amazon.com/Making-Middle-Landscape-Peter-Rowe/dp/0262680777/ (accessed August 1, 2010). See also Kathryn Gabriel Loving, 100 Best Wedding Destinations, Insiders' Guide (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot, 2006), 113, http://books.google.com/books?id=jgpXOBKv764C (accessed May 6, 2010); Chapel of Love: Mall of America, "Welcome," http://www.chapeloflove.com (accessed May 6, 2010); Toni Lepeska, "Just Call It the Mall of Marriage," Memphis Commercial Appeal, June 13, 2001, http://www.mallofmemphis.org/Main/CandlelightWeddings (accessed May 6, 2010); Christine Dinh, "New Church Opens at East Hills Mall: Bible Chapel Opens Doors to Shoppers," KERO 23 (ABC) Bakersfield, January 8, 2010, http://www.turnto23.com (accessed May 6, 2010); Ramiro Burr, "Houston's PlazAmericas Hosts Big Valentines [sic] Day Wedding Bash," Ramiro Burr's Web site, February 02, 2010, http://www.ramiroburr.com/true/site/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=587 (accessed June 18, 2010); Chris Stipes, "Couples Marry for Free at Houston Mall," My Fox Houston, February 15, 2010, http://www.myfoxhouston.com/dpp/news/local/100214-couples-marry-for-free-at-mall (accessed May 6, 2010); Time, "Health & Fitness: Make Way for the Mall Walkers," May 26, 1985, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,956980,00.html (accessed May 6, 2010); Dorene Internicola, "These Malls Are Made for Walking," Reuters AlertNet, January 25, 2010, section goes here, http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N21182099.htm (accessed May 6, 2010); Anthony Gardner, "Mall-walking: Window Shop till You Drop," Telegraph (London), July 8, 2009, www.telegraph.co.uk (accessed May 6, 2010); Wendy Bumgardner, "Mall Walking," About.com: Walking, November 27, 2007, http://walking.about.com/od/beginners/a/mallwalking.htm (accessed May 6, 2010); HAP, "Metro-Detroit Mall Walking Guide," Health Alliance Plan of Michigan Health Insurance, http://www.hap.org/worksite/pdfs/mall_walking.pdf; International Council of Shopping Centers, "Holiday Fun Facts," 2009, http://holiday.icsc.org/2009/hw09_04Fun_Facts.pdf; Hunter Kome, "Special Performance Enlivens Mall Festival," Wilmington Morning Star, March 13, 1987, http://news.google.com (accessed May 6, 2010); Windward Mall, "Windward Mall Invites Nonprofits to Participate in Its Annual Festival of Giving," June 15, 2009, www.windwardmall.com/index.php?action=doc&doc=152 (accessed May 6, 2010); Mike Chapman, "Cultures Come Alive at Mall Festival," Redding Record Searchlight, March 6, 2010, http://www.redding.com (accessed May 6, 2010); Amy Bagner, "Stroke of Hope Charity Holds Annual Event," YourHub.com: Palm Beach Gardens, October 2, 2009, http://tc.yourhub.com/PalmBeachGardens/Stories/News/About-Town/Story~662183.aspx (accessed May 6, 2010); Joe Wilhelm Jr., "Chefs Cook for Charity at the Avenues Mall," Jacksonville Daily Record, October 17, 2008, http://www.jaxdailyrecord.com/showstory.php?Story_id=51036 (accessed May 6, 2010). 2 Peter Blackbird and Brian Florence, "Welcome to Retail History," DeadMalls.com, http://www.deadmalls.com/about.html (accessed June 17, 2010); Mall Hall of Fame, http://mall-hall-of- fame.blogspot.com/ (accessed June 17, 2010); Keith Milford, Malls of America: Vintage Photos of Lost Shopping Malls of the '50s, '60s & '70s, http://mallsofamerica.blogspot.com/ (accessed June 17, 2010); Jason Damas and Ross Schendel, "About Labelscar and Its Authors," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, http://www.labelscar.com/about-labelscarcom-and-its-authors (accessed June 17, 2010); BIGMallrat's Blog, http://bigmallrat.blogspot.com/ (accessed June 17, 2010); Sky City Retail, "About and Site Author," Sky City Retail: Southern Retail Then and Now, http://skycity2.blogspot.com/p/about-and-site-author.html (accessed June 17, 2010); Kowinski, Malling of America, 145-146, 196-201; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 28, 50-51, 90-91, 108-109, 263-264; Satterthwaite, Going Shopping, 143; Hardwick, Mall Maker, 152-153, 214-217; Zepp, New Religious Image, 148, 171-172; Underhill, Call of the Mall, 17-22; The Editors, "101 Uses for a Deserted Mall," New York Times blog: Room for Debate: A Running Commentary on the News, web log entry posted April 4, 2009, http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/04/04/101- uses-for-a-deserted-mall/ (accessed April 13, 2009). 444 3 Hardwick, Mall Maker, 152; Cohen, Consumer’s Republic, 274-278; Underhill, Call of the Mall, 31-35; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 24-25, 215-218; Satterthwaite, Going Shopping, 113-117; Kowinski, Malling of America, 427-433; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 260; Zepp, New Religious Image, 29, 136-137; Crawford, "The World," 22-23; Rowe, Making a Middle Landscape, 47, 140. 4 Satterthwaite, Going Shopping, 113-114; Underhill, Call of the Mall, 33-35; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 101, 152-153; Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 240-245; John Hannigan, Fantasy City: Pleasure and Profit in the Postmodern Metropolis (New York: Routledge, 1998), 58, http://www.amazon.com/Fantasy-City-Pleasure- Postmodern-Metropolis/dp/0415150981 (accessed May 20, 2010); Kowinski, Malling of America, 182; Zepp, New Religious Image, 29, 147, 170-171; Crawford, "The World," 27; George Ruhe, "Stranded, for Security's Sake; Bridgeport Residents Cry Racism as Mall Limits Bus Service," New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed May 12, 2010); New York Times, "Mall Accused of Racism in a Wrongful Death Trial in Buffalo," November 15, 1999, section goes here, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed May 12, 2010); David W. Chen, "Suit Accusing Shopping Mall of Racism Over Bus Policy Settled," New York Times, November 18, 1999, http://www.nytimes.com (accessed May 12, 2010); Elizabeth Chin, Purchasing Power: Black Kids and American Consumer Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 106, http://www.amazon.com/Purchasing-Power-American-Consumer- Culture/dp/0816635110 (accessed March 27, 2009); Judy Keen, "Malls' Night Restrictions on Teens Paying Off," USA Today, March 15, 2007, www.usatoday.com (accessed March 26, 2010); Julie Rawe, "Bye-Bye, Mall Rats," Time, June 28, 2007, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1638449,00.html (accessed March 26, 2010). 5 Richard Longstreth, City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), xiv. 6 Richard J. Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997. First published 1989.), 10-11; Satterthwaite, Going Shopping, 28; Longstreth, City Center, 274-276; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 5; Hardwick, Mall Maker, 200; Rybcyznski, City Life, 207, 214; Kowinski, Malling of America, 157, 385-386; Zepp, New Religious Image, 26-27; Chester H. Liebs, Main Street to Miracle Mile: American Roadside Architecture, Rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 31; Tim Lehnert, "Providence's Place in Mall History? 1st," Boston Globe, July 15, 2007, http://www.boston.com (accessed April 12, 2010); Megan Fulweiler, "Travel: Providence Arcade, Providence, RI," Yankee Magazine, December 2006, http://www.yankeemagazine.com/issues/2006-12/travel/providencearcad (accessed April 12, 2010); Michelle R. Smith and Associated Press, "Historic R.I. Mall Felled By Recession," Cape Cod Times, November 3, 2009, www.capecodonline.com (accessed April 12, 2010). 7 Longstreth, City Center, 146-148; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 258; David M. Levinson and Kevin J. Krizek, Planning for Place and Plexus: Metropolitan Land Use and Transport (New York: Routledge, 2008), 172, http://books.google.com/books?id=vcGhHJnJ-HMC (accessed April 12, 2010); City of Baltimore, "Roland Park Shopping Center," Landmarks, www.baltimorecity.gov/blank/culturemap/landmarks/41.html (accessed November 4, 2009); Baltimore City Commission for Historical & Architectural Preservation, "Roland Park," Historic Districts, http://www.baltimorecity.gov/Government/BoardsandCommissions/HistoricalArchitecturalPreservation/Hi storicDistricts/MapsofHistoricDistricts/RolandPark.aspx (accessed April 12, 2010); Robert W. Heam, "Roland Park History," Roland Park Civic League, http://www.rolandpark.org/rphistory.html (accessed April 12, 2010); National Park Service, "Roland Park Historic District," Baltimore: A National Register of Historic Places Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/history/NR/travel/baltimore/b42.htm (accessed April 12, 2010). 8 Longstreth, City Center, 150-152; Rybcyznski, City Life, 204; Kowinski, Malling of America, 142; Edmund Mander, "First Two U.S. Shopping Centers Still Thriving," Shopping Centers Today, May 2004, http://www.icsc.org/srch/sct/sct0504/page39.php (accessed April 8, 2010); Mike Conklin, "Market Square in Lake Forest: The Nation's First Shopping Center Is Designed to Be 'Sound, Sanitary, and 445 Picturesque.'" Chicago Tribune, April 24, 1997, http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/politics/chi- chicagodays-marketsquare-story,0,6535827.story (accessed March 23, 2010); Arthur H. Miller, "Market Square Truly Was First," GazeboNews: News & Stuff about Lake Forest & Lake Bluff, June 30, 2009, http://gazebonews.typepad.com/gazebonews/2009/06/ (accessed March 23, 2010); Market Square, "History of Market Square," Lake Forest's Historic Market Square, http://www.historicmarketsquare.com/page2.html (accessed March 23, 2010); Michael H. Ebner, "Lake Forest, IL," in Encyclopedia of Chicago (Chicago: Chicago Historical Society, 2005), http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/709.html (accessed March 23, 2010); Michael H. Ebner, Creating Chicago's North Shore: A Suburban History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 206, http://books.google.com/books?id=N0fQ1c1KVV8C (accessed March 23, 2010); Michael Tubridy, "Defining Trends in Shopping Center History," ICSC Research Review 13, no. 1 (2006): 10, http://www.icsc.org/srch/rsrch/researchquarterly/current/rr2006131/Defining%20Trends%20in%20Shoppin g%20Center%20History.pdf (accessed June 17, 2010); Nell Luter Floyd, "Malls Still Viable, but Shift Arising: Lifestyle Centers' Open-Air Design Becoming Popular," Jackson Clarion-Ledger, November 21, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 10, 2009). 9 Longstreth, City Center, 171-174; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 258; Satterthwaite, Going Shopping, 47-48; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 6-7; Liebs, Main Street, 31-32; Rybcyznski, City Life, 204-205; Ross Melnick and Andreas Fuchs, Cinema Treasures: A New Look at Classic Movie Theaters (St. Paul, MN: MBI, 2004), 121-122, 138; International Council of Shopping Centers, "A Brief History of Shopping Centers," ICSC News (June 2000), http://www.icsc.org/srch/about/impactofshoppingcenters/briefhistory.html (accessed March 29, 2010); Mander, "First Two". 10 Longstreth, City Center, 125, 230; Samuel Feinberg, What Makes Shopping Centers Tick (New York: Fairchild, 1960), 85, http://books.google.com/books?id=seg9AAAAYAAJ (accessed April 13, 2010); Bennett Voyles, "Green Thumbs Up? The Locals in Ardmore, Pa., Are Very Protective of Their 75- Year-Old Suburban Square," Shopping Centers Today, December 2003, http://www.icsc.org/srch/sct/sct1203/page69.php (accessed July 24, 2007); Township of Lower Merion, "75 E St James Pl: Suburban Square," Historic Resource Inventory, http://www.lowermerion.org/cgi- bin/hri3.plx?hrquery=AR098 (accessed April 13, 2010). 11 Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 259; Liebs, Main Street, 31; Kowinski, Malling of America, 142; International Council of Shopping Centers, “Brief History”; W. Dwayne Jones and Susan Allen Kline, "National Historic Landmark Nomination: Highland Park Shopping Village," National Historic Landmarks Program, February 1999, http://www.nps.gov/nhl/designations/samples/tx/highland.pdf (accessed April 13, 2010); Highland Park Village, "Highland Park Village Sale Closes," News from Highland Park Village, May 2009, http://www.hpvillage.com/2009/05/highland-park-village-sale-closes/ (accessed April 13, 2010). 12 Zepp, New Religious Image, 31-32; Hayden, Building Suburbia, 168; Longstreth, City Center, 332-335, 338, 340-344; Richard Longstreth, "I Can't See It, I Don't Understand It; and It Doesn't Look Old to Me," in Preserving the Recent Past, ed. Deborah Slaton and Rebecca A. Shiffer (Washington, DC: Historic Preservation Education Foundation, 1995), I-16; Hardwick, Mall Maker, 122-123, 130; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 7-8, 23-24; Liebs, Main Street, 31-32; Rybcyznski, City Life, 206-207; Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 122-125; Massachusetts Foundation for the Humanities, "October 5 1951: Shoppers' World Launches Mall Era," Mass Moments, October 5, 2005, http://massmoments.org/moment.cfm?mid=288 (accessed March 29, 2010); Rowe, Making a Middle Landscape, 14-15, 127. 13 Aaron Zitner, "New Plan Offered for Old Mall: Merchants Are Taking Wait-and-See Attitude," Boston Globe, May 24, 1992, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 29, 1010); Rowe, Making a Middle Landscape, 128; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 46, 49-50; Rybcyznski, City Life, 206-207; Minnesota Historical Society, "Southdale Center," MN150 Wiki: The People, Places, and Things that Shape Our State, http://discovery.mnhs.org/MN150/index.php?title=Southdale_Center (accessed April 30, 446 2010); Ed McKinley, "The Visionaries: How a Handful of People Shaped the Way We Shop," Shopping Centers Today, May 2004, http://www.icsc.org/srch/sct/sct0504/page38.php (accessed April 30, 2010); Malcolm Gladwell, "The Terrazzo Jungle: Fifty Years Ago, the Mall Was Born. America Would Never Be the Same," New Yorker, March 15, 2004, http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2004/03/15/040315fa_fact1 (accessed April 9, 2006); Leibs, Main Street, 31-32; Ross Schendel, "Southdale Center and Victor Gruen; Edina, Minnesota," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, web log entry posted April 14, 2010, http://www.labelscar.com/minnesota/southdale-center-victor-gruen (accessed April 14, 2010); Hardwick, Mall Maker, 1-2, 111-114, 142, 144, 148-149. 14 Gladwell, "Terrazzo Jungle: Fifty Years." 15 Longstreth, City Center, 460; Hardwick, Mall Maker, 1-2, 111-115; Mall Hall of Fame, "Houston's Montclair Center Project," web log entry posted May 30, 2008, http://mall-hall-of- fame.blogspot.com/2008_05_01_archive.html (accessed June 28, 2010); Keith Milford, "MOA Galleria - Valley Fair Shopping Center," Malls of America: Vintage Photos of Lost Shopping Malls of the '50s, '60s, & '70s, web log entry posted February 16, 2007, http://mallsofamerica.blogspot.com/2007/02/moa-galleria- valley-fair-shopping.html (accessed April 14, 2010); Maureen Wallenfang, "Valley Fair Mall First of Its Kind," Appleton Post-Crescrent, February 16, 2005, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed April 14, 2010); Arlen Boardman, "Valley Fair Mall Remembered for Its Early Innovations," Appleton Post-Crescent, August 21, 2007, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed April 14, 2010); Jill Hoffman Mach, "Valley Fair Mall: Appleton, WI," DeadMalls.com, July 27, 2009, http://www.deadmalls.com/malls/valley_fair_mall.html (accessed May 12, 2010). 16 Keith Milford, "MOA Galleria - Valley Fair Shopping Center," Malls of America: Vintage Photos of Lost Shopping Malls of the '50s, '60s, & '70s, web log entry posted February 16, 2007, http://mallsofamerica.blogspot.com/2007/02/moa-galleria-valley-fair-shopping.html (accessed April 14, 2010). 17 Tubridy, “Defining Trends”; Hardwick, Mall Maker, 142-154; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 28-30, 36; Longstreth, City Center, 330-333; Kowinski, Malling of America 153-164; Jon C. Teaford, The Twentieth-Century American City, 2nd ed., The American Moment (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 105-106; Crawford, “The World,” 21-22; Schendel, “Southdale Center”; McKinley, “Visionaries”; Minnesota Historical Society, "History Topics: Southdale Mall," Library, http://www.mnhs.org/library/tips/history_topics/72southdale.html (accessed April 30, 2010); Minnesota Historical Society, “Southdale Center”; Rowe, Making a Middle Landscape, 128, 140. 18 Jon C. Teaford, The Rough Road to Renaissance: Urban Revitalization in America, 1940-1985 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 129-131, 208; Richard J. Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997. First published 1989.), 12-13; Teaford, Twentieth-Century American City, 106, 110-112; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 260-261; Cohen, Consumer’s Republic, 267-269; Richard Moe and Carter Wilkie, Changing Places: Rebuilding Community in the Age of Sprawl (New York: Henry Holt, 1997), 143; Farrell, One Nation Under Goods, 5; Longstreth, City Center, xiv; Alison Isenberg, Downtown America: A History of the Place and the People Who Made It, Historical Studies of Urban America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 167, http://www.amazon.com/Downtown-America-History-Historical- Studies/dp/0226385086 (accessed April 17, 2010); Hardwick, Mall Maker, 152-153. 19 Hardwick, Mall Maker, 192-197; Farrell, One Nation, 10; Alexander Garvin, The American City: What Works, What Doesn't, 2nd ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2002), 179-180, http://books.google.com/books?id=-0h134NR1s0C (accessed April 17, 2010); Kennedy Lawson Smith, "Pedestrian Malls," in Encyclopedia of American Urban History, vol. 2 (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2007), 560-562, http://www.cluegroup.com/Downloads/Pedestrian%20Malls%20%28Kennedy%20Smith%29.pdf (accessed April 19, 2007). 20 Hardwick, Mall Maker, 195-196. 447 21 Teaford, Rough Road to Renaissance, 292-294; Moe and Wilkie, Changing Places, 149-150; David Listokin and W. Patrick Beaton, Revitalizing the Older Suburb (New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, 1983), 156; Smith, “Pedestrian Malls,” 560-562; Zepp, New Religious Image, 26; Melanie Turner, "K Street: Last of the Pedestrian Malls," Sacramento Business Journal, March 27, 2009, http://www.bizjournals.com/sacramento/stories/2009/03/30/story2.html (accessed April 19, 2010); The Editors, "Pedestrian Malls: Back to the Future," New York Times blog: Room for Debate: A Running Commentary on the News, web log entry posted February 27, 2009, http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/02/27/pedestrian-malls-back-to-the-future/ (accessed April 17, 2010); Steve Patterson, "North American Cities That Have (or Had) a Pedestrian Mall," Urban Review STL, November 23, 2009, http://www.urbanreviewstl.com/?p=8308 (accessed April 17, 2010); Associated Press, "Nation's First: Rock Hill Okays Enclosed Mall," Sumter Daily Item, August 16, 1975, http://news.google.com (accessed April 23, 2010); Mark Price, "The Pendulum Swings: Downtown Rock Hill's Not the Only City Trying to Bury Its Mistakes and Move Forward into the Past," Charlotte Observer, June 13, 1993, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 23, 2010); Barry Kawa, "Rejoice: It's Roof Razing Time," Charlotte Observer, June 9, 1993, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 23, 2010); Mark Price, "Old to Become New in Rock Hill's Renaissance," Charlotte Observer, June 6, 1993, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 23, 2010); Tom Law, "Canopy Takedown Gives The Toccoa Record a Face Lift," CNI News Flash, February 23, 2007, section goes here, http://www.cninewspapers.com/newsflash/webNF02-23-07.pdf (accessed April 23, 2010); Main Street Toccoa, "History of Toccoa," http://www.mainstreettoccoa.com/PDFs/toccoa_heart&soul_welcome_packet.pdf (accessed April 24, 2010); Elizabeth L. Johnson, James L. Wheaton, and Susan L. Reed, Images of America: Pawtucket (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 1995), 16, http://books.google.com/books?id=X18rDYTIQzoC (accessed April 23, 2010); Niagara Frontier Transportation Authority, "Appendix A: Experience of Other Communities with Pedestrian Malls," City of Buffalo Main Street Multi-Modal Access and Revitalization Project Environmental Assessment, http://www.nfta.com/pdfs/Appendix%20A.pdf (accessed April 19, 2010). 22 Hardwick, Mall Maker, 198-207; Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., 84-85 23 Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., 84-85; Hannigan, Fantasy City, 48 24 Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc, 84-85, 189; Teaford, Rough Road to Renaissance, 294; Kowinski, Malling of America, 36; Frank Parlato Jr., "Cordish Threatening to Sue Writer," Niagara Falls Reporter, April 20, 2010, http://www.niagarafallsreporter.com/parlato4.20.10.html (accessed April 26, 2010); Channel 13 WHAM News, "Midtown Plaza History: Interactive Timeline," http://www.13wham.com/content/news/midtown/timeline.aspx (accessed June 24, 2010); City of Rochester, "The Project," Midtown Rochester Rising, http://www.midtownrochesterrising.com/mayor/midtownrising/project/The_Project.cfm (accessed May 12, 2010); Mall Hall of Fame, "City Center Centres," web log entry posted March 1, 2009, http://mall-hall-of- fame.blogspot.com/2009/03/as-result-of-initial-malling-of-america.html (accessed April 24, 2010). Printouts 25 Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., 85, 365-367; Hannigan, Fantasy City, 48-50; Teaford, Rough Road to Renaissance, 272. Within Frieden and Sagalyn’s list of twenty downtown regional malls: The three that do not count for these purposes are the open-air Horton Plaza (Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc., 191-197) and two mall additions (Gallery at Market East’s Gallery II and Glendale Galleria’s Galleria II). The seven still-operational malls include: Gallery at Market East (http://www.galleryatmarketeast.com); Galleria of White Plains (now called Galleria at White Plains, http://www.simon.com/mall/default.aspx?id=1246); Glendale Galleria (http://www.glendalegalleria.com); Grand Avenue Mall (now called The Shops of Grand Avenue, http://www.grandavenueshops.com); Santa Rosa Mall (now called Santa Rosa Plaza, http://www.simon.com/mall/?id=237); Stamford Town Center (http://www.shopstamfordtowncenter.com); and Wausau Center (http://www.shopwausaucenter.com). 448 The two reused or partially reused malls are Hawthorne Plaza (now called South Bay Center One) and Omni International Mall. Danny King, "Developer Breathes New Life into Failed Hawthorne Mall," Los Angeles Business Journal, July 1, 2002, http://www.allbusiness.com/north-america/united-states- california-metro-areas/259964-1.html (accessed June 27, 2910); South Bay Center One, "About," http://www.southbaycenterone.com/index.html (accessed June 27, 2010); LoopNet, "South Bay Center One," Office Property for Lease, http://www.loopnet.com/Listing/14866438/12000-Hawthorne-Boulevard- Hawthorne-CA/; Erik Bojnansky, "Omni Mall Developer Seeks $7M from Miami for $95M Project," The Real Deal: South Florida Real Estate News, May 18, 2009, http://sf.therealdeal.com/miami/articles/omni- mall-developer-seeks-7m-from-miami-for-95m-project (accessed April 26, 2010); The Omni, "Property Amenities," The Omni Shops, http://www.theomnishops.com/pages/property_amenities.htm (accessed April 26, 2010). The three dead, but still standing, malls are Central City Mall (now called Carousel Mall), Port Plaza Mall (now called Washington Commons), and Rainbow Centre. Ross Schendel, "Carousel Mall; San Bernardino, California," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, web log entry posted July 19, 2006, http://www.labelscar.com/california/carousel-mall (accessed June 27, 2010); Joe Nelson, "Carousel Mall Site Considered for New Government Center," San Bernardino County Sun, March 30, 2010, http://www.sbsun.com (accessed June 27, 2010); Ross Schendel, "Port Plaza Mall/Washington Commons; Green Bay, Wisconsin," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, web log entry posted March 9, 2008, http://www.labelscar.com/wisconsin/port-plaza-mall (accessed April 23, 2010). Green Bay Press Gazette, "Green Bay Mall's Clock Tower Goes Back to Mississippi," June 19, 2010, http://www.greenbaypressgazette.com (accessed June 28, 2010); Frank Parlato Jr., "Cordish the Wild Card in NCCC Culinary Proposal at Rainbow Centre Mall," Niagara Falls Reporter, January 12, 2010, http://www.niagarafallsreporter.com/parlato1.12.10.html (accessed April 26, 2010); Denise Jewell Gee, "Revisiting Emptiness of Rainbow: Despite Problems Galore, Cordish Says He Hasn't Given Up on Falls," Buffalo News, May 30, 2010, http://www.buffalonews.com/2010/05/30/1066119/revisiting-emptiness-of- rainbow.html (accessed June 28, 2010). The five demolished malls are Courthouse Center (or at least the mall portion of that development, known as Commons Mall or The Commons), Long Beach Plaza, Plaza Pasadena, Santa Monica Place, and ZCMI Center. 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September 14, 1960, 36, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 101 Sunset Center, "Advertisement". 460 102 Amarillo Globe-Times, "Sunset Center -- A Town"; Amarillo Globe-Times, "Kress Venture Is Its First in Texas Shopping Center," September 14, 1960, 20, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Debra Jane Seltzer, "Kress Stores (Page 4)," Roadside Architecture, http://www.agilitynut.com/deco/kress4.html (accessed August 16, 2009). 103 Amarillo Globe-Times, "Sunset Center Architecture Keyed to Tenant and Client," September 14, 1960, 28, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Amarillo Globe-Times, "It's Big Big Big"; Amarillo Globe-Times, "Entrance Gives View of All-Weather Mall, Stretching 210 Yards," September 14, 1960, 32, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Amarillo Globe- Times, "Air Conditioned, 60-Feet-Wide Mall Extends Throughout Center," September 14, 1960, 16, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 104 Amarillo Globe-Times, "Sunset Center Architecture". 105 Amarillo Globe-Times, "Sunset Center -- A Town"; Sonja Gross, "Sunset Center: 32 Artists Under One Roof," Amarillo Best Read Guide, October 2006, 10, http://www.bestreadguide.com/books/amarillo/pubs/amaroct06/amaroct06_p10.xml (accessed July 27, 2009). 106 BoxOffice, "Amarillo," December 11, 1961, SW-4, http://issuu.com/boxoffice/docs/boxoffice_121161 (accessed July 27, 2009); Amarillo Globe-Times, "Variety Is Scheduled," September 14, 1960, 29, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 107 Jon Mark Beilue, "Mall: A Modern Marvel and a Dump," Amarillo Globe-News, June 24, 2007, Columns sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Cheryl Berzanskis, "Then & Now: Ruth Tyler Witnessed the Opening of Westgate Mall Almost 20 Years Ago," Amarillo Globe-News, August 18, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Karen Smith Welch, "Australians Acquire Mall: An Australian Firm Continues to Enlarge Its Texas Panhandle Footprint," Amarillo Globe- News, August 17, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); CT Crouch, "Western Plaza Cinema," Cinema Treasures, http://cinematreasures.org/theater/20961/ (accessed August 18, 2009); Dave Bonan, "Westgate Mall Cinema 6," Cinema Treasures, http://cinematreasures.org/theater/19998/ (accessed August 18, 2009); Google, "Get Directions: Sunset Art Gallery of Amarillo to Western Plaza Dr, Amarillo, TX," Google Maps, http://maps.google.com (accessed July 8, 2010); Google, "Get Directions: Western Plaza Dr, Amarillo, TX 79109 to Westgate Mall, Amarillo, TX," Google Maps, http://maps.google.com (accessed July 8, 2010). 108 Max Albright, "Amarillo's Pioneer Traders: When 2000 Arrives, Some Traders in Amarillo Will Have Thrived Here for 75 Years or More," Amarillo Globe-News, October 3, 1999, http://amarillo.com/stories/100399/bus_traders.shtml (accessed July 27, 2009); Jim Crawford, "Art and Soul - Art Community Alive and Well and Thriving," Amarillo Globe-News, May 17, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Ronn Ward, "Western Plaza Mall," ChronoBlog, weblog entry posted February 25, 2007, http://www.amachron.com/chronoblog.htm (accessed July 8, 2010); Hastings, "Career Opportunities: Hastings Distribution Center," Customer Service, http://www.gohastings.com/custserv/custserv.jsp?pageName=careersDC (accessed July 8, 2010); Amarillo Globe-News, "Dollar General Store in Sunset Center to Close," December 6, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 16, 2009); Bruce Beck, "Goodwill Thrift Store Moving," Amarillo Globe-News, June 28, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 16, 2009); Kris Abbey, "Hard Times Not Yet Over for Goodwill," Amarillo Globe-News, March 20, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 16, 2009); CT Crouch, "Western Plaza Cinema"; Joe Chapman, "New Shopping Center Set for Western Plaza - It's Been Nice Knowing You," Amarillo Globe- News, November 29, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 18, 2009); Beilue, "Mall: A Modern Marvel". 461 109 Cheryl Berzanskis, "Sunrise at Sunset - Artists Take Mall-like Approach to Business," Amarillo Globe-News, March 13, 2005, accessed July 27, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com; Brad Newman, "Sculpture on View - Parking Lot Facility Dream of Sunset Center Owner," Amarillo Globe-News, September 21, 2008, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 110 Crawford, "Art and Soul"; Hunter Ingalls, "Amarillo Has Several Facilities to Buy Art," Amarillo Globe-News, December 4, 2005, Art Beat: Opinion sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Hunter Ingalls, "Opportunities for Art World Growing in City," Amarillo Globe-News, January 2, 2005, Art Beat: Opinion sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 111 Amarillo Globe-News, "Institute Plans Summer Art Classes," June 8, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Brad Newman, "Institute Director Has High Hopes - Center's Options Unlimited," Amarillo Globe-News, August 19, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Brad Newman, "New Touches for School - Director Hopes to Bring New Life to Old Lessons," Amarillo Globe-News, January 30, 2009, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 112 Newman, "Institute Director Has". 113 Berzanskis, "Sunrise at Sunset"; Ingalls, "Opportunities for Art World"; Ingalls, "Amarillo Has Several Facilities". 114 Brad Newman, "Adding a New Dimension - Sculpture Garden Opportunity for Local Artists, Community," Amarillo Globe-News, December 16, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Newman, "Sculpture on View". 115 Newman, "Sculpture on View". 116 Newman, "Adding a New Dimension". 117 Ibid. 118 Karen Smith Welch, "Galleries Ready for Art Walk - Series Designed to Bring Artists and Art Lovers Together," Amarillo Globe-News, November 30, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Brad Newman, "A 'Walk' on the Wild Side: Art, Art and More Art," Amarillo Globe-News, December 7, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 119 Brad Newman, "Culture Alive at Sunset Center," Get Out! Amarillo's Entertainment Guide, June 12, 2009, http://getout.amarillo.com/content/getout/20090612_sunsetcenter.shtml (accessed July 27, 2009); Amarillo Globe-News, "YMCA Official to Speak at Women's Chamber," April 10, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 120 Brad Newman, "The Rep Is Branching Out," Amarillo Globe-News, October 21, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Amarillo Repertory Theatre, "Blurbs," MySpace, http://www.myspace.com/amarillorep (accessed August 16, 2009). 121 Amarillo Globe-News, "Congregational Close-up: Enlightened Journey Fellowship," September 11, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009); Brandi Dean, "Congregational Corner - Church Makes People Comfortable," Amarillo Globe-News, June 25, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed July 27, 2009). 122 Dean, "Congregational Corner - Church Makes". 123 Candice Leone, "Leaders at Work: Rod Masteller Leads Church to Become Neighborhood Anchor Tenant," Shreveport Times, February 6, 2005, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). See also David Westerfield, "Summer Grove Generates New Hope for South Park: Cafeteria, 462 Theater, Child-Care, Shops Could Co-exist with Church," Shreveport Times, January 18, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 10, 2009); Diane Haag, "Church to Proceed with Plans to Purchase Mall," Shreveport Times, July 3, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 124 Loresha Wilson and Adam Kealoha Causey, "Accused Killer Admits to 2nd Slaying," Shreveport Times, July 14, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Michelle Mahfoufi, "Community Seeks to Reverse South Park Mall's Decline: Business Leaders Question Apparent Lack of Concern on Part of Owner," Shreveport Times, January 29, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Chuck Smith, "Don't Miss the Big Picture at Louisiana Boardwalk," Shreveport Times, April 17, 2008, Opinion sec., http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Ross Schendel, "South Park Mall (Summer Grove Baptist Church); Shreveport, Louisiana," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, weblog entry posted May 12, 2008, http://www.labelscar.com/louisiana/south-park-mall-shreveport (accessed May 12, 2008); Jenkins McGraw, comment on "South Park Mall (Summer Grove Baptist Church); Shreveport, Louisiana," Labelscar: The Retail History Blog, web log comment posted November 20, 2008, http://www.labelscar.com/louisiana/south-park-mall-shreveport (accessed April 27, 2009); David Westerfield, Michelle Mahfoufi, and Raechal Leone, "Other Tenants Express Worry for Survival," Shreveport Times, January 13, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 125 David Avery, "South Park Mall: Shreveport, LA," DeadMalls.com, January 20, 2004, http://www.deadmalls.com/malls/south_park_mall.html (accessed April 27, 2009); Associated Press, "Employees Not Surprised AT&T to Lay Off Workers," Baton Rouge Advocate, March 20, 1991, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Donecia Pea, "Southern Hills Business Community Not Ready to Throw in the Towel," Shreveport Times, September 10, 2006, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Alison Watson, "Merchants Await Replacement for Ex-anchor Montgomery Ward," Shreveport Times, May 12, 1999, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Katherine Gilbert, "J.C. Penney to Close Local Store: South Park Mall to Lose Second Anchor Store Within a Year," Shreveport Times, March 7, 2000, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Mahfoufi, "Community Seeks to Reverse"; Lane Crockett, "Regal Theaters in South Park Mall to Close Monday," Shreveport Times, February 10, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Michelle Mahfoufi, "Store Closings Offer Opportunity: Property Managers Court New Prospects to Fill Spots," Shreveport Times, February 13, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 126 Westerfield, Mahfoufi, and Leone, "Other Tenants Express Worry". 127 Jerry Scott, "Marketing Campaign Draws Shoppers to South Park Mall: Shreveport Shopping Center Tries to Rebound," Shreveport Times, November 21, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Mahfoufi, "Community Seeks to Reverse"; David Westerfield, "Retailers Move into Mall with High Hopes: Gift Shops Open at South Park," Shreveport Times, July 23, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); David Westerfield, "Vendors Market to Move into South Park Mall," Shreveport Times, July 12, 2001, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 128 David Westerfield, "South Park Mall Wins Theater, Loses Flea Market," Shreveport Times, June 5, 2002, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 129 Ibid.; Jerry Scott, "Theater to Reopen in South Park Mall," Shreveport Times, June 10, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 10, 2009); Rachael Van Horn, "Southwest Retail Area Bolstered by Deals: South Park Mall Put on the Market," Shreveport Times, April 29, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Loresha Wilson, "Business Group Hopes Proposed Skate Park Will Help Mall," Shreveport Times, February 5, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009); Rachael Van Horn and Diane Haag, "Mall Tenants Say They're Open," Shreveport Times, July 24, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 10, 2009). 130 Westerfield, "Summer Grove Generates". 463 131 Rod Masteller, "History: The History and Future of Summer Grove," Summer Grove Baptist Church, http://www.summergrove.org/about-us/history/ (accessed May 12, 2008). 132 Leone, "Leaders at Work". 133 David Westerfield, "State Answers Call for Local Jobs: Firm Plans to Hire 1,300 in Two Years," Shreveport Times, March 6, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed April 27, 2009). 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Inside Out," New Haven Register, January 18, 2004, http://www.nhregister.com/articles/2004/01/18/import/10828052.txt (accessed July 10, 2010); Johnson, "Trio of Projects"; Cara Baruzzi and Andy Bromage, "Mall's Rebirth Slowly Heads to Completion," New Haven Register, December 19, 2004, http://www.nhregister.com/articles/2004/12/19/import/13586118.txt (accessed July 10, 2010); Therese Lim, "Chapel Square Mall Highlights Town's Renaissance," Yale Herald, January 21, 2005, http://www.yaleherald.com (accessed May 2, 2009); Mall Hall of Fame, "City Center Centres: New"; DeadMalls.com, "Chapel Square Mall"; Damas, "Chapel Square Mall"; PMC Property Group, "Residence Court - 900 Chapel Street," Apartments in New Haven, http://www.apartmentsinnewhaven.com/900_chapel.html (accessed July 10, 2010); Caplan, New Haven (Then & Now), 15. 467 CHAPTER 7 Changing Lanes: The Adaptive Reuse of Bowling Alleys Ostensibly, the American bowling alley is simply a place where people play a sport. The physical activity, however, is only one part of a much broader, more significant equation. Some of bowling alleys’ importance as a group lies in their design. In the 1950s and 1960s, bowling alleys provided roadsides with some of the nation’s best examples of googie-style architecture and signage. Inside, though, was what really defined the American bowling alley and set it apart. In its prime in the post-World War II era, the bowling alley (along with its typical attached coffee shop, lounge, arcade, etc.) served as a center of community life, especially in suburbia – where residents found that it had numerous socio-cultural benefits. Through job-based leagues, it granted workers an opportunity to socialize with each other outside of work. It gave suburban housewives a chance to get out of their homes and have fun, while knowing that their babies and children were safe and supervised nearby. Teens also found it to be a cool – but still parentally acceptable – place to hang out after school, in the evenings, and on weekends. It provided entire families with an affordable activity that all members could enjoy. Overall, the American bowling alley functioned as a site of social connection. As a sport, though, the contemporary conceptualization of bowling developed in America around the mid 1800s. Americans had previously utilized a different version of bowling that originated in Germany around the 1500s and then entered the United States 468 via Dutch settlers. That sport, typically played on an outdoor bowling green, involved rolling the bowling ball toward a diamond-shaped configuration of nine pins. Officials and reformers, however, viewed the popular game as a corrupting influence due to its frequent gambling element. Thus, several states eventually outlawed “ninepin” bowling, with Connecticut’s 1841 ban making a major impact. To subvert such bans, enterprising bowlers simply changed the game slightly – adding one more pin and switching the pins’ layout from a diamond to a triangle. 1 That “tenpin” style of bowling soon flourished. Propelling the game’s advancement was its move from outside lawns to the indoors, which allowed participants to play year round – utilizing more reliable wooden lanes instead of grass. [Figure 7.1]. The sport also grew as bowling-loving German immigrants entered the country in large numbers during the 1840s and ‘50s. German Americans quickly organized bowling clubs and set up bowling alleys in their new social centers and gyms. Meanwhile, many existing downtown saloons and bars added a lane or two inside (often in the basement) in order to increase their income, hoping the sport would cause people to stay longer and drink more. Newly constructed taverns often included lanes as well. During this period, bowling also came into vogue with the upper classes, as wealthy industrialists and other elites incorporated small alleys into their own mansions and bowled at private clubs and upscale resorts. Despite its rich aficionados, though, bowling gained an increasingly negative reputation – not just because of its immigrant origins and its heavily working class, immigrant players, but also because of where the game typically took place. The bar-based bowling alleys, where men drank, chewed 469 tobacco, smoked, and gambled, were widely viewed as dark, dank, smoky places – sites most women and children would never dream of entering. 2 The nation’s two oldest, still-operational bowling alleys began their lives as just such bars-with-bowling. They are Milwaukee’s Holler House, a tavern that opened in 1908 with two basement bowling lanes included, and Brown’s Grill and Bowling Lanes, an existing bar in Cleveland that added bowling in 1912. In fact, both remain in the same bowling/bar category today, giving them an air of authenticity appreciated by their longtime patrons. 3 That same sense of historic genuineness also pervades the oldest open bowling alley west of the Mississippi River, Saratoga Lanes in Maplewood, Missouri. As with Holler House and Brown’s, that facility – originally named Saratoga Billiards and Bowling Alley – has undergone very few alterations in the decades since it opened in 1916. The eight-lane bowling alley’s practically pristine condition helped it gain designation on both Saint Louis County’s landmark list and the National Register of Historic Places (an accomplishment it achieved in 2008). 4 A few years after Saratoga Billiards and Bowling Alley opened, bowling’s social status took a major turn upward – mostly due to Prohibition’s passage in 1920, which banned alcohol. Although many bowling saloons went out of business, others simply focused on the bowling aspect, often adding more lanes to help compensate for their loss of liquor sales. Moreover, owners of former bars frequently renovated their bowling facilities in order to make them more appealing to a wider audience – especially to women. As women and even children started to bowl, broader recreation centers that 470 featured bowling along with other activities opened, as did new facilities solely dedicated to bowling. 5 During the 1930s, purpose-built bowling alleys received a big boost from leagues, comprised of competing bowling teams from local businesses and industries, which were especially common in industrial areas. As these league bowlers went off to fight in World War II, bowling alleys sprang up at military bases (with over 3000 individual alleys at bases here and abroad), which prompted thousands of servicemen who had never bowled before to take up the sport. Meanwhile, back on the homefront, female war workers began bowling in huge numbers as a leisure activity after their shifts, often in the same industrial leagues that their male counterparts had left. 6 Thus, World War II created massive ranks of new bowlers of both genders. By 1946, bowling had become the nation’s largest competitive sport, with between 10 to 15 million bowlers. Soon, rising up to serve them were scores of new bowling alleys that entrepreneurs created in convenient locations along the interstates and automobile strips in the booming postwar suburbs. Unlike bowling alleys’ prior, often cramped, downtown locations, these had space to spread out and have dozens of lanes. 7 What really made such expansion and lane amounts possible, though, was automation. Previously, as soon as bowlers struck down pins, employees called pinboys – who were waiting either behind or on perches above the lanes – would roll the balls back and set the pins up again. This low paying, unskilled job was both time consuming and dangerous. Additionally, pinboys – usually youths or older men with no other job skills or opportunities – would often laugh at bad male bowlers and make inappropriate comments to or about female bowlers. Their behavior thus often made bowling alleys’ 471 atmosphere less than welcoming. Also, since pinboys were frequently young, their parents would not allow them to stay out late working; therefore, many alleys had to close relatively early, despite demand (especially among leagues) to remain open long into the night. That all changed after 1951, when an industrial machinery manufacturer named American Foundry Company (now known as AMF, the bowling equipment giant and bowling alley chain owner) installed the country’s first fully automated pinsetting machines at the Bowl-O-Drome’s twelve lanes in Mount Clemens, Michigan. (Unfortunately, the groundbreaking Bowl-O-Drome shut down in 1968 after a fire.) In 1956, Brunswick – the nation’s largest bowling manufacturer – followed AMF’s pioneering automatic device, called the Pinspotter, with its own version, the Pinsetter. 8 These machines eliminated the need for troublesome pinboys and allowed developers to start a building boom, creating massive new bowling alleys across the country. The numbers skyrocketed, rising from an already impressive 6,600 alleys in 1955 to 9,900 bowling establishments by 1961. Freed of pinboys’ set working hours, many bowling alleys stayed open 24 hours a day – and, for quite some time, leagues and individual players did fill those extra hours, with some 24.4 million people bowling in 1961. Along with automated lanes and ball return systems, these new alleys featured other niceties that patrons of the earlier bowling saloons could never have imagined, 9 ones that owners boasted turned them into “country clubs for the public.” 10 As a Life magazine article raved in 1958, the bowling alley, “once stuck shamefacedly in a back- street basement,” was now a place of “stunning elegance [that] had bloomed into an all- purpose pleasure palace offering variety in entertainment and luxury…. Its deep-carpeted lobbies are lined with restaurants, cocktail lounges, billiard and beauty parlors.” 11 472 As that reporter explained and as other bowling-oriented press of the era hastened to insist, bowling industry terminology had greatly shifted as well – in an attempt to remove some of the prior negative connotations. According to the bowling industry, words like “alley” and “gutter” did not convey the concept of bowling as a respectable suburban sport, especially one acceptable for women and children. Thus, proprietors and the public alike were supposed to call bowling alleys “bowling centers” or “bowling houses” instead, while the wooden alleys down which players rolled their bowling balls received the new, more positive name of “lanes.” Similarly, the gutters lining each side of a “lane,” into which bowlers’ balls could fall, would become the less negative- sounding “channels.” However, bowlers failed to accept much of this new terminology. Regardless of the words that people did or did not use, though, bowling alleys had come a long way, and the public was unlikely to confuse the new ones with their older, scruffier counterparts. 12 The Life magazine reporter also complimented bowling alley architecture, contending that the typical new alleys’ “façades have the glitter of a Hollywood nightclub.” 13 In stark contrast to the earlier bowling saloons, new suburban bowling centers were often bright, clean, colorful places that radiated a sense of postwar exuberance. That optimism was also relayed through their frequently fun names – such as the previously mentioned Bowl-O-Drome and Phoenix’s pun-heavy Bowlero (the adaptive reuse of which is described in this dissertation’s section on shopping mall reuse). Such names glowed on bowling alleys’ eye-catching neon signage, which frequently also included giant renderings of bowling pins and/or bowling balls – as still seen at Westside Lanes in Olympia, Washington. [Figure 7.2]. Westside Lanes’ neon 473 objects sit atop the bowling alley’s folded-plate roof, an architectural feature common in many googie structures. 14 [Figures 7.3]. In fact, the postwar bowling alley was one of the main types of sites in America to feature googie, a flamboyant, futuristic style designed to attract drivers’ attention as they sped along suburban strips. The architectural firm that made googie the national norm for bowling alleys was Powers, Daly, and DeRosa. It created approximately fifty such alleys between 1955 and 1962, particularly in the firm’s home base of California – pioneering what the bowling industry thus termed the “California style” of bowling alley design. One of the most notable, still operational examples of the firm’s work is the 1955 Covina Bowl, located in the Los Angeles suburb of Covina. The fifty-lane bowling alley features an exotic-meets-space age theme throughout. Googie touches, like the neon sign’s “B-O-W-L” letter blocks [Figure 7.4], the folded-plate porte-cochere, and the rock façade, all mix with Egyptian iconography. [Figure 7.5]. The latter concept reveals itself strongly in Covina Bowl’s gigantic, pyramidal entry [Figure 7.6], as well as in the statues in its cocktail lounge and even the names of two of its many banquet rooms: the Egyptian Room and the Pyramid Room. 15 Another of Powers, Daly, and DeRosa’s California bowling alleys, the combination Persian/googie style Futurama Bowl in San Jose, drew national acclaim for something other than its impressive architecture and signage. It was at the forefront of the trend of bowling alleys specifically catering to groups other than adult males, and a 1961 article on the subject in Time magazine featured it prominently. As the article explained, alley owners were beginning to recognize that appealing to suburban housewives and their children could provide bowling alleys with crucial business during 474 the daytime (when male league bowlers were generally at work) – while also providing the women and kids with fun recreational activities during which they could meet and mingle with their peers. Postwar alleys thus began promoting free supervised nurseries for babies, play areas for children, and free bowling lessons for both children and their mothers – as well as youth leagues and all-female leagues (often sponsored by local, female-centric businesses like jewelers and dress shops). Time’s description of the 42- lane Futurama Bowl demonstrated the lengths to which some bowling alleys went in order to attract this crucial audience. The reporter stated how the 1961 facility boasted “a $2,600,000 layout that includes a five-acre parking lot, nursery facilities for more than 180 children, a restaurant-bar, a dressing room, semiautomated food and beverage service, free coffee, [and] a ‘Glamorama Room’ with physical therapist, body-building equipment and steam room.” The bowling center even offered women’s luncheons with fashion and lingerie shows. 16 The postwar era, when Futurama Bowl and other alleys of its spectacular ilk reigned, was the sport’s high point. During their prime, such bowling alleys were far from being simply sites for bowling – as Futurama Bowl’s features clearly showed. Instead, such popular gathering spots served as some of suburbia’s earliest, de facto community centers – valuable places where local groups and organizations could hold meetings, where bowlers of all ages could socialize (including with the opposite sex in a nonthreatening, safe environment), and where families could bond through spending time bowling together. 17 Bowling alleys were such important parts of civic life that, during the Civil Rights Era, some found themselves the targets of desegregation protests and sit-ins. The most 475 infamous of those events occurred at All Star Bowling Lanes in Orangeburg, South Carolina. The owner of that 16-lane alley, which opened in a strip mall in 1962 and was the only such facility in 40 miles, had insisted on staying whites-only even after the federal Civil Rights Act’s passage in 1964. In 1968, African-American students from two colleges in Orangeburg protested in the bowling alley’s parking lot on three consecutive days, seeking equal access to this supposedly all-American type of place. After violence broke out the last day when police tried to make the students leave, state police and National Guard got involved. Two days later, when a protest outside South Carolina State College got out of hand, state troopers fired into the crowd – wounding 27 students and killing three. A few weeks after that tragedy (now known as the Orangeburg Massacre), the U.S. Department of Justice filed a federal lawsuit against All Star Bowling Lanes, and the alley quickly integrated. Because of its key role in the Civil Rights Movement, All Star Bowling Lanes attained designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 1996. Today, however, the business (now called All Star Triangle Bowl) sits vacant, having closed in 2007. City officials and other civic leaders have been anxious to have that historic building open again, whether for bowling or for an appropriate use of another sort. 18 While that landmarked bowling alley has a chance at either reopening or reuse in the future, the once luxurious, glamorous, futuristic Futurama Bowl is now gone – demolished after its 1990 closure. A token of its site’s original purpose – and the lifestyle it represented – does still survive, though, since the new power center that rose up in the bowling alley’s stead restored and reused its multicolored, googie-style, neon sign. [Figures 7.7 and 7.8]. Futurama Bowl and All Star Bowling Lanes are among 476 thousands of bowling alleys across America that closed in the decades after the sport’s incredible postwar construction boom. A major problem was overbuilding, as eager entrepreneurs often created far too many bowling alleys in markets that simply could not support so many lanes. Generally, the older, smaller alleys closed first, unable to compete – especially the independent ones whose owners could not afford to upgrade to match the features at newer, larger bowling centers that were part of chains. 19 The existing oversaturation became even worse as bowling declined in popularity as a league-based sport. Leagues aside, bowling has continued to do well overall, with the number of individual bowlers – that is, those people who bowled at least once in a given year – actually increasing over the decades. The figure rose from 39 million people in 1964 to 55 million in the 1980s and then to 70 million by 2003. In fact, as of 2000, bowling was the most popular competitive sport in America. However, the amount of league bowlers has not followed that positive, upward trend. After growing tremendously between the end of World War II and 1965, league bowling stagnated throughout the 1970s and then nosedived. In 1980, 9 million people still played in leagues, but by 2006, only 2.7 million did so. 20 This phenomenon, according to Harvard public policy professor Robert D. Putnam, is symbolic of a significant shift in American society. Putman’s bestselling book from 2000, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, took its title from his concept that people moving from bowling together in leagues to bowling solo (or in self-selected groups, as is often the case) represents citizens’ increasing disconnection and disengagement – from each other and from community life in general. 21 As Putnam argued, “The broader social significance” of falling league 477 membership “lies in the social interaction and even occasionally civic conversations over beer and pizza that solo bowlers forgo.” League bowling, “by requiring regular participation with a diverse set of acquaintances, did represent a form of sustained social capital,” 22 one of many such forms that Putnam insisted have been fading across America. (Other examples that Putnam gave of formerly popular but now declining activities included going to church, participating in clubs, doing community service, giving to charity, sending out greeting cards, and even voting in elections). 23 Aside from the social and cultural implications, Putnam also noted that the dearth of leagues spelled the death of many traditional bowling alleys, which always depended greatly on the presence of league bowlers. Leagues filled up not only bowling alleys’ lanes and overall calendars, but their coffers as well. Beyond just contributing money to join leagues, league bowlers typically ate and drank approximately three times more than casual bowlers did, according to Putnam. Food and alcohol sales have always been the source of much of American bowling alleys’ income, going back to the days when bowling was simply a side activity for saloon patrons. Thus, the huge drop in leagues made survival increasingly difficult – and often impossible – for bowling alleys that were accustomed to focusing on league play. 24 In the face of declining leagues and increasing competition, bowling alley operators often had to drop their prices and thus make even less profit. In many situations, bowling alleys’ primary financial value became not the recreation operations, but instead the land beneath them. With bowling alleys’ frequently massive lots and their locations on prime frontage along major roadsides, they were a key target for developers. Many thus fell, with other common building types quickly replacing them. 25 478 As occurred with Futurama Bowl’s saved sign, though, a few alleys have left something of themselves behind. For instance, in San Diego, a townhome complex [Figure 7.9] now occupies the spot where Aztec Bowl’s patrons rolled balls down its 24 lanes until its closure in 2001. However, the 1959 alley’s restored, neon, googie-style sign remains [Figure 7.10] – complete with a commemorative plaque [Figure 7.11] – amidst the housing. Additionally, the new development’s entryway is comprised of the three-inch-thick wood salvaged from the alley’s lanes, while more lane-wood now serves as a countertop at a bar down the street. 26 Elsewhere in Southern California, nothing survives onsite to remind Ontario residents of Thunderbird Lanes, a modernist, 1960 bowling alley that was demolished in 1997. Ironically, its replacement is a retro, art deco-styled, 14-screen multiplex theater that hearkens back architecturally to an even earlier era. [Figure 7.12]. Still, the 32-lane alley’s most striking feature, – a huge, metal thunderbird sculpture with glowing red eyes and a neon-lined, 17-foot wingspan, which perched on a tall pylon atop the bowling alley – does survive. Since 2004, it has shined as part of a permanent local history exhibit inside the Ontario Museum of History and Art. 27 [Figures 7.13 and 7.14]. The same principle holds true for the former Hollywood Star Lanes, located on Route 66 in Hollywood. [Figure 7.15]. That 1960 alley, famed for its role as a late-night celebrity hangout and as the setting of the cult classic film The Big Lebowski, met its fate at the hands of the Los Angeles Unified School District in 2002. The district, which took the property using eminent domain in order to build a new elementary school, was not swayed by protests and a petition signed by nearly 6000 of the alley’s fans. Although the legendary, 32-lane bowling alley fell, part of its signage [Figure 7.16] now hangs inside 479 another local alley: Hollywood’s upscale, hip Lucky Strike, which also utilizes some of Hollywood Star Lanes’ lane-wood as a bar-top. 28 Probably the nation’s most significant example of bowling alley preservation is that of Holiday Bowl in Los Angeles. Like the other California cases above, the effort was only partially successful, but what happened after preservationists lost the fight is particularly noteworthy. They tried so hard to save it – and then to commemorate it afterward – because Holiday Bowl’s significance went far beyond that of the normal American bowling alley. Its striking googie architecture was only one factor. The 1958 structure was the creation of Armet and Davis, the renowned firm that is most credited with popularizing and spreading googie across America through their many coffee shop designs (especially for major chains like Denny’s and Bob’s Big Boy). The interior of the bowling alley and its attached coffee shop was also impressive, featuring furnishings by famed modernists – George Nelson lamps, Eames chairs, etc. – along with Japanese- inspired artworks. Responsible for the confluence of modernist and Asian influences was Armet and Davis’s interior designer, who was a rarity in the era: an Asian-American woman named Helen Fong. 29 That points to what most separated Holiday Bowl from other bowling alleys. It was the product of a group of Japanese-American investors, set amidst a Japanese- American enclave in Los Angeles’ Crenshaw District, which also had a large African- American population – as well as whites and Latinos. The bowling alley’s coffee shop served a menu appealing to both Asians and African Americans – with a heavy emphasis on Japanese, Chinese, and Hawaiian dishes, but also offering items like Louisiana hot links. Meanwhile, its cocktail lounge was named the Sakiba, short for “sake bar,” 480 because of its focus on that popular Japanese drink. Moreover, whereas most bowling alleys during this period in American history did not allow either Asians or blacks to join leagues, Holiday Bowl was open to everyone, and its leagues and open-play hours filled up with people of all types. Holiday Bowl became a true social center of the district, where locals could relax and have fun together, regardless of race – with bowling leading to interracial bonding and even a number of interracial marriages. As a 1996 Los Angeles Times article about Holiday Bowl declared, “The 1950s-era bowling alley, coffee shop and bar is also a kind of local museum of tolerance, loyalty and optimism, exhibited through people who have sustained friendships over decades and across racial lines.” So important was Holiday Bowl to the local community that, during the Los Angeles Riots of 1992, as buildings burned around them, a group of Asian and black senior citizen bowlers stepped out of the bowling alley and told the approaching rioters not to touch their beloved site. “Not here,” they said, with one bowler even yelling at the rioters, “It’s not the white folks’ bowling alley” – knowing that it essentially belonged to the whole community, whites and other races alike. 30 Unfortunately, while those courageous bowlers were able to save Holiday Bowl from possible destruction in 1992, they were not so fortunate in 2000. The area was in serious decline, riddled by crime and vacant buildings. The bowling alley had long since stopped operating around the clock, as the late-night leagues catering to aerospace plant workers ended when the plants closed in the 1980s, and as nighttime crime increased. Most of the Asian and black populations had moved on, and the district had filled up with Latinos – who had little nostalgia for the then-struggling bowling alley. Thus, in 2000, a developer purchased the bowling alley and several adjacent properties in order to 481 construct a new retail/restaurant center on the site, contending that the neighborhood needed such businesses more than a bowling alley. Bowlers and preservationists – spearheaded by the Los Angeles Conservancy’s Modern Committee – held protests in front of the alley and nominated it for city landmark status. 31 The Los Angeles Cultural Heritage Commission approved the nomination, with the commission’s staff architect, Jay Oren, insisting, “This isn’t about nostalgia: It’s about cultural history. This bowling alley was a place where, during a difficult time, African Americans and Japanese Americans found a safe place to enter society. It needs to be saved.” 32 However, city council members would only agree to landmark Holiday Bowl’s attached coffee shop, rather than the entire structure as a whole. The developer thus tore down the bowling alley itself in 2003, but did incorporate the coffee shop, with its distinctive, zig-zagging roofline, into the new strip mall. [Figure 7.17]. It reopened in 2006 as a Starbucks, with its interior featuring restored terrazzo flooring, restored wall sconces, and replicas of the original, modernist bubble lamps. Since that time, the historic coffee shop has served coffee once again. 33 [Figure 7.18]. The story of Holiday Bowl lives on, though. The Holiday Bowl History Project has helped to ensure that. The public history project was a collaboration between preservationists and historians from UCLA, USC’s Regional History Collection, California State University Fullerton’s Center for Oral and Public History, the Southern California Library, and the Japanese American National Museum. The project included making a documentary about the bowling alley, as well as collecting oral histories and digitizing historical images from locals with memories and photographs of Holiday Bowl. Project participants also created virtual, three-dimensional models of the bowling alley 482 and conducted a walking tour of the property. Further, the project held a scholarly lecture series at USC and hosted panel discussions at the museum, all testifying to Holiday Bowl’s significance. Holiday Bowl’s fascinating role in local life also forms an entire chapter in historic preservation / architecture professor Gail Dubrow’s 2002 case- study book, Sento at Sixth and Main: Preserving Landmarks of Japanese American Heritage. 34 Most bowling alleys do not receive the preservation or commemoration efforts that Holiday Bowl did, though. Alleys across America continue to close, and many of those soon meet the wrecking ball. Overall, the number of open bowling alleys nationally had fallen to less than 5,500 in 2009 – down from over 11,000 at bowling’s peak in 1963. Some once bowling-heavy areas had lost over half their alleys, as in Milwaukee, known as America’s Tenpin Capital. In the 1970s, when bowling was at its height there, the Milwaukee area had 83 lanes – but by 2008, only 38 of those were still open. Milwaukee’s bowling alleys have fared better than those in Southern California’s Long Beach area, though. When the Long Beach Women’s Bowling Association started in 1956, its leagues played at 27 different bowling alleys. As of 2007, not even one of those alleys remained. The association finally had to merge with the nearby Orange County Women’s Bowling Association in order to have a place where its members could bowl. By that time, approximately 200 bowling alleys were reportedly closing across the country every year. 35 In light of doomsday scenarios such as these, bowling alley operators have shaken up their existing formulas in a variety of ways in an attempt to survive. For instance, the oldest (and smallest) operational bowling alley in Los Angeles County, Montrose Bowl – 483 located in the historic downtown of the older suburb of Montrose – is now open to the general public only one night a week. The rest of the time, the 1936 facility rents itself out – all eight lanes, as a whole – for private parties. The tiny bowling alley’s multi-hour sessions fill up with children’s birthday parties, corporate functions, and celebrity events. With its original, art deco / streamline moderne façade outside [Figure 7.19] and its 1950s-style décor inside, Montrose Bowl’s retro atmosphere and Hollywood-close location also help it make money as a popular shooting location for movies, television shows, commercials, and such. 36 Other alleys use different tactics to attract clientele. Surf Bowl [Figure 7.20], located in the coastal community of Oceanside, is – according to a 2000 newspaper article profiling San Diego-area bowling alleys – “the quintessential wholesome-‘50s bowling center,” with a “cool neon sign outside” [Figure 7.21] and a “big pastel soda fountain” ambience inside. However, along with its 32 lanes (up from an original 10), the throwback bowling alley now offers a very contemporary feature: a laser tag arena. Of course, what attracts the public can change greatly over the years. For example, Starlite Lanes [Figure 7.22], which sits along Route 66 in small town Lebanon, Missouri, offered both a baby nursery and a supervised, teen recreation room when it opened in 1959. Today, those amenities may be gone, but in addition to four extra lanes beyond its original twelve, Starlite Lanes also hosts outdoor batting cages. Further west on Route 66, a bowling enthusiast made numerous changes to Albuquerque’s vacant Sun Valley Bowl, which had opened in 1963 as just Valley Bowl. The new owner accentuated its roots on the road – and appealed to the many Route 66 heritage tourists stopping in town – by renaming it Lucky 66 Bowl. [Figure 7.23]. Before its closure in 2002, Sun Valley 484 Bowl had provided 36 lanes of bowling (raised from the original 24), but not much else. Upon its 2003 reopening as Lucky 66 Bowl, however, it featured far more attractions, including an arcade, pool tables, karaoke, and live band performances. The owner even turned part of the bowling alley’s large parking lot into a real, sand volleyball court [Figure 7.24] – complete with regular beach volleyball leagues each spring and summer. Those added options paid off, with the owner boasting in 2007 that the bowling alley’s profits had increased every year since the reopening. 37 Starlite Lanes and Surf Bowl also feature a popular phenomenon that has helped keep numerous bowling alleys across the country operational by making them more culturally relevant. Started in the 1990s, the regular event goes by different names (depending on the alley and the chain), including Cosmic Bowling, Glow Bowling, Xtreme Bowling, Galactic Bowling, Rock N Bowl, and various derivations thereof. Regardless of what places call it, the general concept remains the same. Late at night, especially on weekends, each of these bowling alleys becomes a dark environment filled with black lights, strobe lights, and even lasers [Figure 7.25] – while bowling balls, pins, and even shoes all glow in the dark. Loud, popular music (often from a live DJ) plays while people bowl and frequently dance, creating a nightclub-like atmosphere. 38 Such high-tech events help bring a new crowd to bowling alleys, one that is younger, hipper, and frequently more affluent than the traditional bowler – and one that mostly wants to hang out, rather than bowl seriously. 39 Some bowling alleys have gone all out in order to attract this crucial audience, completely remodeling and even changing their names to become what the industry has termed “bowling lounges.” For instance, as 485 of 2007, AMF had turned six of its older, but still well located, alleys into upscale facilities called “300” (a name referring to the sport of bowling’s perfect score). 40 One example is 300 San Jose [Figure 7.26], originally known as Oakridge Lanes. In the booming Silicon Valley region, where at least ten bowling alleys have closed in recent years (including the previously discussed Futurama Bowl), the AMF Oakridge Lanes had managed to stay popular. That popularity had been thanks in part to the boxy building’s prime spot as an outparcel at a major shopping center. However, when the 1971 Oakridge Mall’s chain owner, Westfield, decided to expand, Westfield announced that it would demolish the bowling alley after AMF’s lease expired in 2003, in order to create more mall parking. Local residents, though, strongly disliked the idea – calling, writing, emailing, and even setting up meetings with Westfield executives and city officials, all to protest the potential closure of their beloved institution. The preservation campaign succeeded, with Westfield deciding not to demolish the bowling alley and granting AMF another ten-year lease. 41 As Westfield’s marketing director explained about the company’s change of heart, “The community was loud and clear that they wanted to keep the bowling alley, and the community is important to us.” 42 Saving the alley was good PR not just for Westfield, though, but also for AMF – with its “gratified” employees able to tout the “tremendous grass-roots support from its customers” as a testament to the concept that, “For many years, Oakridge Lanes has been a community center for friends, families, and neighbors to come together.” 43 Not only did Oakridge Lanes remain open, but it received a makeover as well – with AMF turning it into the glitzy 300 San Jose in 2006. Under the gleam of retro pendant lights, fifty high-tech lanes end at rows of floor-to-ceiling, wall-to-wall screens 486 playing music videos. [Figure 7.27]. Bowlers, who use custom-fit balls, no longer have to stop bowling – or watching the videos – in this glow-in-the-dark atmosphere to go to a snack bar and order. Instead, servers come to the lanes’ comfortable seating areas to take food and beverage requests and then bring those meals directly to the bowlers. 300 San Jose’s menu is a combination of classic bowling alley food, like nachos (albeit using homemade versions of the typical chips, queso, and salsa), and more gourmet entrees such as hearth-baked flatbread pizzas and Thai shrimp skewers; it also offers an extensive drink list with options including high-end, specialty cocktails. Behind the bowling/eating area is a large sports bar, its wall covered by three, 120-inch television screens. [Figure 7.28]. The alley also features a separate “bowling suite,” reserved for parties, corporate events, and such – complete with onsite caterers and event planners. It offers nine private lanes, plus more massive video screens with A/V equipment and WiFi – as well as its own full bar. [Figure 7.29]. Despite all of its changes, AMF 300 San Jose still features some holdover elements from Oakridge Lanes, particularly leagues and a focus on accommodating children and children’s events (even providing glossy brochures touting the alley as a perfect spot for bar mitzvahs and kids’ birthday parties). This appealing combination of old and new made 300 San Jose the winner of the San Jose Mercury News’ 2007 “Best in Silicon Valley” award, as well as of the 2008 “Best of Silicon Valley Reader’s Survey” in Metro, the region’s alterna-weekly newspaper. 44 AMF’s successful “300” ventures, of which there are now ten, are part of a larger national trend. Another chain, called Strike, has acquired and refurbished three older bowling alleys and opened three brand new facilities as well, all since 1997; its first redo, New York City’s 1938 Bowlmor Lanes, quickly changed from a financially failing 487 property into America’s highest-grossing alley. A third player in the same niche market, the similarly titled Lucky Strike, has opened 20 new, elite, expensive “bowling lounges” across North America since 2003. Strike and Lucky Strike facilities move much further away from typical bowling alleys than do 300 venues, though – offering no league play, typically allowing no patrons under age 18 or 21 after a certain time, having cover charges at night, and often enforcing strict dress codes, just as a nightclub would. 45 The manager of Strike Cupertino, which opened in 2007 inside a remodeled mall in the Silicon Valley city of Cupertino and thus became a major competitor to the nearby 300 San Jose, made the company’s position clear. “We don’t even consider ourselves a bowling alley,” he stated, contending that, “We’re a sports bar that’s just big enough to have a 32-lane bowling alley.” Serious bowlers and family bowlers might wince at such quotes and feel unwelcome – especially league members, who Strike’s CEO derogatorily contended “are not interested in what we offer” at Strike Cupertino. 46 He argued that such people generally “want the cheapest, most miserable experience” instead, a “Stalinist experience” that he felt traditional bowling alleys offer. Rather than being a complete departure, however, places like Strike and Lucky Strike are actually a return to a much older conceptualization of bowling – essentially becoming new versions of the infamous bowling saloons of the 1800s and early 1900s. Despite the structural similarity, though, these high-end facilities do their best to move bowling far away from its working class roots, as well as from the middle class, family atmosphere that the sport had in the postwar era. 47 Strike’s CEO touted the $9 million Cupertino project, Strike’s first on the West Coast, as being “built for sophisticated clientele,” 48 and that is the case with each of the 488 three competing chains. Strike, 300, and Lucky Strike properties all tend to open in prominent spots in areas that have a large base of either youthful, white-collar workers – especially in technology sectors – or young, club-hopping types. Both demographics are those with cash to spend on having fun nights out – nights filled with drinking cocktails, dining on gourmet food, playing pool, listening to hip music, watching sports on big screens, and, just maybe, bowling a casual game or two in the midst of all that. 49 Thus, for instance, residents of affluent Orange County, California, can choose among bar-with-bowling options offered by all three chains, each situated inside a major shopping center or mixed-use retail/entertainment destination. Such market positioning is evident at the region’s Lucky Strike, a 24-lane facility that opened in 2003; it stands out among all the other tenants at a large, open-air development called The Block at Orange because of the 39-foot-tall bowling pin image gracing its façade. [Figure 7.30]. That retro element does provide a significant nod to the iconic bowling alley signage of the postwar era. Ironically, though, the very day before Lucky Strike received city approval to create that new bowling lounge with its giant pin, another Orange County bowling alley – the tiki-style Kona Lanes in Costa Mesa – closed forever. Although the iconic, 1958 alley was soon demolished, its massive, tiki sign did survive as a donation; it now sits restored inside the American Sign Museum in Cincinnati.50 Asked about Kona Lanes’ near-simultaneous closure, Lucky Strike’s president waved away any connection between the two places/events, calling it a comparison of “apples with oranges.” 51 Further up the coast, in the booming, tech-heavy Seattle edge city of Bellevue, a 16-lane Lucky Strike venue opened in 2007 not inside a mall, but instead in a gleaming office tower. Its wall-mounted, bowling-pin signage sits just below that of the tower’s 489 main occupant, computer giant Microsoft. [Figures 7.31 and 7.32]. While Lucky Strike caters to the affluent technology crowd, just a few blocks away sits what had previously been the city’s only bowling alley, Belle Lanes, which opened in 1957. 52 A 1990 newspaper article had described that 32-lane alley as being “slow and sleepy, soothingly ‘50s-like” – an environment filled with loyal senior citizens and families, where “the lights are subdued, the beer’s on tap, the burgers are cheap and little brown glass ashtrays twinkle on most all the tables.” 53 Surrounded by an increasing number of office towers in a premium location, Belle Lanes went out of business in 1992 – with locals’ memory of that traditional, neighborhood bowling alley providing a striking contrast to Lucky Strike, the pricey, elite-oriented bowling lounge that came into Bellevue 15 years later. Although Belle Lanes does not survive as a bowling alley, its uniquely shaped structure remains, since the Barnes and Noble bookstore chain moved into the large space shortly after the alley’s closure. 54 [Figure 7.33]. As a website reviewing the region’s bookstores noted, the bookstore’s provenance “sounds fairly tacky, but the bowling alley was built with an arched roof that does not have any internal support columns. The result is that the bookstore has an unusually light, open, and airy feel to it. It’s a quite pleasant place to browse.” [Figure 7.34]. Belle Lanes thus serves as an excellent example of adaptive reuse, as do the many other converted alleys described below. 55 The typical saviors of bowling alleys are not preservationists. Most adaptive reuses have not occurred because of the new owners’ grand ideas about bowling alleys’ historic, cultural, or architectural significance; instead, financial concerns, location issues, and space-availability have usually led the way as motives. Bowling alleys, especially the postwar suburban type, have features that lend themselves very well to reuse – 490 including convenient automobile-strip locales, large parking lots, and massive, open interiors that provide great flexibility. That being the case, major remodeling of a bowling alley’s interior frequently occurs, with exterior modifications often taking place as well. Still, a number of new users have tried to maintain a semblance of the bowling alleys’ original identity through keeping key parts, such as a wooden lane or a neon sign – indicating a growing appreciation / nostalgia. Whether appreciated by their users as cultural icons or not, bowling alleys have been reused in an impressive array of ways. Converted bowling alleys are so common that many areas have more than one, and international examples exist as well. For instance, in Norwich, England, a post-1960, ten-pin bowling alley (which was actually built on the site of a demolished 1912 cinema) turned into Studio E. That television studio soon played host to the most popular British game show ever (Sale of the Century, which ran from 1972 to 1983 and had over 21 million viewers at its high point). Studio E still operates today as part of the county-owned East of England Production Innovation Centre (EPIC) and is one of the largest British TV studios outside of London. 56 Meanwhile, in 2006, another former bowling alley became what its interior designers proudly termed “one of the most unusual homes in England.” Purportedly the first ten- pin bowling alley in Great Britain, it opened during the 1950s in Elvington to attract American troops stationed at the town’s Royal Air Force base. Regular meetings of the Strategic Air Command even supposedly occurred at the alley. The converters displayed an understanding of the alley’s place in British history by keeping one of its 55-foot wooden lanes – incorporating it into the home as a long hallway. 57 491 Like England’s Studio E, a number of former bowling alleys in America now provide live entertainment – including music and theater performances. This reuse fits with the current trend of surviving bowling alleys utilizing Rock ‘N’ Bowl nights, etc., to attract additional clientele and revenue – simply without the bowling. One such place used music to turn itself from a bowling alley that had not just failed, but failed miserably, into the site of one of the most [in]famous individual concerts in America – and into a successful new life since that time. Its tale demonstrates not only the difficulties that bowling alleys faced during their time in operation, but also the transformative power and possibilities of adaptive reuse. That alley, called Bowlerland Bandera, was one of two practically identical Bowlerland facilities that opened within a month of each other in mid 1962 on opposite sides of San Antonio, Texas. Bowlerland Bandera and Bowlerland Roosevelt, which were named after their streets, 58 each offered 32 lanes, a billiard room, a baby nursery, and typical aspects such as a pro shop and snack bar. They were, according to their joint advertising, the city’s “finest bowling centers.” 59 Both had (and still have) the same key exterior feature as well: a repeating, googie style, folded-plate-roof element above the entry area (of what was otherwise a normal, large, box-like building). The Bowlerlands were the last new alleys to open as part of San Antonio’s bowling boom, in which ten such centers came into being from the late 1950s until the early 1960s. With the city then severely overbuilt with bowling alleys, the last became the first to close – a situation that occurred in early 1966, barely three and a half years after their triumphant grand openings. Shortly thereafter, both properties’ equipment sold at a foreclosure auction – with most of it purchased by the equipment’s creator/dealer, Brunswick. Bowlerland 492 Roosevelt soon reopened with a reduced number of lanes, new equipment from Brunswick’s competitor AMF, and a new name. As All Star Bowling Lanes, it survived into at least the late 1970s; today, a business called Bill Embrey Heating and Air Conditioning reuses the building. 60 [Figure 7.35]. Bowlerland Bandera did not get the second chance that the Roosevelt location did. Beyond the overbuilding, it had a major additional problem that made bowling there both difficult and undesirable: the fact that shifting soil underneath had caused the lanes to become uneven. (Across the street, a barbeque restaurant’s walls kept cracking for the same reason.) However, a man named Randy Sherwood understood that the vacant building had potential. By mid 1968, newspaper help-wanted advertisements were requesting that “attractive waitresses” apply for positions at a “large new night club” at the location. That nightclub was Randy’s Rodeo, a country-western music and dance hall that also contained a barbeque sandwich shop called the Chuck Wagon – presumably the bowling alley’s snack bar. 61 The building’s origins were still evident beyond that, though; one music journalist noted, “Randy's had the distinct feel of a made-over bowling alley, all Formica counters and fluorescent lights.” 62 Despite its non-traditional nightclub atmosphere, Randy’s Rodeo offered top acts, starting with its opening weekend – which featured concerts by country stars Tammy Wynette, Johnny Bush, and Grand Ole Opry regular Charlie Walker. 63 Country music was not what eventually gave Randy’s Rodeo its national notoriety, though. Indeed, that country-oriented venue probably seemed a very unlikely host for the fateful 1978 event in question: one of only seven stops on the first North American tour by the pioneering British punk band the Sex Pistols. However, it fit 493 perfectly with the tour’s strategy of skipping cities where punk was already known – such as Los Angeles and New York – to instead introduce the then-new musical style to the South (with shows in Atlanta, Memphis, Baton Rouge, etc.). At the former bowling alley, the legendarily self-destructive band seemed determined to shock and offend the curious crowd of 2,200 people, many of whom had driven from other states for the occasion. Singer Johnny Rotten’s t-shirt depicted two cowboys engaged in a sex act, and bassist Sid Vicious screamed, “You cowboys are all a bunch of f---ing faggots!” The audience constantly pelted the band with food, spit, and beer bottles; one hit Sid Vicious in the face, and he bled throughout the show. He eventually attempted to club a heckler over the head with his bass, missed, and instead accidentally struck an executive from Warner, the band’s record label. The concert continued, but the Sex Pistols disbanded by the tour’s end a week later. 64 Years afterward, Rolling Stone magazine named it one of the 50 most important concerts in the history of rock music, while Ultimate Guitar magazine listed it as one of the top 10 instances of concert heckling ever. The show was also immortalized in the major Hollywood movie Sid and Nancy – as well as in a 25th anniversary photo exhibit and a 30th anniversary tribute concert, both in San Antonio. 65 The converted bowling alley has survived much longer than the band did. Considering that infamous show to be a sold-out success, Randy’s Rodeo booked more rock concerts, including another legendary punk band, the Ramones, a year later. Over the years, the club went through other owners and names. The first change, in the early 1980s, was when the Randy’s Rodeo grand opening performer, Johnny Bush, actually bought and remodeled the venue. He renamed it Whiskey River, the title of the hit Willie Nelson song that he had written; Nelson partially repaid his songwriter for creating what 494 would become Nelson’s traditional concert-starting tune by being the opening-night act at Bush’s new club. Whiskey River did not last long, though, with the property soon becoming a part of a local chain of bars called Cardi’s; in 1982, during its time as a Cardi’s, the former Bowlerland boosted its musical renown even further by hosting future icons U2. The venue eventually took on the nostalgically-inspired title of Randy’s Ballroom. Randy’s Ballroom has hosted a number of major Tejano music acts; today, though, it primarily serves as a bingo hall. [Figure 7.36]. It still utilizes the same googie- style, diamond-shaped sign, which has red cursive letters on a background filled with colorful neon stars, that the original Randy’s Rodeo used. [Figure 7.37]. That distinctive logo also originally appeared behind the stage at Randy’s Rodeo, visible in photographs of the Sex Pistols’ infamous concert. 66 Other bowling alleys hold performances of a much different sort – such as those at the Dallas Children’s Theater. In 2003, it settled into its new home, a 54,000 square foot alley named Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes East, following an $8.6 million fundraising campaign. That amount almost tripled the bowling alley’s original $3.2 million cost – an impressive figure in 1977, when it became the Dallas area’s first new bowling alley in nearly two decades. (The even larger Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes West followed it shortly thereafter. That business still operates today as USA Bowl, having left behind the name of both alleys’ creator, pioneering PBA champion and Hall-of-Fame member Don Carter.) Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes East did well initially, with the massive, 52-lane facility hosting almost 90 leagues and spurring a local revival of bowling alley construction – but the boom did not last. 67 495 When the alley closed in 1999, workers removed all traces of the building’s former existence – leaving nothing but “a shell and three bowling balls forgotten on the concrete slab.” Vandals later smashed two of those balls and set a small fire. However, the head of the Dallas Children’s Theater (the Southwest’s largest professional family theater) recognized the vacant alley’s potential for becoming a different child-friendly venue. In 2003, it reopened as the Rosewood Center for Family Arts, featuring two theaters, classrooms for a youth acting academy, offices, etc. The transformation was challenging; among other issues, the building’s twenty foot height did not allow for either a fly loft or multiple levels of auditorium seating – necessitating that the construction company literally raise the roof in the part of the building that would house the largest theater. Despite the changes, one element of the building’s prior use – that last surviving bowling ball – does remain in a “place of honor,” sitting in a display case in the lobby. 68 In 2004, the local alterna-weekly newspaper, the Dallas Observer, gave the facility one of its annual Best of Dallas awards, naming it the “Best Phoenix Impersonation” – an apt description of how reuse can enable a dead, abandoned structure to figuratively rise from the ashes again. 69 Back when that huge bowling alley opened in 1977, Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes East (and its sister alley across town) provided strong competition against the older bowling alleys in the Dallas area – including Hart Bowl in Dallas and Fiesta Lanes in suburban Garland. Its opening was particularly hard on the 1958 Hart Bowl, which had previously been the region’s most impressive alley. Hart offered 32 lanes with advanced technology – including an intercom system that gave bowlers the ability to order food and drinks right from the lanes and then have servers deliver them (just as occurs today at 496 many elite bowling lounges, as described above). Hart also included a children’s playroom, a baby nursery, and a lounge with a daytime piano player (aspects designed to appeal to homemaker league bowlers – as a 1961 article on the subject in Time Magazine, which featured Hart Bowl, pointed out). Moreover, the $1 million structure had striking modernist architecture. A circular glass room with reflecting pools housed the alley’s lounge and 200-seat restaurant, providing a view of Bachman Lake across the street. A few miles away, the 24-lane Fiesta Lanes – which had opened in 1960 – was much more utilitarian, housed in a specially designed Butler steel-systems building. Neither alley could compare to Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes East (not to mention West) – even after Hart Bowl’s $600,000 full interior remodeling, which occurred as a direct result of the competition in 1977. Both alleys closed years sooner than their newer, much larger competitor – with Fiesta closing around 1988 and Hart (then called Heart Bowl) closing in 1992. 70 Like Don Carter’s All-Star Lanes East, though, neither Fiesta nor Hart stayed closed for long. Both found new purposes as successful centers for other types of participant sports. Around 1990, Fiesta Lanes became Indy RC World, home to an off- road dirt-racing track for radio-controlled cars. New owner Steve Webster replaced the bowling lanes with over 2,000 tons of dirt, and miniature cars now race where balls once rolled. The open, clear-span structure – once touted by its builders for its lack of columns, which provided an unobstructed bowling area and ideal viewing for bowling spectators – was perfect for such an endeavor. 71 Meanwhile, Hart Bowl reopened in 1994 as the first WhirlyBall center in either the South or Southwest. Called WhirlyBall of Dallas, it is one of only about twenty 497 locations across North America featuring the strange sport, in which teams of players in bumper cars race across a court while trying to use plastic scoops to throw Whiffle balls into a basketball-type hoop. The converted bowling alley now offers two separate WhirlyBall courts, each attached to a private party room; it has regular leagues, but it focuses on corporate events, birthday parties, and other planned gatherings. In fact, Prince Albert – Grace Kelly’s son, who in 2005 became the sovereign ruler of Monaco – hosted WhirlyBall parties there twice during visits to Dallas in 1995. Despite the alterations, the former Hart Bowl still displays its modernist exterior, and it still includes bowling alley-type features such as a pool table, arcade games, and snack bar. 72 While such sports-complex reuses allow the former bowling alleys to once again provide recreation and thus enhance their surrounding areas, other reused bowling alleys have become more directly involved in civic and community life. A number of them have become churches; the bowling alley setting works well for casual, contemporary churches that seek to appeal to the masses with their lack of formality and their willingness to engage the wider culture. Chuck Smith, Jr., son of the founder of the approximately 1,400-church Calvary Chapel movement, used such rhetoric when explaining why he moved his own 2,000-member congregation into a bowling alley in the Orange County community of Capistrano Beach, California. 73 “We have gone to where the people are,” he stated, “and we have taken over their hangouts” – with the idea being that potential churchgoers would feel comfortable “going to where they used to spend Friday and Saturday nights bowling.” 74 The transition from bowling to worshipping occurred quickly at Capistrano Lanes, which remained open during its sale to the church in 1985. Volunteers at Calvary 498 Chapel Capo Beach made good use of the large, boxy building [Figure 7.38]; they turned its 36,880 square feet into a sanctuary, seven classrooms, a library, a game room, a counseling center, and offices – not to mention a soup kitchen for feeding the homeless. Today, the church is still going strong – albeit with a new pastor and a new name, Capo Beach Calvary, after a contentious 2006 split with the more conservative Calvary Chapel network over the Capistrano Beach congregation’s increasing postmodernism and liberalism in both doctrine and politics. 75 Despite the changes, the church’s initial enthusiasm for its unique home has not waned. Capo Beach Calvary’s website – which features a photo gallery depicting the exterior and interior of Capistrano Lanes before and during its religious transformation – boasts, “Take a look around our sanctuary and you’ll probably notice that it used to be a bowling alley. Pretty cool, huh?” 76 [Figure 7.39]. While bowling alley churches like Capo Beach Calvary pride themselves on providing both a gathering spot and community amenities, other bowling alleys have taken that concept more literally by becoming event centers and banquet halls. One such banquet hall is a mid-1950s, ten-lane bowling alley in the small town of Mattoon, Illinois. Called the Etog Bowling Alley or Etog Bowl before a sale and renovation in 1993-1994, the alley – thereafter known as Lake Land Lanes – had only been out of business for six months when it found new life as the WalkWay in 2006. The WalkWay concept developed from the difficulty that its co-owner, high school teacher Vinnie Walk, frequently had in finding venues to hold functions for school groups and committees. Today, the 10,000 square foot building is full most weekends – hosting company parties, church events, dinner theater performances, dances, and class reunions (including, 499 appropriately enough, a 50-year reunion sock hop by the Mattoon High School classes of 1957, ’58, and ’59). It has even held a number of weddings and wedding receptions. 77 As one reverend noted regarding a charity event he held there, finding it to be an “exceptional” banquet facility was “kind of a surprise, since it had been a bowling alley.” However, rather than try to cover up its prior existence, Walk – who had fond memories of bowling there as a child – tipped his hat to the alley by using some of the lane wood to make tabletops, bar tops, and decorative woodwork. He even turned small sections of the lanes’ curved gutters into what now appear to be tile shingles above the bar. The bowling alley’s original trophy case also remains, and Walk requested that former bowlers donate memorabilia. 78 The director of the Mattoon Chamber of Commerce agreed that the building’s history “only adds to its character” – stating, “I like that a breath of fresh air has come into one of our icons.” 79 The year before the WalkWay opened, a famed googie-style bowling alley on Route 66 in Tulsa closed. The 1961 Rose Bowl is a futuristic, pink, reinforced concrete shell structure comprised of connected partial domes – with a similarly arch-shaped sign vaulting high above the entryway. [Figures 7.40 and 7.41]. Because of its unique construction by architect William Ryan, only two support columns break the alley’s 34,000 square feet – the setting thus providing an excellent open space for events. However, when the owner of the used car business next door purchased the facility in 2006, he was not considering an event center as a future use. 80 Instead, Sam Baker was apparently planning to expand his existing operation. Still, he immediately tried to reassure Route 66 enthusiasts by calling the Rose Bowl “a great landmark” and saying that, “We really think it’s too nice a building to knock down at this point.” 81 500 However, they were not exactly encouraged when, less than a month after Baker purchased the Rose Bowl, he put it up for sale on the Internet auction site eBay – and did so for a starting bid of $499,000, two hundred thousand dollars more than he had just paid. Implying that he was not simply a real estate speculator, he insisted that upgrading the building would have cost more than he had expected, stating, “As much as I like the place, [I] have an investment to recoup.” (He also offered the alley’s maple lanes for purchase at $3,500 each. One became the bar counter at a new Tulsa bar called Dirty’s Tavern, while another did the same for the bar at the city airport in Farmington, New Mexico; others went to a new sushi restaurant in Los Angeles and even to the Los Angeles Fire Department for table tops at a firehouse.) 82 The eBay building auction received no official bids, although Baker claimed he did receive offers – but that “the interested buyers wanted to tear the building down, and we didn’t want that.” Thus, Baker found himself with a bowling alley still on his hands. He could not reopen the Rose Bowl with its prior function because of a non-compete clause with its former owner, AMF, which still operates other bowling alleys in Tulsa. Additionally, AMF had removed most of the bowling equipment when it closed the alley. 83 Through this circuitous route, the Rose Bowl Event Center was born. After two years of renovations, it hosted its first event (an indoor fun fly for model airplanes) in early 2008; its official grand opening came several months later, with a concert by a nationally known punk band called Guttermouth. In his reuse attempt, Baker understood that keeping the bowling alley’s historic character intact was crucial to its success. Thus, he transformed some of the wooden lanes into flooring and re-painted the exterior pink, 501 returning the building to the original look it had prior to AMF’s later, white and purple paint job. 84 He also stated that, “When you’re in here, I want it to give you the impression that you are literally partying right on Route 66.” Therefore, he added Route 66 wall murals and signs; also, since AMF did leave the alley’s grill in place, he gave the restaurant area a retro look (featuring glass-brick partitions and diner-style, pink-accented booths). 85 City council member David Patrick – who was integral in reopening the alley – applauded Baker’s efforts, saying, “It would be a huge shame to lose it like we’ve lost so many other buildings.” He also felt that the center would become “the pride of District 3 and Route 66 on this side of Tulsa,” and that it would be a positive economic generator for the area. 86 City councils and other governmental bodies have been even more intimately involved in converting bowling alleys, though. In Louisville, Kentucky, a governmental facility has been reusing a bowling alley since 1988. The 1976 Pro Bowl III building, the last of several Pro Bowls built in the city, houses one of four regional centers for the Louisville–Jefferson County Metro Government. Called the East Government Center, the 37,000 square foot former bowling alley now encompasses a police substation, Emergency Medical Services (EMS), a branch of the county clerk’s office, and a circuit court. It even offers a branch library, health clinic, and community meeting room. Moreover, the state of Kentucky leases part of the large building for a vocational training program. Citing increasing cramped spaces, the county has considered moving all or part of its services to a larger facility; for their part, the property owners (the family of the Pro Bowl chain’s creator) have offered to build a second structure on the large site to help accommodate the county’s needs. In the meantime, the county has continued leasing the 502 bowling alley. 87 (Pro Bowl I and II also survive, each still displaying the same key architectural features as Pro Bowl III: a pastel-covered mansard roof and a flagcrete- covered facade. The 1974 Pro Bowl I, which closed in 1999, is now a bingo parlor called Charity Hall Bingo. Meanwhile, the 1975 Pro Bowl II became part of the regional Strike & Spare bowling chain in 2001 and now operates as Fern Valley Strike & Spare.) 88 Another former bowling alley that now provides vital services for the local community is Medford Bowling Lanes in Medford, Oregon, which became the new home for the nonprofit Kids Unlimited organization in 2005. 89 The alley’s longtime owner, Roy Rider – forced to sell because of his terminal cancer – originally tried to find a buyer who would keep the alley operational. After being unable to do so, he decided that, as his daughter stated, “If it wasn’t going to be Medford Lanes, it would be better to leave it as a legacy to the community.” The city’s oldest bowling alley, it had survived since the 1930s despite increasing competition and, as elsewhere, a decline in popularity. After moving in 1952 from underneath Medford’s historic Dreamland Ballroom (now reused as a karate studio) to a new building, it then expanded in 1956 from its original 12 lanes to 24 – becoming the second-largest bowling alley in Oregon. Facing new competition from the 1959 opening of another bowling alley in town (the still-open Roxy Ann Lanes), the alley then expanded again – to 38 lanes. Lava Lanes opened nearby with 40 lanes in 2000, prompting Medford Bowling Lanes’ owner to take drastic measures. In a $1 million upgrade in 2002, he turned 10,000 of the alley’s 32,000 square feet into an indoor miniature golf course, reducing the number of lanes to 26. He also added a large game arcade and a new restaurant and lounge (replacing the old snack bar). 90 Closing the alley only a few short years after that major transformation was a difficult decision; however, 503 as Rider’s daughter explained, “When he looked at what Kids Unlimited could do for the community and what they already do – the summer camps and the basketball programs and the ballet classes – he wanted to do it.” 91 Kids Unlimited had been operating from a much smaller location since 1998, serving approximately 1000 children per week – focusing on programs for at-risk, abused, homeless, and underprivileged youth. Utilizing over $1.5 million in donations (whether of money, labor, or materials), it has now transformed the former bowling alley into a youth center, offering facilities such as a computer lab, dance studio, fitness center, basketball gym, karate studio, and an arts and crafts area. Additionally, it includes a free clothing and food bank, as well as shower and laundry facilities, for use by homeless / runaway youth. The agency was also able to make good use of the Medford Bowling Lanes restaurant’s equipment, chairs, and tables, which the owner donated. In 2006, a regional credit union and a local nightly news program funded a kitchen-remodeling project. It enabled the facility to serve hot meals to hundreds of needy children daily – and to make the kitchen a hands-on classroom, providing youth with lessons in both culinary skills and catering (since the facility has hosted many community events). 92 Despite the new look both inside and out (with a contemporary look having replaced what the local newspaper termed a “formerly drab façade,” and with the roof raised in one part to accommodate the gym), the center’s hallway does remind the youth who pass through it of the facility’s former life. There, alongside photographs of kids working on the alley’s physical conversion, a glass display case holds several bowling balls (much as is also the case at the Dallas Children’s Theater). 93 504 Other former bowling alleys have become involved in shaping the lives of local youths by becoming schools. Such a reuse is appropriate, since bowling was once a very common activity for children and teens – and since, even today, many youths participate in official high school bowling teams or in school leagues for P.E. credit. Bowling alleys tend to work well as schools, because workers can easily partition the large, open spaces into classrooms. In fact, their size can be a plus for newer, still-growing institutions. For instance, in the Los Angeles suburb of Pomona, the City of Knowledge School currently uses only a portion of the 33,000 square foot, former Garey Center Bowl, which opened in 1960 and closed in 1993. [Figure 7.42]. The K-12, accredited, Islamic institution welcomes the additional space, which has allowed it to add more classrooms or other facilities every year since it opened in 1997. The Muslim school’s chosen construction company – the Iraq-based Rowad Baghdad Construction Ltd. – retained the 32-lane bowling alley’s googie-oriented exterior, with its flagcrete-covered walls and concrete overhangs. [Figure 7.43]. Also remaining is the bowling alley’s coffee shop, which now serves as the school cafeteria; one reporter described the cafeteria as still looking like it did “at the height of kitsch ‘60s culture.” 94 Garey Center Bowl’s large, wall-mounted “Coffee Shop” sign found new life elsewhere, though. [Figure 7.44]. During the bowling alley’s transformation into a school, the owners of Boomers Coffeehouse in nearby Upland – a business filled with authentic 1960s furnishings that bills itself on its website as offering “the mid-century modern coffee experience” – made a deal to take the sign. 95 As one owner noted, “We’d always admired it…. It probably hadn’t been working for years. And they probably would’ve trashed it if we hadn’t saved it.” Thousands of dollars of restoration later, the 505 free-form googie sign – which features bright orange letters jutting out from a multi- angled blue background – now hangs on the wall outside Boomers. [Figure 7.45]. Inside Boomers is a countertop made out of one of the wooden bowling lanes. (Reusing the bowling alley’s elements is appropriate for Boomers, as the coffeehouse itself is also an adaptive reuse – having taken over the baggage claim section of Upland’s Santa Fe train depot, a 1937 Spanish colonial revival structure now converted to retail. [Figure 7.46].) 96 Another important reuse trend is that of turning bowling alleys into office space. A prime example is a development – appropriately called “The Alley” – in Minneapolis. Formerly known over the years as Marv’s Broadway Bar & Bowl, Rainbow Bowl, and Rainbow Country Bowling, the 18,500 square foot alley was still operational into the late 1990s – when it received a $30,000 loan from the city’s Neighborhood Revitalization Program. Even with the loan, though, the business eventually failed. 97 The structure presented an opportunity for Master Properties, a developer specializing in urban infill and redevelopment projects, which finished transforming it into The Alley in 2006. The Alley’s tenants now include a Legal Aid branch and Way to Grow, a nonprofit agency offering school-readiness and educational support programs for low-income families. The building has also served as a meeting and art exhibit space for the nonprofit Northside Arts Collective. Sharing The Alley are Master Properties’ offices and the studio of Mercury Mosaics. At Mercury, which produces mosaic tiles for design showrooms across the country, workers use workbenches and tables made from the bowling alley’s wooden lanes. 98 Master Properties also turned bowling lanes into flooring for the project. However, Master greatly altered the exterior – proudly proclaiming that, “With its edgy 506 exterior of curtain wall glass, brick, and concrete block, few would guess that The Alley began life as a Butler metal building.” 99 The development’s combination of old and new helped it win an annual award for best “Repositioned/Renovated” property from the state chapter of the National Association of Industrial and Office Properties. The recognition gratified Master, whose CEO noted, “We have always felt that one of Master’s greatest strengths is its ability to look beyond the obvious and to create value in properties that others have written off.” 100 Elsewhere in the country, other bowling alleys now house retail operations. Because of their large size and inherent nostalgia factor, some have become antique malls. One such facility is the former Papago Bowl in Scottsdale, Arizona. Opened in 1960, the large bowling alley originally featured 32 lanes, plus not only a coffee shop, but also a cocktail lounge and a full dining room inside its 36,000 square feet. The $300,000 project’s designer was Scottsdale-based architect Donald T. Van Ess. For Papago Bowl, Van Ess created a column-free, googie-style bowling alley, featuring stone-covered walls topped by an eye-catching roof comprised of steel-reinforced “bell-shell sections” (better known as concrete shell vaults) – some of which extend over the entry area and end at soaring tapered pylons. [Figure 7.47]. Although Papago Bowl began as an independent alley owned by Dom and Guido Orlandi, the operation had become part of the national Fair Lanes chain by the time it closed in the 1990s. 101 In 1996, the majority of the building (28,000 square feet) reopened as the Antique Centre. (A small, high-end furniture store moved into another portion of the structure around the same time.) 102 In Sunset, the major Western U.S. travel and lifestyle magazine, an article on antique stores in the Phoenix area lauded the reused bowling alley 507 as one of the best in ritzy Scottsdale – stating that its vast space “yielded a bonanza of collectibles.” 103 Even though the Antique Centre hosts over 150 individual antique dealers, the management is careful to keep the store clutter-free, and the store even includes call boxes in the center of its many aisles so that shoppers can call staff with any questions. As manager Fancy Andrews noted, in a nod to the antique mall’s predecessor, “It’s laid out in a real neat manner, in rows like bowling lanes.” Despite its upscale new use, the building’s middle class roots as a bowling alley also remain evident in its intact exterior. 104 [Figure 7.48]. While Papago Bowl now holds multiple small businesses, bowling alley reuses by individual retailers are common as well. In San Francisco’s famed Haight-Ashbury neighborhood, the world’s largest independent record store – Amoeba Music, based in Berkeley – opened its second location in the former Park Bowl in 1997. The 1952 bowling alley, which once offered 22 lanes in its 24,000 square feet, now holds racks of hundreds of thousands of albums (and some 30,000 DVDs). The structure also includes a stage that has hosted numerous concerts by nationally known artists. A record shop made sense in that location, since Park Bowl had been one of the originators of the Rock & Bowl concept nationally. It offered those musical parties regularly from 1983 until its 1996 sale to Amoeba Music, and the bowling alley’s owner actually held the trademark for that now-common phrase (selling it upon the alley’s closure). In a clear tip of the hat to a former key player in the Haight-Ashbury social and music scenes, Amoeba not only kept the “Bowling” sign on the building’s tower, but also chose a neon-lined font for its own sign that is almost identical to the distinctive lettering that once spelled out Park Bowl’s name. 105 [Figure 7.49]. 508 National chain stores have also found bowling alleys to be viable spaces, as occurred at Albuquerque’s Fiesta Lanes – which was the largest bowling alley in the state when it opened in 1962. The $1,200,000 facility had 40 lanes in a family-oriented setting that, unlike most bowling alleys of the era, sold no alcohol – but that did provide a supervised baby nursery, a children’s playroom, and even an outdoor playground (along with elements like a coffee shop and full restaurant). The alley was still quite successful – offering popular Rock ‘n’ Bowl nights with dancing – in 1998, when the property owner nonetheless refused to renew the alley’s long-term lease. (The alley’s then-owner, daughter of the original owner, hoped to reopen Fiesta Lanes elsewhere – but that failed to happen.) The sale of pens soon replaced knocking down pins, as office-supply chain store Staples came into the 38,000 square foot structure in 1999. The bowling alley’s large parking lot (which once held 400 cars) soon held additional retail. 106 Although Fiesta Lanes’ exterior, which the press originally labeled “modernistic,” has been altered somewhat, its concrete, folded-plate awning elements still grace the front. [Figure 7.50]. Also remaining is its massive, freestanding sign, which features the neon-lined outline of a giant bowling pin and bowling ball. [Figure 7.51]. Although initial reports indicated that Staples intended to remove it and replace it with a typical corporate one, the sign actually became a perfect example of preservation and reuse. With its neon color changed from turquoise to red to match Staples’ corporate color (used in the chain’s wall-mounted signage, etc.), the sign’s open marquee areas now host smaller signs for Staples and the property’s other businesses. [Figure 7.52]. The sign’s neon still glows bright at night. 107 [Figure 7.53]. Maintaining the sign has had positive 509 effects on the store’s local reputation. As a Staples salesperson explained, “A lot of customers like the fact that it stayed. They think it’s pretty neat.” 108 That conversion won an interesting award in the annual “Best of” issue of Albuquerque Weekly Alibi, the city’s alterna-weekly newspaper, in 2008. Naming it the city’s “Best Use of Confusing Signage,” the paper humorously called the store “the Venus flytrap of office supply stores, luring innocent leisure-time seekers through its doors with false promises of bowling and fun.” On a more serious note, though, in 2000 the development was a finalist for the annual “Infill/Adaptive Reuse” Award of Excellence from the New Mexico chapter of the National Association of Industrial and Office Properties. 109 As discussed earlier, the Minnesota branch of that same national trade organization gave a similar award to The Alley in Minneapolis. The fact that bowling alleys can win major acclaim as ideal examples of adaptive reuse demonstrates that they are gaining acceptance as American cultural icons deserving of preservation – and that significant potential exists for turning them into profitable places that can once again provide real economic and social benefits to their communities. 1 Eric Dregni, Let's Go Bowling (St. Paul: MBI, 2005), 12, 18, 20, 24-25; Gideon Bosker and Bianca Lencek-Bosker, Bowled Over: A Roll Down Memory Lane (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2002), 16, 19; Andrew Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys and Trailer Parks: Chasing the American Dream in Postwar Consumer Culture (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 110. 2 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 110-115; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 29-30; Bosker and Lencek- Bosker, Bowled Over, 19. 3 Dinesh Ramde and Associated Press, "Oldest Bowling Alley in America Turns 100," Fox News, September 15, 2008, http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,422844,00.html (accessed March 5, 2010); 510 Scott Allen, "5 Famous Bowling Alleys," Mental_Floss Blog, web log entry posted January 14, 2009, http://www.mentalfloss.com/blogs/archives/21707 (accessed March 5, 2010); Dennis Manoloff, "Struggling Down Memory Lanes: Owners of Smaller Bowling Alleys Say They Have Learned to Concentrate on Service, Perks and Nostalgia," Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 10, 1994, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed March 7, 2010); Donnald Heckelmoser, "Community Spotlight: Brown's Grill & Bowling Lanes," Old Brooklyn News: A Publication of the Old Brooklyn Community Development Corporation (July 2007): 2, http://www.oldbrooklyn.com/OBN/07JulOBN.pdf (accessed March 7, 2010). 4 Kim Cross, "Retro Bowling in St. Louis: Lace Up Some Funny-Looking Shoes, and Head to These Offbeat Bowling Spots," Southern Living Magazine, November 2005, http://www.southernliving.com/travel/south-west/retro-bowling-in-st-louis-00400000006117/ (accessed March 10, 2010); Saint Louis County Parks & Recreation, "Maplewood Landmarks," Saint Louis County Designated Landmarks, http://www.co.st-louis.mo.us/parks/landmarks/maplewood-landmark.pdf (accessed March 10, 2010); National Park Service, "National Register: Stairway to Strikes, St. Louis, Missouri," National Park Service 2008 Director's Report, 2008, 41, http://www.nps.gov/2008DirectorsReport/2008NPSDirectorsReport.pdf (accessed September 15, 2010). 5 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 116-118; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 34; Bosker and Lencek- Bosker, Bowled Over, 40. 6 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 122-125; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 34-36. 7 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 108, 152-153. 8 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 130-147; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 36-38; Bosker and Lencek- Bosker, Bowled Over, 30-33; Murray H. Parres, "That's Entertainment," in Centennial History of Mount Clemens, Michigan 1879-1979, ed. Dorothy M. Magee (Mount Clemens, MI: Mount Clemens Public Library, 1980), 100, http://offserv.libcoop.net/mtc/CentHistory/CHAPTER6%209.pdf (accessed March 8, 2010); Joe. C., "Re: History of 82-70's," Online posting on a forum thread, Bowl-Tech: The World Wide Connection for Bowling Service, May 21, 2004, http://www.bowltech.com/content/btubb/ubbthreads.php?ubb=showflat&Number=92170&page=2 (accessed March 8, 2010). 9 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 146-149, 157; Time Magazine, "Leisure: Alley Cats," November 17, 1961, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,939324-1,00.html (accessed July 10, 2008). 10 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 157. 11 Bosker and Lencek-Bosker, Bowled Over, 44. See also Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 44. 12 Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 44; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 156; Time Magazine, "Leisure: Alley Cats". 13 Bosker and Lencek-Bosker, Bowled Over, 44. 14 Ibid., 40-44; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 153-156; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 43; Robert Whitlock, "Westside Lanes," Flickr, November 4, 2009, accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/rwhitlock/4077431588/; Westside Lanes, "Gen Pics: Westside in Snow," accessed April 29, 2011, http://www.westsidelanesofolympia.com/genpics.html; Alan Hess, Googie Redux: Ultramodern Roadside Architecture (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2004), 60, 195. 15 Hess, Googie Redux, 19, 60, 64-65; Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 153-155; Los Angeles Magazine, "Best of LA: Best Bowling Alleys," December 2009, http://www.lamag.com/bola/article.aspx?id=22301 (accessed March 8, 2010); Syd Nagoshi, "Neon 511 Bowling Southern California," Roadside Peek, http://www.roadsidepeek.com/roadusa/southwest/california/socal/socalbowling/socalneonbowl/index.htm (accessed March 8, 2010). 16 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 154, 162-172, 180-184; Hess, Googie Redux, 56-57; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 48, 58-59; Bosker and Lencek-Bosker, Bowled Over, 115-119; Time Magazine, "Leisure: Alley Cats"; Heather David and Preservation Action Council of San Jose, "Silicon Valley Googie," Continuity: Dedicated to Preserving San Jose's Architectural Heritage 19 No. 2 (Fall 2008): , http://www.preservation.org/newsletters/fall2008.pdf (accessed October 3, 2008); Eric Carlson, "Signs 'Round Town: Futurama, Pastarama," SanJose.com: Live from the Capital of Silicon Valley, http://www.sanjose.com/underbelly/unbelly/Sanjose/sjsigns/signs2.html (accessed October 3, 2008); Eric Carlson, "Notes from the Underbelly: Collecting San Jose," Metro Silicon Valley, January 15, 2004, http://www.metroactive.com/papers/metro/01.15.04/underbelly-0403.html (accessed October 3, 2008). 17 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 157-160; Dregni, Let's Go Bowling, 43. 18 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, 184-190; Steven A. Davis, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: All Star Bowling Lanes (Washington, DC: National Park Service, April 1996), secs. 7- 10, pgs. 1-4, http://www.nationalregister.sc.gov/orangeburg/S10817738032/S10817738032.pdf (accessed September 16, 2010); South Carolina Department of Archives and History, "All Star Bowling Lanes, Orangeburg County," National Register Properties in South Carolina, http://www.nationalregister.sc.gov/orangeburg/S10817738032/index.htm (accessed June 10, 2008); National Park Service, "All Star Bowling Lane," We Shall Overcome: Historic Places of the Civil Rights Movement - A National Register of Historic Places Travel Itinerary, http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/civilrights/sc1.htm (accessed June 10, 2008); Gene Zaleski, "Historic Bowling Alley Closes Doors - Investors Looking at All Star, Focal Point of the 'Orangeburg Massacre'" Orangeburg Times and Democrat, September 16, 2007, http://thetandd.com/news/article_43505c9e-a1a9- 5630-bdb9-ccba9b2710fa.html; Katrina A. 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Thomas, "Minneapolis, Minnesota Payphone Locations: Rainbow Bowl," The Payphone Project: Telephone Booths & Payphones from Around the World, http://www.payphone- project.com/numbers/usa/MN/MINNEAPOLIS/612-529-9819.html (accessed August 22, 2008); Audit Practice Division, Office of the State Auditor, "Northside Economic Development Council, Minneapolis, Minnesota: Agreed-Upon Procedures for the Period June 1, 1996, Through June 30, 1999," State of Minnesota, http://www.auditor.state.mn.us/reports/aud/1999/nedc/report.pdf (accessed August 22, 2008). 98 Master Properties, "Showcase Projects: The Alley"; Metropolitan Alliance of Community Centers (MACC), "Way to Grow," MACC Alliance of Connected Communities, http://www.maccalliance.org/waytogrow.htm (accessed September 26, 2010); Minneapolis Observer Quarterly, "Arts Calendar: Northside Arts Collective's 1st Annual Meeting / Membership Drive / Art Exhibit," October 2005, http://www.mplsobserver.com/arts_calendar?from=90 (accessed July 3, 2008); Josh Blanc and Handmade Tile Association, "Dark and Stormy Night," HTA Newsletter 6, No. 5 (October 10, 2005): http://www.handmadetileassociation.org/newsletter/OctoberNewsletter2005.htm (accessed July 3, 2008); Kim Ode, "People - Bits & Pieces - Three Mosaic Artists, Among the Best in the State, Didn't Set Out to Master That Particular Form, but Once Smitten, They Have Never Looked Back," Minneapolis Star Tribune, June 18, 2007, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 22, 2008). 99 Master Properties, "Showcase Projects: The Alley". 100 Master Properties, "NAIOP Award: Master Strikes Again, Wins NAIOP Award for Urban Rehab. 'The Alley' Bowls Over Judges in 'Repositioned / Renovated' Category," Master Properties News/Press, February 8, 2006, http://www.masterproperties.com/prop/news_press/naiopaward2_08_06/ (accessed July 3, 2008; page now defunct). 101 Arizona Republic, "32-Lane Bowling Center Started in Scottsdale," February 7, 1960, sec. 5 pg. 23, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed June 12, 2009); Arizona Republic, "Bell-Shell Bowl First of Its Kind," March 13, 1960, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed September 26, 2010); Hess, Googie Redux, 193; Microsoft, "2012 N. Scottsdale Rd, Scottsdale, AZ," Bing Maps: Aerial: Bird's Eye, http://maps.bing.com (accessed September 26, 2010); Michael Dresser, "Chairman of Fair Lanes Becomes President, CEO," Baltimore Sun, January 27, 1993, http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1993-01- 27/business/1993027136_1_fair-lanes-clayton-carley (accessed September 26, 2010); Arizona Department of Liquor Licenses and Control, "Liquor Licenses," State of Arizona, http://www.azll.com/master.csv (accessed May 21, 2008). 102 Diana Balazs, "3 for Antiques, 1 for the Unique: Treasure Trove for Shoppers," Arizona Republic, October 16, 1999, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed June 12, 2009). 103 Nora Burba Trulsson, "Phoenix Antiques: Explore Three Shop-Filled Neighborhoods," Sunset, October 2004, http://www.sunset.com/travel/southwest/phoenix-antiques-00400000013099/ (accessed May 21, 2008). 104 Balazs, "3 for Antiques". 105 Rod Kurtz, "Amoeba Music's Simple Formula: Marc Weinstein Says His Record Stores Thrive Despite File-Sharing and Chain-Store Rivals Because They Focus on the Basics: Product and Customers," BusinessWeek, February 17, 2005, http://www.businessweek.com/smallbiz/content/feb2005/sb20050217_8742_sb017.htm (accessed July 3, 2008); Amoeba Music Inc., "Store Locations," Amoeba Music - The World's Largest Independent Record Store, http://www.amoeba.com/store-locations/index.html (accessed July 3, 2008); Sam Whiting, "End of 523 Gutter Balls and Highballs: Haight Street's Signature Party, Rock & Bowl, Shutting Down Its Lanes," San Francisco Chronicle, August 20, 1996, http://articles.sfgate.com/1996-08- 20/entertainment/17781664_1_park-bowl-planet-bowling-haight-street (accessed November 3, 2008); Johnny DiPaola, "Riff Raff: Come and Get It," SF Weekly, November 12, 1997, http://www.sfweekly.com/1997-11-12/music/riff-raff/ (accessed November 3, 2008); Ingrid Taylar, "Amoeba Music on Haight Street," About.com: San Francisco, http://sanfrancisco.about.com/od/neighborhoodprofiles/ig/Haight-Ashbury-Photos/Amoeba-Music.htm (accessed November 3, 2008); Emilie Wilson, "Week 19: Bar... Coffee Shop... and Bowling!" SnapCity.com: Snapshots of San Francisco, http://snapcity.com/past/snap19/snap19.html (accessed November 3, 2008). 106 Albuquerque Tribune, "Fiesta Lanes Plan Party," June 26, 1962, A-9, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed March 15, 2009); Albuquerque Tribune, "Bowling Alley Nursery Has Seven Baby Cribs," June 29, 1962, C-10, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed March 15, 2009); Linden Knighten, "New Mexico Bowling Scene: Women's State Tourney Set for March," Albuquerque Journal, January 7, 1962, C-3, http://www.newspaperarchive.com (accessed March 15, 2009); Rebecca Roybal, "Kingpins and Dancing Kings: Friday Night Rock N Bowl Gives Teens a Place to Hang Out, Have Fun," Albuquerque Journal, October 11, 1996, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed August 9, 2008); Wende Schwingendorf, "Fiesta Lanes Rolls On: After 37 Years at San Pedro and Menaul, the Bowling Alley Will Move Out and a Retail Complex Will Move in," Albuquerque Journal, December 21, 1998, http://nl.newsbank.com (accessed August 9, 2008); Mike Tumolillo, "Tall Tales: They Dot the Streets Like the Abandoned Toys of Giants," Albuquerque Tribune, December 30, 2004, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed June 8, 2008). 107 Knighten, "New Mexico Bowling Scene"; Schwingendorf, "Fiesta Lanes Rolls On"; Google, "6001 Menaul Blvd NE, Albuquerque, NM," Google Maps: Street View, http://maps.google.com (accessed September 27, 2010); Seth Gaines, "Bowling - Albuquerque, NM," Flickr, August 18, 2007, accessed May 5, 2011, http://www.flickr.com/photos/sethgaines/2697822213/. 108 Tumolillo, "Tall Tales". 109 Mark Chavez, "Best of Burque 2008," Albuquerque Weekly Alibi, April 3-9, 2008, http://alibi.com/index.php?story=22821&scn=feature (accessed August 9, 2008); Nancy Salem, "Cityscape Success: Awards Showcase the Year's Best Development Projects, from Reused Buildings to Affordable Housing," Albuquerque Tribune, December 11, 2000, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed August 9, 2008). 524 CHAPTER 8 Moving Beyond Movies: The Adaptive Reuse of Multiplex Theaters The final, recent past building type with which this dissertation will deal is the multiplex theater. The multiplex presents an interesting study, especially in relation to the other types detailed, for a number of reasons. These theaters are, as a whole, the newest creations in the dissertation – with all but one of the thirteen reused examples below having opened in the 1970s, ‘80s, and even ‘90s. The youngest of the converted cases, a nine-screen theater in Illinois, opened in 1993 – meaning that the building is still in its teens at the time of this writing. In fact, that multiplex was only seven years old when it went out of business – with even newer, nicer multiplexes nearby having already rendered it out of date. However, the theater’s tiny lifespan did not make its large, solid, well-located structure any less valuable to its converter. Such multiplexes, which sprang up, failed, and then underwent a rebirth in such a short period of time, represent the fast-collapsing window between relevance and obsolescence in contemporary America. More than that, though, their reuses demonstrate that quickly becoming obsolete for one task does not necessarily diminish buildings’ capacity to succeed at others. Though short-lived, these former theaters can still provide opportunity for those willing to see their value. As the conversion examples will show, businesspeople, civic groups, and others increasingly understand the potential utility of massive, vacant, relatively new structures like closed multiplexes. 525 However, appreciation for multiplexes in terms of what they are or were, rather than what they could be, has typically been in short supply otherwise – at least by preservationists, movie theater historians, and theater aficionados. Multiplexes are both the youngest members and the black sheep of the family of roadside/suburban recent past buildings discussed in this dissertation. Those other building types, from gas stations to shopping malls, all have ardent enthusiasts – as do older, single-screen forms of movie theaters. Majestic, massive picture palaces; comfortable, neighborhood movie houses; and nostalgic, car-culture oriented drive-in theaters have all had preservationists and historians flocking to champion their continued operation, mourn their closing, and fight for their preservation in the face of demolition threats. 1 In fact, in 2001, the National Trust for Historic Preservation named “Historic American Movie Theaters” – focusing on downtown, single-screen venues, as a group – to its much-vaunted annual list of the country’s “11 Most Endangered Historic Places.” 2 Multiplexes, though, typically do not have such advocates; in fact, just the opposite is true. From a preservationist standpoint, the arguments against multiplexes have been many. In their early period at least, multiplexes were often bland, boxy buildings – featuring plain designs, miniscule auditoriums, and names that were similarly functional and dull. Compared to the glowing, glamorous theaters that had preceded these new twins and triplexes, lovers of the earlier theater forms generally found them unappealing. 3 The opinion of the authors of a 1991 theater-nostalgia book, Ticket to Paradise: American Movie Theaters and How We Had Fun, is indicative of that widespread feeling. Regarding the simply-titled Ciné 4 (a four-screen theater that opened in 1983 in Medford, Oregon), they insisted that the blocky “building has no character.” 526 They proceeded to lament that, “Although this anonymous ‘quad’ is located beside a parking lot on the southern edge of Medford, it can be found lurking all over the United States.” Thus, the idea that preservationists might want to save older multiplexes based on their aesthetic quality alone has seemed unlikely. 4 Instilling more anger was the fact that these sites, despite their humble appearance, nevertheless attracted moviegoers in high enough numbers to kill much of the competition – greatly contributing to the closure of scores of historic theaters across the nation. Comparatively, multiplexes had a major financial advantage; because of their multiple screens and smaller auditoriums, in order to be profitable, they did not need to fill hundreds of seats at a time for any specific film – unlike the situation for single- screen theaters. However, economics was only one of the issues that put single-screen venues in a negative position vis a vis their rivals. An important distinction between them and the new multiplexes was place-based, as revealed in the Ticket to Paradise authors’ grieving statement that, “The vast majority [of single-screen theaters]…were violently and irrevocably demolished, replaced by faceless cinder-block Cinemas I, II, III, and IV on the edges of town.” Those lost, “beautiful and ornate movie theaters we went to when we were growing up” were generally located in downtowns and other older districts, from which urbanites were fleeing – rather than along the suburban strips and highways where those new suburbanites were flocking, and where multiplexes therefore later reigned. Thus, a crucial point is that, while the increased competition created by the multiplexes’ existence may have partially resulted in the decline and eventual demolition of which the authors spoke, the vast majority of those multiplexes did not literally, physically cause other theaters to turn into rubble. Unlike, for instance, the many urban- 527 renewal malls of the same era (as discussed in the dissertation’s shopping mall section), these multi-screen theaters were generally not actual destroyers. 5 Occasionally, though, some did cause physical as well as financial destruction. For instance, a late (and rare) single-screen theater in a suburban shopping plaza – the modernist, 1967 Fox Fremont Theater in Fremont, part of California’s Silicon Valley – closed in the mid 1980s. It had already operated as a second-run, bargain house for several years, trying to survive the 1982 arrival in Fremont of a seven-screen multiplex called the Cinedome 7. Thus, when the Fox Fremont fell to the wrecking ball, its 1986 replacement, the GCC Fremont Hub 8, notably offered one more screen than its Cinedome 7 competitor did. 6 While multiplexes’ actual destruction of single-screen, indoor theaters was relatively uncommon, drive-in theaters were not so lucky. They often had the misfortune of sitting on large, ideally located lots along major roads on what had previously been cities’ outskirts. As suburbia rose up around them, drive-in properties proved to be perfect sites for new developments – including multiplexes. That occurred with two drive-in theaters operated by the same chain in Northern Virginia, both of which were historically significant. Alexandria’s Mt. Vernon Drive-in, which opened in 1938 as the Mt. Vernon Open Air Theatre, was the very first theater of its type in the Washington, D.C., area. The 1954 Lee Highway Drive-in bested the Mt. Vernon (and the many others that had followed it), becoming the D.C. region’s largest drive-in theater. Located in Merrifield, it featured a curved, six-story tall screen designed for film presentations in Cinemascope, a then trendy, widescreen format. However, just thirty years later in 1984, the drive-ins’ corporate owner, Redstone (later National Amusements), demolished both 528 theaters to create what would be the area’s largest multiplexes – both opening in 1986. The Alexandria drive-in site became the 10-screen Mt. Vernon Multiplex Cinemas, while upon the Merrifield property rose up the Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas, which had twelve screens (and later expanded to 14). 7 Due to multiplexes’ literal flattening of some older theaters and the devastating financial pressures that they placed on innumerable others, preservationists and historians have often tended to view multiplexes only as destroyers – sites whose success they would rather bemoan than celebrate. Consider, for instance, the bitter online comment of one historic-theater aficionado regarding a 2004 news post on the Cinema Treasures website that relayed the death of Nat Taylor. Taylor, the founder of the Cineplex chain, was a Canadian theater magnate who had created some of the world’s earliest multiplexes (and the very first megaplex). 8 A site member named Vincent wrote in the comments section below the post, “Thank you Mr. Taylor for helping to destroy the movie-going experience for so many of us and bringing about the destruction of so many magnificent buildings. I hope your millions made you a very happy man in compensation for the sadness you caused a lot of movie lovers and admirers of the great downtowns.” 9 However, as the closure and reuse of the teenage Illinois multiplex mentioned at the beginning of this section implies, many multiplexes have both caused and received irreparable damage – often in a remarkably short time span. In all three cases above, the multiplexes whose creation destroyed their sites’ older theaters also eventually closed. One, the Mt. Vernon Multiplex Cinema, shut down in 2007 and remained boarded up as of late 2009. That structure still has the potential for future reuse and revitalization (with retail a good possibility due to its prime location beside a Wal-Mart store). The others, 529 though, do not have that chance. The GCC Fremont Hub 8, which closed in 1999 but reopened the same year as part of the local Naz8 chain devoted to screening films from India, closed again in 2003. It was demolished in 2004, five years before the Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas would meet the same fate of closure and demolition in 2009. Those properties’ cycles of demolition and rebuilding thus continued, with the destroyers becoming the destroyed. As has happened across the nation, these once fresh, seemingly huge places had become small, old, and obsolete in comparison to newer theaters nearby. 10 Many theater historians and preservationists might not grieve the fate of such reviled places, or have sympathy for the plight of similarly outdated multiplexes that are now clinging to life. However, their negative view of multiplexes’ existence is typically in relation to the older theater forms that they once patronized. In contrast, suburbanites who grew up during the multiplex era often had no broader frame of reference. Many never had the local opportunity to watch a film while sitting in a car under the stars at a drive-in, or to view a motion picture in an opulent auditorium surrounded by murals and ornamentation at a picture palace. That being the case, they did not know to miss what their multiplexes lacked. The multiplex was often their sole resource for seeing new movies, and, as such, they were glad for what it did provide. 11 What even the most rudimentary, early multiplexes excelled at providing – what, in large part, made them such a success overall – was convenience. With their multiple screens, they could offer a selection of films at a helpful range of start times – appealing to a broad audience comprised of people with widely varying ages, interests, and personal schedules. Multiplexes achieved this feat in equally handy, easily accessible suburban 530 settings. Most sat along main roads and highways, and many were also situated in, or adjacent to, shopping centers and malls. Multiplexes were thus able to profit from consumers who came to shop locally and ended up seeing movies, while also helping pull moviegoers into the area so that they would shop and dine at the surrounding stores and restaurants. Therefore, they created a powerful symbiotic relationship with the rest of the business community. Additionally, because of their locales, multiplexes could provide parking lots – a useful and timesaving feature for which single-screen theaters in urban districts typically did not have the space. 12 Beyond all of those benefits, though, multiplexes became sites for making shared memories – places for which many suburban youths now hold the same nostalgia that older generations of moviegoers have had for picture palaces and drive-ins. Compare, for instance, that previously mentioned online commenter’s negative response regarding Nat Taylor’s death 13 to posts on the Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas’ page at the popular review website Yelp.com. After the theater’s closure, locals went onto the page to reminisce about their experiences there and even to bewail its loss. As Ryan D. recollected mournfully, “Ah, the multiplex. I’m sad to hear that it has closed. If you were a suburban teenager [from] the middle of Fairfax [County] during the mid 1990’s [sic], this was the place to go. I had my first real date here. I spent many a Friday and Saturday night playing video games, checking out girls… Good times. RIP.” Another poster, Anson P., wrote similar sentiments: “Back in my high school years (in the mid ‘90s) this used to be the place to be… I remember hanging out with friends and meeting girls at the multiplex, such great memories.” Even conceding that, “this place really went 531 downhill” after “a few shootings, gang activity, and better built movie theaters [opened] in the area,” he still declared, “I’m going to miss it very much.” 14 Significantly, some of the Yelp.com posters were not simply considering the Lee Highway as it had been in their youth, still new and nice, but were appreciating it even in its outdated, deteriorating later state. As a “devastated” Leslie W. asserted, “It was an old fashioned multiplex, the kind where your feet stick to the floor and the ushers still used flashlights.... Of course the facilities were not the greatest, wall paper peeling, paint chipping, bathrooms kind of sketchy, but I always felt that was part of its character.” Her contention – ending with the presumably sincere statement that, “My heart broke a little when I saw that it had closed down” 15 – could not have differed more from the attitude expressed above by the Ticket to Paradise authors regarding multiplexes’ anonymity and lack of character. 16 Additionally, Leslie W. and other Yelp.com commenters were actually comparing the box-like Lee Highway Multiplex Theater positively to other film venues – albeit not to the drive-in theater that its construction had destroyed (which none even mentioned and of which many were probably not even aware), but instead to the larger, more elaborate theaters whose arrival had helped to doom it. Leslie disdained those, calling them “big, overcrowded, Hollywood blockbuster-oriented cinemas.” That opinion was true for some Lee Highway moviegoers even before the multiplex’s 2009 closure prompted them to remember it fondly in retrospect. As Mariko F. explained in a 2007 review, despite its lack of stadium seating and its less than optimal cleanliness, “You know what, there is still something traditional about this place that makes it a pretty good place to go for the movies.” Calling it “a quiet place to come with friends and family,” 532 she preferred its serene situation to that available elsewhere locally – complaining about the “noise, unnecessary flash[,] and bling [of] the newer places that makes going to the movies a hectic and ‘exciting’ thing to do” there. 17 With younger moviegoers increasingly nostalgic for these very recent members of the built environment of the recent past, some preservationists and historians are beginning to acknowledge the concept that the early suburban multiplex, despite its destructiveness and other drawbacks, might actually have significance beyond just its financial success. Chief among those (reluctantly) defending the multiplex is Ross Melnick, the founder of the internet’s largest website devoted to historic movie theaters, Cinema Treasures. In the preface to his 2004 history book of the same name, after mentioning several famed picture palaces that “easily outdo the theaters of my childhood,” Melnick hesitantly admitted, “Somewhere, deeply hidden, there’s a dark secret I have never told anyone before.” His secret concerned the AMC Mountain Farms 4, a four-screen multiplex that had opened in 1973 inside a mall in Hadley, Massachusetts. It had closed in 2001, just a year after a competing theater, offering three times as many screens, had opened down the street. As Melnick relayed to his readers, “Those tiny screens, poor sightlines, painfully bland auditoria, and tinny sounds of the AMC Mountain Farms 4 where I spent countless hours of my youth – I sometimes miss them the most.” Explaining how he “grew up at this aging four-plex,” he implied that a theater’s quality (or lack thereof) might be less important than what is on screen and with whom moviegoers watch it. Saying that the movies he saw there “comprised a wonderful group of films and experiences” overall, he added, “I shared them with people I care 533 about and people who love film as much as I do. That, to me, is what makes even a bland box in a dying mall a great movie theater.” 18 The mall-based multiplex of Melnick’s fond memories, the AMC Mountain Farms 4, had its precursor in yet another theater owned by the company that would become the giant theater chain AMC: Durwood Theaters. Stanley Durwood made history when he built the world’s first shopping center multiplex, the Ward Parkway Twin, in 1963 inside the Ward Parkway mall in suburban Kansas City. Durwood insisted that he had invented the multiplex, and the press releases and obituaries after his death in 1999 generally stated that claim as a fact. However, multiplexes had already existed, in various forms, prior to Durwood’s creation. 19 Historians and theater owners have differed greatly regarding which theater actually holds the title of being the first multiplex, a status that mostly depends on how one defines such a place. In some cases, the owner of an older, single-screen theater had simply partitioned the existing auditorium to create room for a second screen – with the first such venue apparently being the Elgin Theatre in Ottawa, Canada, which Nat Taylor twinned in 1947. Alternately, some owners had expanded their operations by placing a second screen in a pre-existing, storefront space next door to the theater; the innovator in that regard was future mogul James Edwards (founder of the Edwards chain), who did so in 1940 with his Alhambra Theatre in the Los Angeles suburb of Alhambra. Sometimes, an owner would even construct another auditorium literally above the former roof of the original theater, on an additional story, thus creating a double-decker situation; the first theater to boast this unique configuration was Loew’s Yonge Street Theatre in Toronto, which opened a second screen upstairs in 1914. Another contender for the earliest- 534 multiplex-of-some-sort title was the Twin Regal Kinemas in Manchester, England; originally constructed as a second-floor, two-room meeting hall in a retail building in Manchester, England, it converted into a two-screen movie theater in 1930. It was, perhaps, the world’s first multiplex created as an adaptive reuse. (Interestingly enough, that multiplex itself has since been adaptively reused, with the restored structure now serving as a live performance venue and studio space for the Dancehouse Theatre dance troupe and the Northern Ballet School.) Crucially, none of these were purpose-built. 20 The first true multiplex – one that its creators actually constructed as a cohesive whole, featuring more than one film auditorium from the start – may have been the appropriately named Duplex Theatre in Detroit. The $100,000 invention of Charles Porter, it opened in 1915 with two adjoining auditoriums of 750 seats each, 21 promoting itself as offering “Double Size – Double Attraction – Double Crowds.” 22 Despite its novelty and its benefits (such as staggered starting times for films), it closed not even a decade later. 23 Apparently, a purpose-built multiplex did not surface again until forty years after the Duplex Theatre’s 1922 closure – when the Cinema I and II opened in New York City in 1962. Like the double-decker, multiplexed-by-addition theaters before it, it featured two auditoriums stacked vertically. As held true for many of the earlier, not purposefully created multiplex forms, the Cinema I and II treated its twin auditoriums as entirely distinct theaters. They had separate marquees, box offices, lobbies, and equipment. 24 Stanley Durwood’s Ward Parkway Twin, which opened just a year later, instead boasted a unified configuration – being especially pioneering in its use of a single projection booth and a sole projectionist serving both screens at once. That innovative, 535 integrated concept would soon become the norm nationally. Durwood may not have created the first multiplex theater overall, but he quickly followed his groundbreaking mall twin with even larger theaters with more screens, some of which were the very first of their kind. He opened the first four-screen facility ever, Kansas City’s Metro Plaza, in 1966. He then bested that achievement in 1969 with the first six-plex, the Six West Theatres in Omaha. 25 As mentioned above, when Durwood’s newly renamed American Multi-Cinema (AMC) chain and other theater operators built new multiplexes, most such construction occurred in suburbia. In this regard, they were simply taking advantage of much broader national trends. During this time, residents were participating in a mass exodus from central cities via the new interstate highways and populating new housing developments in the booming postwar suburbs. Urban businesses of all kinds, including historic movie theaters, faced steep declines – challenges frequently resulting in eventual closures – as much of their clientele moved away. Those new suburbanites then began patronizing operations such as shopping malls and multiplexes, which were opening conveniently close to their tract homes. 26 Since the typical suburban multiplex was still a novel phenomenon and was often the only film venue in its local area, it originally did not need to be more than just basic. However, as time passed, newer ones opened – offering not only additional screens and space but also more amenities and better decor (both inside and out). The situation worsened even further for older theaters’ owners, but improved for moviegoers, with the arrival of the megaplex – defined by the film exhibition industry as a multiplex with 16 or more screens. The megaplex ostensibly came into being because of demand; with 536 popular new movies frequently selling out on weekends, theater owners and chains realized that if they just had more screens, they could profitably put such movies on more than one screen at once. The world’s first megaplex was the Eaton Centre Cineplex, an 18-screen complex that Nat Taylor’s Cineplex chain opened at the Eaton Centre mall in Toronto, Canada, in 1979. The concept did not take off, however, until 1995 – when America’s first purpose-built megaplex, the AMC Grand 24 in Dallas, opened with the world’s largest screen count. (Other theaters have since surpassed that then-astonishing figure, with AMC alone boasting over a dozen 30-screen venues by 2010.) The creation and overwhelming success of the AMC Grand 24 spurred a major building boom nationally. Between 1995 and 1999 alone, nearly 10,000 new movie screens opened – bringing the national total to 37,131 screens. 27 While the number of overall screens has skyrocketed, though, the amount of actual theaters in America decreased – going from 7,744 in 1995, when the boom began, to only 5,786 in 2008. Some of those were single-screen theaters, as well as drive-ins – which dropped from 593 to only 383 during that time. In comparison, at the peak of drive-ins’ existence in 1958, some 4,063 drive-ins were operating – along with 12,291 indoor, presumably single-screen, theaters. That indoor number had already declined greatly, though, going down from 17,689 in 1948 – partially due to drive-ins’ postwar rise to prominence at their expense, and also because of the impact of television. 28 However, the theaters that had dropped off the operational list by 2008 also included numerous older multiplexes across the country, which had increasingly become victims of their own form’s success. Their local markets had become oversaturated, as more and more multiplexes and megaplexes opened up to serve the same customer bases. 537 With the increased competition, multiplexes were soon cannibalizing not just single- screen and drive-in theaters, but also their own kind. Comparatively older, smaller, less feature-filled multiplexes – especially the boxlike ones so derided by theater historians – often closed quickly. Particularly at risk were what the industry now terms miniplexes, those venues holding only 2 to 7 screens; to illustrate the rate at which they have been failing, the U.S. lost over 250 of them in the brief period between 2007 and 2009 alone. 29 However, even some of the country’s formerly best and biggest examples could not withstand such intense pressure. As a case in point, in a turn of events that made news across the country, AMC announced in mid 2010 that (following a lease dispute) it was reluctantly closing the theater that had launched the megaplex boom, the AMC Grand 24. The announcement occurred just fifteen years after the venue’s grand opening had heralded the future of American moviegoing. 30 More than simply causing closures of individual theaters, though, the multiplex glut also brought about the bankruptcy of six of the nation’s biggest theater chains. Carmike, Edwards, General, Loews, Regal, and United Artists all went bankrupt in 2000 and 2001. Some smaller chains did also, including Mann Theatres in 1999 and Silver Cinemas in 2000. The debt-ridden chains’ bankruptcies resulted in even more closings, as they were able to focus on their profitable new venues by shedding their old, money- losing theaters – especially those with unfavorable leases that they previously could not break. 31 The widespread closures hurt far more than theater chains, operators, and employees. Also left to suffer were the owners and tenants of the strip malls and shopping centers that many of those closed theaters had inhabited. The owners found 538 themselves without their contracted rent income and with large, vacant spaces that they had to fill. Moreover, the loss of the theaters often meant that far fewer people were coming to the centers overall, hurting the surviving shops and restaurants. Thus, a chain reaction frequently occurred, with businesses moving elsewhere or simply closing. 32 In this vacuum, however, some entrepreneurs saw opportunity. They could acquire vacant multiplexes at bargain prices and reopen them, especially to target niche markets. Some aimed for upscale audiences, turning multiplexes into hip theaterpubs and cinemacafés. At such sites, patrons can watch films while drinking alcohol and dining on appetizers or even chef-created, gourmet meals, sitting in comfortable chairs at tables served by waiters. The Cinema Grill and Cinebarre chains (the latter of which is actually a partnership with the Regal chain, utilizing closed Regal theaters) are especially prominent nationally. 33 Seeking to attract that same caliber of audience, others have become art houses, playing independent and specialty films. 34 Still others have taken the opposite tack, becoming discount, second-run venues. 35 The Regency chain now operates formerly closed multiplexes as all three of these niche theater types in several states. 36 Meanwhile, in certain areas with large or growing ethnic populations, some previously failed theaters now show films oriented toward those underserved, ethnic audiences. For instance, the Cinema Latino chain has taken over six multiplexes nationally since 2001, with each of them holding between 6 and 8 screens. (Two of Cinema Latino’s sites have since gone out of business, but both later reopened – and are still serving today – as bargain theaters, including one operated by Regency.) Cinema Latino venues offer first-run Hollywood movies either subtitled or dubbed in Spanish, as 539 well as originally Spanish-language, art house films. They also appeal to their potential audience by having all Spanish-speaking employees, playing Latin music in the lobbies, and selling popular snack food brands from Mexico at concession stands (where audience members can also buy salsa-topped popcorn). 37 Operating similarly is the Phoenix Adlabs / Big Cinemas partnership. Big Cinemas, the largest theater chain in India, began expanding into the United States in 2008 through renovating and reopening existing theater stock. Along with operating over twenty first-run and second-run / discount multiplexes (many of which do schedule some current Indian movies among the mainstream Hollywood fare), the partnership has several multiplexes that now host Indian / Bollywood films exclusively. Like Cinema Latino, those theaters also offer their patrons familiar ethnic foods – in this case, Indian delicacies such as samosas and mango lassi. 38 Narrow focuses have allowed such older but newly niched theaters to survive and even thrive amid a suburban landscape dotted with much larger, newer venues that instead try to pull in a broad audience. For their parts, the survival-of-the-fittest game played by the chains has left the multiplexes and megaplexes that sit atop the national heap with a range of desirable features. More than just providing a wide array of movie choices, many tout impressive amenities – such as multiple snack bars to eliminate long lines, which also often offer enhanced menus. Some even provide on-site coffeehouses and full bars with lounges, for pre- or post-film drinks. Stadium seating is a common element today, with many new theaters also having plush reclining chairs with built-in drink holders; some even offer loveseats. State of the art sound systems and innovative film technologies such as IMAX and Digital 3D are also in vogue. A few luxury-oriented 540 chains even offer premium elements like valet parking, on-site concierges, childcare, pianists playing in the lobbies, and reserved seating – complete with ushers. 39 Many contemporary multiplexes have even begun screening live performances and events (in addition to regular films). Some of those screenings occur in multiple, chain theaters as part of wider initiatives, such as the Opera in Cinema, Ballet in Cinema, and Metropolitan Opera series. A major provider of screening events is Sony Pictures’ Hot Ticket service, which offers theaters across the country options like Broadway plays, Cirque du Soleil performances, and major concerts by famous singers like Celine Dion. Individual theaters hold other types of screenings as well, utilizing their large screens to broadcast such events as the NBA All-Star Game, the Super Bowl, local NFL and Major League Baseball teams’ games, and (appropriately) the Academy Awards. Some even provide weekly broadcasts of popular television shows; in recent years, that has included such series as Lost, Heroes, and 24. The latter type frequently has free admission, but even those free screenings provide multiplexes with additional revenue due to concession sales (especially at cinema cafés). Overall, this new, so-called “alternative content business” has become so successful that it now accounts for over ten percent of many theaters’ profits. 40 Further, such screenings add a new cultural and even educational dimension to the theaters, attracting people who might not otherwise come. Significantly, they also help turn supposedly dull multiplexes into de facto social centers, community-oriented gathering spots where locals congregate to cheer on their teams, debate the chances and merits of award nominees, and discuss TV series’ plot twists. The return to live performances and events at the movie theaters (albeit ones that do not actually take place 541 in those theaters) swings them back toward a much earlier mode of theater-going, when traditional stage theaters began offering films and, later, when picture palaces preceded their movies with vaudeville shows. 41 The picture palaces’ architectural styles have made a comeback as well. Many newer multiplexes and megaplexes feature retro facades with grand marquees, neon-lined towers, etc. Some also bring that atmosphere inside, offering elegant, old-style elements such as marble, murals, and chandeliers. This is especially common in historic downtowns, where theater developers and city officials seek to have the multiplexes fit in with more traditional surroundings. Some architectural firms specialize in creating such appropriate-infill urban projects, including Benson & Bohl Architects. That company has designed several art deco palace-plexes in Southern California downtowns, including Pacific Theatres’ Culver Stadium 12 in Culver City [Figures 8.1 and 8.2]; Regal Cinemas’ Oceanside 16 in Oceanside [Figures 8.3 and 8.4]; and the Gaslamp 15 (opened by Pacific, but now owned by the Reading Cinemas chain) in San Diego’s famed Gaslamp Quarter. 42 The elaborate design that such throwback buildings sport has even impressed critics of multiplexes, as shown by the response of John Margolies, co-author of the aforementioned Ticket to Paradise: American Movie Theaters and How We Had Fun. Regarding the Gaslamp 15, he raved online, “A notable exception to the dreary formula of most contemporary multiplexes is this tour de force in the turn-of-the-century district of downtown San Diego. It respects and celebrates its neighborhood instead of violating it.” 43 [Figures 8.5 and 8.6]. While some of these palace-plexes are in historic areas, others are located in brand new, suburban developments. Additionally, although many have utilized art deco 542 picture palaces as their inspiration, more exotic theater styles of the past have also influenced certain recent creations. A prime case is the Egyptian 24, which the Muvico chain opened in 2000 as an anchor at the Arundel Mills mall in the Baltimore suburb of Hanover, Maryland. The upscale megaplex (now operated by the Cinemark chain) flaunts the elaborate, revival style that its name connotes, employing the Egyptian theme both inside and out. [Figures 8.7, 8.8, and 8.9]. Showing the draw that such a unique space can be for the public, the Egyptian 24 has consistently been one of America’s highest-grossing theaters. 44 Specifically citing the Egyptian 24 and a few other key examples, Ross Melnick argued in the preface to his Cinema Treasures book, “It seems odd to say this already, but we will soon be referring to [these]…and the many other new opulent movie houses that have opened as ‘classic’ theaters.” He went on to remind readers that, in many instances, important historic theaters met the wrecking ball because they “weren’t appreciated enough in [their] own lifetime” – finishing with the plea, “Let’s hope we don’t make the same mistake again.” 45 In fact, in recent years, some preservationists have actually begun efforts to save significant, older multiplexes – although such attempts are still incredibly rare. Most notable in this regard is the case of New York City’s pioneering Cinema I and II (which has been known as the Cinema 1, 2, 3 since a 1983 interior remodeling turned the 1962 twin into a triplex). Along with its status as the first real American multiplex of the modern moviegoing era, that art-house-focused theater also boasted an impressive resume. Its achievements ranged from holding press screenings and public previews for Stanley Kubrick’s acclaimed A Clockwork Orange, to being the first New York venue showing the future blockbuster The Exorcist, to hosting the star-studded premiere and 543 exclusive one-week engagement of Heaven’s Gate (a four-hour-long flop that, despite being widely excoriated by film critics as one of the worst movies of all time, later became a cult classic). In fact, during its prime in the 1960s and ‘70s, the Cinema I and II was one of the most respected and prestigious theaters in New York City. Adding to the multiplex’s appeal was its striking architecture and design, created by modernist Abraham W. Geller. Beyond just its unique, piggybacked auditorium arrangement, it was a far cry from the multitude of ordinary multiplexes that would follow in its groundbreaking wake. Its International Style façade was flat, covered in wide, vertical bands of blue, glazed Venetian tiles – which were separated by similarly flat columns that also divided multiple window segments below. Inside were major works of art, including a large oil painting with an abstract depiction of motion in movies, a geometric mural, and leaf-shaped, copper chandeliers from Denmark. 46 As early as 2001, the Cinema I and II was receiving positive attention from preservationists. The local preservation organization, the Friends of the Upper East Side Historic Districts, featured the multiplex in its exhibit called “Modern Architecture on the Upper East Side: Landmarks of the Future.” 47 The group intended the exhibit, which ran for several months in 2001 and 2002 at the New York School of Interior Design, to “promote a greater appreciation and understanding of modern architecture on the Upper East Side.” Its creators hoped that the new focus it placed on “often-forgotten” modern buildings would “lead to the designation and preservation of this important legacy.” 48 In fact, the exhibit and resultant press and chatter did raise awareness about the pioneering theater’s significance. The result, however, was just the opposite of what the organization had wanted. In 2004, in an effort to avoid a possible landmarking attempt, 544 the chain that owned the Cinema I and II coated and covered over its impressive façade with a solid wall of white stucco. Inside the newly plain and boxy-looking structure, the chain similarly removed many of the theater’s defining elements, including its artworks and chandeliers. (The company did put them into storage, though, instead of simply destroying them.) A few months later, it went even further – gaining a city permit to demolish the theater’s interior in order to convert the building into retail. 49 Having already essentially lost so much of the theater, the thought of losing it as a movie venue entirely was painful not just for architecture aficionados but film lovers and filmmakers as well. One of the theater’s most ardent proponents was independent movie mogul Harvey Weinstein, head of the renowned, art-house film studio Miramax. Weinstein explained how the Cinema I and II had been crucial to his development, stating, “I spent my formative years as a teenager haunting these movie theaters. I used to take the train from my home in Flushing when movies like ‘Raging Bull,’ ‘Rocky,’ and ‘Midnight Cowboy’ would open exclusively at the Cinema 1.” Calling them “shrines of the ‘70s movie experience,” he contended, “It would be a great loss to the city’s cultural life for them to close.” The famed studio executive even went so far as to insist that he would do “whatever I have to do, even financially,” to keep the theaters afloat. 50 The Friends of the Upper East Side Historic Districts similarly began doing what they could, pressing the city’s Landmarks Preservation Commission to hold public hearings on the endangered theater’s potential fate. As the organization explained in a statement, “These insensitive and destructive actions highlight the urgent need to protect the Modern architecture of the Upper East Side and across the city.” The commission held no hearings regarding the Cinema I and II, though, drawing ire from its fans. 51 545 However, the theater’s chain soon reassured its enthusiasts, at least somewhat and temporarily. As Reading International’s president stated, “We want to keep our options open. I pulled a permit in case we want to do something five years from now. Right now, we have no intention of converting it.” As of this writing, over five years have passed, and the theater continues to operate. 52 While the Cinema I and II remains in business, innumerable other older (albeit much less famous) multiplexes sit vacant in cities and suburbs across America. For such sites, adaptive reuse is frequently a viable option. Conversions do offer some challenges, though. Since multiplexes often have multiple partitions dividing their large buildings into relatively small spaces, redevelopers frequently have to tear out various auditorium walls (not always a simple task, as some could be load-bearing walls). In addition, converters typically have to flatten the auditoriums’ sloped floors. Also, some closed multiplexes are not actually visible from the street, because shopping center developers sometimes placed them around the back so that they could have separate parking areas (thinking that signs sitting out in front of the shopping centers, listing the multiplexes’ movies, would be enough of a draw). Thus, reuse types that depend on pulling in passersby – rather than relying on people who seek them out expressly – would be at a disadvantage in these relatively unseen locations. 53 Those caveats aside, closed multiplexes can provide numerous benefits to those who see beyond their failed status. Depending on their age and number of screens, they can be quite large structures – which, due to their relatively recent construction, are often still in very good physical shape. Additionally, because of building codes, they typically offer an impressive amount of parking – especially compared to existing retail buildings’ 546 per-square-foot parking space requirements. Their frequently suburban, high-traffic settings, particularly in popular shopping districts, can provide great exposure and accessibility as well. 54 Moreover, because of their prior history as movie venues, locals would generally already be familiar with the buildings and their locations, making the new operations inside them easier for owners to promote. Finally, as demonstrated above with the AMC Mountain Farms 4 and the Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas, even plain, boxlike multiplexes played important roles in their communities and, after their closure, can still hold dear memories for their former audience members. That being the case, owners who reopen rather than demolish such buildings – even (or especially) if their new use is far different from their original purpose – could generate potentially helpful local goodwill toward the new operations. Overall, as the following conversion cases will show, many former multiplexes have gone on to lead productive new lives, becoming valuable contributors to their areas once again through adaptive reuse. Perhaps the most logical multiplex reuse is one that takes advantage of the design of its site, utilizing it for a new purpose that is still somewhat similar to its original function. Such a conversion retains the existing auditorium setting, in which audience members watch something occurring in front of them. This arrangement lends itself ideally to live performances (of plays, music, etc.), thus hearkening back to pre-motion picture conceptualizations of “theater.” Also falling into this form-based reuse category are church services. Beyond making sense in terms of the architecture, these types of reuses play upon the understandings that locals already have of the sites and their function. 547 A prime example of performance-oriented reuse is the Star Performing Arts Center, which operates inside the former Fountain Valley Twin – located in its titular city in Orange County, California. [Figure 8.10]. The theater opened in 1971 as part of the Loews chain, whose grand opening advertisement touted the two plush, 300-seat auditoriums as “beautifully modern, sensationally comfortable.” The venue’s modernity and comfort, however, did not prevent Loews from selling it – along with most of their other theaters in Southern California – to rival chain General Cinemas only two years after it opened. Before the end of the decade, the theater changed hands again, this time to the Edwards Theatres Circuit – which eventually discarded it (along with several dozen of its older, smaller theaters across the region) upon its 2000 bankruptcy. 55 Edwards then put the Fountain Valley Twin (sometimes called the Edwards Twin Cinema) up for sale, but the building sat vacant – dragging down the shops in the strip mall surrounding it – until 2005, when Thomas Nguyen presented a plan for renovating and reopening the space. 56 Nguyen, a well-known entrepreneur in the Southern California Asian-American community, had already founded a local Vietnamese radio station – Saigon Radio – as well as the annual Miss Vietnam USA beauty pageant. His idea to turn the failed multiplex into the Star Performing Arts Center [Figure 8.11] sprang from his desire to find a space to begin putting on Vietnamese plays in the area; as he explained, “I’m thinking, we have to go and rent theaters and performing arts centers, so why don’t we have one [of our own]?”57 The empty Fountain Valley Twin provided an excellent opportunity because of its location in close proximity to Little Saigon – a district that is officially located in the adjacent city of Westminster but that has been spreading unofficially into Fountain Valley. Due to a massive influx of Vietnamese 548 refugees into the area after the end of the Vietnam War, it now contains the largest collection of Vietnamese shopping, dining, and cultural opportunities outside Vietnam. 58 Nguyen had bigger plans than just to make the cinema an exclusively Vietnamese venue, though – wanting to make the Star Performing Arts Center available for use by community arts, cultural, and civic groups of all sorts, especially ones that did not have their own facilities. In just the few months following its grand opening in late 2008, the theater – with its two small auditoriums now combined into a single large one with 625 new seats, as part of a $1 million renovation – hosted a variety of events. [Figure 8.12]. These included a high school’s musical production; performances by an education- focused dance troupe that now calls the theater its home; a play by a local repertory group; and a book launch event for an Asian-art book, featuring speakers and Asian cultural performances. 59 Meanwhile, in San Diego, another reused multiplex features a quite different type of performance. Since 2002, the former Sports Arena 6 has been home to SOMA, the area’s best known, all-ages concert club. The multiplex, which was part of the Mann Theatres chain, had opened in the late 1970s as part of the Sports Arena Square strip mall [Figure 8.13] – located next door to the San Diego Sports Arena that gave it its name. After the theater’s closure around 1999, the Sport Arena’s owners purchased the strip mall – intending to raze the entire site and replace it with a much larger multiplex (featuring perhaps 18 screens). That plan fell through, though, providing an opportunity for SOMA’s owner, Len Paul, to lease the theater. Paul, who grew up nearby, had been a regular customer at the Sports Arena 6 – estimating that he had seen films there perhaps twice a week for twenty years. 60 He thus felt nostalgic about the closed facility, stating, 549 “I’m convinced that old moviehouses like this have some spirituality.” 61 In fact, he said, “When I started SOMA in ’86, I thought about how cool it would be to have a theater” as the club’s site. 62 In fact, the Sports Arena 6 was SOMA’s third location. The 2002 reopening was actually a rebirth not just of the theater but also of the concert venue itself – for, like the theater, the once popular club, which started up in 1986, had been out of business since 1999. 63 As a music columnist from the San Diego Union-Tribune insisted, though, “You just had the feeling, the slightest hunch, that SOMA wasn’t gone for good.” He noted the hole it had left in terms of venues that were open to the under-21 crowd, as well as in terms of the city then lacking a mid-size concert hall available for shows by alternative bands on national tours (SOMA’s typical clientele). Finally, he stated that SOMA simply held “too many memories” for San Diego music fans to let it go completely – fond recollections of seeing some of the biggest bands of the ‘90s there, from Green Day to Smashing Pumpkins. 64 The multiplex provided an ideal location for the new version of SOMA. [Figure 8.14]. Its 20,000 square feet more than doubled the venue’s former size, while the venue’s accessibility had improved as well, since concert attendees could utilize both the strip mall’s parking lot and the massive parking lot at the adjacent Sports Arena. While Len Paul did remove most of the interior walls between the auditoriums to create one large space that could hold around 2400 people, and did remove the seats and flatten the floors to allow for a standing-room-only crowd, he kept a fair amount of the theater intact. The multiplex’s glass-walled façade remains, with its original box office still providing and taking patrons’ tickets, just as it once did for moviegoers. [Figure 8.15]. 550 Inside, the original lobby still exists, serving as a location for bands to sell their merchandise and for attendees to buy non-alcoholic drinks and snacks at that key theater feature, the snack bar. Meanwhile, the upstairs movie-projection rooms now serve as dressing rooms and V.I.P. lounges for the bands and their entourages. The rooms’ windows, through which film projectors once projected images onto the screens, are now tinted – allowing bands to observe the crowds below before their shows while still having privacy. 65 A crucial element at SOMA is the Side Stage, a much smaller, second concert area that Paul created inside one of the original theater auditoriums – even keeping its sloping floor to provide better viewing. The 500-person Side Stage’s purpose is to give local bands a place to perform and allow them to grow a following. Once a band has proven that it can draw a crowd of between 80 to 100 people on its own, Paul then gives the band the chance to be the opening act for a major touring artist. In SOMA’s pre- multiplex period, that concept had provided an essential boost – helping launch the careers of several San Diego bands that later found success on the national stage. Those future hometown heroes included Grammy-nominated, multi-platinum acts like P.O.D., Blink-182, and Switchfoot. 66 Switchfoot – whose lead singer, Jon Foreman, reminisced that he “grew up going to SOMA, the first incarnation” – returned SOMA’s favor by recording the Switchfoot concert DVD, Live in San Diego, at the former cinema in 2005. 67 Blink-182’s former drummer, Scott Raynor, became even more actively involved in SOMA. Along with other local musicians, he performed manual labor in getting SOMA’s new home ready to open in 2002, helping to remove walls and dig up floors inside the former multiplex. 68 551 He then took on the position of SOMA’s director of community services, coordinating the facility’s frequent use by youth-oriented nonprofit organizations. The focus on youth outreach is important at SOMA, which Len Paul has tried to turn into a fun but safe musical haven; as he explained, “Why does it have to be sex, drugs, and rock ‘n’ roll? Why can’t it just be rock ‘n’ roll?” 69 Paul’s attitude – trying to keep the positive parts of a popular cultural phenomenon while leaving out the (potential) seedier aspects – is similar to that championed by churches housed in multiplexes. Philosophically, multiplexes are ideal locations for churches, especially those focused on attracting the younger generations. Unlike the stereotypical image of traditional churches, multiplexes are familiar, informal places in which people generally feel comfortable and relaxed, places with which they associate good memories. Thus, those who might not otherwise even consider entering a regular church might find the environment less intimidating and so might be more willing to give it a chance. Moreover, operating out of a movie theater can indicate a church’s desire to connect with the masses through popular culture, to be relevant to people’s everyday lives. (The same concept holds true for churches operating out of former bowling alleys and malls, as described in those sections of the dissertation.) In terms of its actual features, the typical multiplex works very well as a church setting. The inclusion of audio-visual equipment (especially a major sound system) is key for church services, and the availability of movie screens can be a boon – allowing a church to display Bible verses, sermon outlines, and song lyrics onscreen; to promote special events and ministries; and to play clips from films or television shows that relate to the theme of a sermon. 70 Pastor Mark Batterson, who leads a multi-site congregation 552 called National Community Church that meets on Sundays in three separate, rented, still- operational multiplexes in and around Washington, D.C., 71 explained, “We think of the movie screen as postmodern stained glass. The medieval church used stained glass to communicate the Gospel in pictures, and we use the screen to communicate the Gospel in moving pictures.” 72 Movie theaters and their screens also help facilitate the growing trend of the multi-site church, a situation in which a pastor often preaches at just one main location while worshippers at that church’s other, generally rented meeting sites around the metropolitan area watch the sermon either concurrently via live satellite/internet feed or at a later service time via video. 73 Additionally, the existence of multiple auditoriums makes it possible for a church to hold a main service in one while hosting other church functions – such as Sunday school, youth groups, or children’s church – in other auditoriums as needed. Other multiplex features that can be beneficial for church usage include an abundance of restrooms; easy accessibility and parking; and a snack bar that would allow a church to serve refreshments or even operate a coffeehouse (a trend in many churches today). In fact, recently built and remodeled multiplexes often offer seats with cupholders, which makes bringing a drink into the church service easy and non-intrusive for attendees (another aspect of the casual, friendly atmosphere that theater-churches often try to promote). 74 For all of these reasons, church use of multiplexes is a growing phenomenon across the country. As occurs with National Community Church, many of these are actually shared facilities rather than reuses, as the theaters are still operating, and the churches only rent the venues on Sunday mornings. This low-cost, low-overhead option 553 is currently attracting around 300 congregations nationwide, with about 180 of those facilitated by National CineMedia, a firm in charge of rental operations at some 1400 theaters. (Those are mostly multiplexes, since the company is actually a joint venture of major chains AMC, Cinemark, and Regal, which consider co-uses to be a helpful moneymaker for times when their auditoriums would otherwise be empty.) Several national conferences for such “theater churches” have taken place, focusing on the unique benefits and challenges of their situation. 75 While many of these churches are happy to rent multiplexes part-time, some have ended up taking permanent residence. This occurred with Cornerstone Community Church, a Baptist congregation that began meeting in 1993 in the Century Almaden 5 multiplex in San Jose. [Figure 8.16]. For several years, on Sunday mornings, church staff had to “come in at 6 a.m. to clean up the popcorn and other trash from the movies the night before” and to set up equipment – only to pack up and leave again before the theater opened at noon. That scenario ended in 1996, when the theater closed, but the church remained and has leased the facility ever since. 76 The building’s striking architecture helps the multimedia-focused church stand out, as it is comprised of three massive, connected domes. [Figure 8.17]. Originally named the Century Almaden 3, the theater’s domes once housed a single auditorium each [Figure 8.18]; the owner later split two of them in order to add more screens without having to expand the building. The triplex – which began appearing in local newspaper advertisements in 1971, and which became a quad around 1974 (adding a fifth screen later) – was one of a number of domed theaters in several states that architect Vincent G. Raney designed for the Century Theaters chain in the 1960s and 1970s. 77 Their unique 554 design – described by one reporter as looking like a cluster of igloos or beehives, both “futuristic and prehistoric at the same time” – was an early hallmark of the chain. 78 Whereas Cornerstone Community Church moved from a co-use to a reuse of its multiplex, other churches have simply taken advantage of vacant theaters in their areas. Moreover, although Cornerstone utilizes all five auditoriums itself, that is not always the case; some large multiplexes actually host multiple churches simultaneously, a feat made possible because of the existence of more than one auditorium. This occurs in the San Diego suburb of El Cajon, where the former El Cajon Cinema 8 is now the International Ministry Center. [Figure 8.19]. The nearby Shadow Mountain Community Church has owned the theater since 2006 – when the property’s owners gave it to the Southern Baptist megachurch (which has a congregation of between 6000 and 7000 people) as an unsolicited $11.5 million donation. Shadow Mountain leases the auditoriums individually to a diverse range of small Christian churches focused on international/multicultural outreach, using one freestanding monument sign to advertise all of them. [Figure 8.20]. The churches include the Igreja Batista Brasileira (Brazilian Baptist Church); the El Cajon Asambleas de Dios (Assembly of God); the Filipino Congregation; the Fruit of the Spirit COGIC (Church of God in Christ – an African- American denomination); Potters House; and Grace Chapel of the Valley. The multiplex also hosts regular meetings by an Arabic group from Shadow Mountain and an Iranian Bible study. Maintaining some semblance of the building’s former use is the Latino- focused Assembly of God church, which plays Spanish-language films in its auditorium once a month. 79 555 Those aside, movies ended at the El Cajon Cinema 8 in 2000, after two years when it played second-run, bargain films. The change occurred after the theater’s then- operator, the Regal Cinemas chain, opened an 18-screen megaplex at Parkway Plaza, El Cajon’s regional mall. The older theater’s closure had a domino effect, causing most of the stores in its surrounding strip mall to either go out of business or move – thus worsening the situation in the city’s decaying downtown. 80 The theater/shopping center project, collectively called the El Cajon Towne Center, had opened in 1990 as the city’s first downtown redevelopment effort in 15 years. As Mayor John Reber exulted at the time, “This is really going to bring people back into the old downtown area. I’d like to thank Mr. Krikorian [of the Krikorian Premiere Theaters chain, which originally operated the theater] for having the perception and vision to come into downtown El Cajon when others didn’t want to come.” 81 Having had such high hopes for the theater and strip mall, the site’s almost complete vacancy only a decade later was a major blow to city officials – who kept insisting that it needed to be utilized in a way that would both draw people and encourage them to stay and spend money elsewhere in the downtown. Wal-Mart and Home Depot were both interested in building on the site, but the city rejected the property owner’s proposals for those big-box store chains in 2000, saying customers would only shop there and not in the rest of downtown. The upset owner claimed that, “There’s a gap between what the city would like to see as their downtown and what practically can be accomplished at this point in time.” 82 The validity of his point became even clearer a year later, when Foothills Christian Fellowship tried to buy the entire property – planning to turn the theater’s 556 auditoriums into one 2000-seat sanctuary and to reuse the rest of the shopping center for its church offices and a K-12 Christian school. The owner was happy to sell it, but the city denied the church the necessary conditional-use permit – stating that having a church on the site instead of commercial activity would not increase foot traffic in the area, would not help bring in new businesses, and overall would greatly hinder downtown revitalization efforts. The downtown business association had pressed for the denial, focusing on the loss of sales tax and property tax revenues that the tax-exempt church would cause for the city. Church members disagreed with the decision, noting that the church’s move to the area (from its previous home in a business park) would add much- needed social programs to downtown and would bring its approximately 2000 members there to shop and eat each week. (El Cajon’s mayor and one city councilperson were both members of Foothills Christian Fellowship and approved of the church’s plans, but they could not sway other city officials.) Finally, Foothills Christian Fellowship filed a federal lawsuit against the city, alleging religious discrimination, while the property owner sued separately. 83 The church won a financial settlement and the right to move in, but during the months of legal hassles, its option to buy the property ran out. During that time, the owner sold it to a developer – who, after the court deemed a religious reuse permissible, leased the theater to a different church in 2002 (while leaving the rest of the strip mall for retail). Being much smaller than Foothills Christian Fellowship, the theater’s new occupant – West Hills Christian Fellowship – promptly subleased some of the theater auditoriums to two other congregations. As its pastor explained, “It’s kind of an 557 interesting experiment. A lot of times, churches end up seeming to compete. Even though we’re all different denominations, we’re all trying to work together.” 84 Renaming the multiplex the East County Ministry and Arts Center, West Hills also offered the individual auditoriums for rent to local organizations and community groups staging events. (Interestingly, its rental website touted the spaces as being “large theater-style auditoriums” rather than actual theaters.) Additionally, it turned the cinema’s snack bar and lobby into the Holy Grounds Café (a religious pun referring to coffee grounds); it then advertised the coffeehouse on the marquee that still sits above the surviving ticket window. [Figure 8.21]. Although West Hills eventually left, the multi- church situation that it started continues today under the aegis of Shadow Mountain Community Church. 85 As one reporter noted, “Walk into the building on Sunday morning and you can pick a worship service like you would pick a matinee movie.” 86 While the city of El Cajon originally objected to a church converting and occupying a failed multiplex (preferring for the building to stay commercial), other cities have found such sites to be perfect spots for non-profit, civic-oriented uses. For instance, in Anderson, South Carolina, a six-screen theater became the Market Place Cinema Senior Center – with the continuance of its original name indicating the nostalgia factor involved in its reuse. The multiplex, which opened in 1976 as part of a strip mall called the Market Place Shopping Center, had for years been one of only two first-run theaters still operating in the entire county – with the other being the twin-screen Anderson Mall Theater. However, in 2000, two 14-screen megaplexes opened in Anderson. The competition caused United Artists, the chain that owned the much older, smaller theaters, to close both of them that same year. Although Anderson Mall later demolished its 558 theater to build a new department store, the Market Place Cinema 6 survived with a new use. 87 In 2001, the strip mall’s owners donated the multiplex – along with a substantial financial contribution for its renovation – to Senior Solutions, a nonprofit agency that is the state-authorized provider for senior services in several upstate South Carolina counties. The 30,000 square foot building thus became the organization’s newest senior center, which opened in 2005 and soon had approximately 400 members (each paying a nominal annual fee to help defray the costs of the facility’s conversion and services). Senior Solutions did alter the multiplex’s façade somewhat, adding brick elements, windows with awnings, and a peaked roof over the entry of the formerly plain, box-like structure. Inside, the theater now contains the agency’s administrative offices, a fitness center, and an adult day care area (including a communal dining room) – as well as a large, chandelier-filled ballroom / community room that hosts numerous social activities and classes. Still, as its current name indicates, the building’s original purpose has not been lost. Senior Solutions kept one of the theater auditoriums operational – while adding a small stage for performances – in order to be able to show films to its senior clientele. 88 As a newspaper article regarding the Market Place Cinema Senior Center’s opening noted, the facility allows seniors to “play, exercise, socialize, eat, learn, and watch movies in a real theater all in one place.” 89 Meanwhile, across the country in the Dayton suburb of Centerville, Ohio, another six-screen theater formerly owned by United Artists now serves not seniors but youths. Centerville Cinemas, which opened in 1982 as a United Artists theater but was purchased by the National Amusements chain in 1989, began serving the community as an art-house 559 theater in 2000. Its shift from mainstream to independent and foreign fare happened on the same day that its company opened a 16-screen Showcase megaplex in Dayton. However, even though it was not competing with its sister theater for the same films, it only managed to survive for a short time. As a National Amusements executive stated upon the theater’s 2002 closure, “It’s unfortunate, obviously, that we had to make this decision, but the popularity of the larger, stadium-style, state-of-the-art theaters like our Showcases nearby have left us with little choice.” 90 Luckily for the vacant theater, it sat adjacent to the Washington Township Recreation Center. For years, the property owners had allowed center visitors to use the theater’s parking lot as additional parking, and so expanding into the theater itself made sense. The township trustees explained that, “When the Centerville Cinemas building became available, we seized the opportunity to purchase it” – receiving a significant discount from its appraised value. 91 The township soon held a community open house with tours of the multiplex, soliciting suggestions from locals regarding what they would like to see inside the 37,100 square foot structure – providing officials with “a very exciting opportunity to be able to make this facility available for use by the residents of both Washington Township and Centerville.” 92 After several years that included much community debate regarding the proposed use of the building and the potential expenditures for it, as well as a failed vote for a recreation levy to help fund the planned conversion, Washington Township was finally able to expand its existing recreation center into the multiplex.93 In 2006, the former Centerville Cinemas building reopened as a youth-oriented site called Rec Center West (often shortened to just Rec West). It includes a computer lab with internet access; a 560 fitness center and basketball court; an arcade; and a game room with activities like ping pong and foosball. The venue also hosts regular activities such as open mic nights and concerts, plus performances from Washington Township’s youth-theater program, the Town Hall Theatre. As also occurs at the Market Place Cinema Senior Center, Rec Center West uses part of the building for its original purpose, utilizing one theater auditorium for screenings – turning it into a place where people can watch major sporting events, like NASCAR races, live on the big screen. Additionally, since 2004 (even before the rest of the theater structure reopened to the public), Washington Township has leased another one of the former multiplex’s auditoriums to the Centerville school district to use as classroom space for its high school’s alternative education program. 94 Centerville may only use one part of that theater for educational purposes, but in Alaska, a multiplex became home to the Anchorage School District’s newest school in 1994. The K-12 school’s name, Polaris, is a direct reference to the building’s former life as the Polar Twin Theatre, which was the first two-screen theater – and thus presumably the very first multiplex – in Alaska. Built by a statewide theater chain called the Lathrop Company, the Polar Twin opened in 1971 with two G-rated movies, thus emphasizing the new venue’s family-friendliness. 95 Its grand opening advertisement encouraged potential patrons to “enjoy discovering a most unusual décor – beautiful and comfortable in every respect,” including the availability of “spacious free parking” (a factor that later became key for the school reuse as well). 96 The facility was large, with its main auditorium containing 800 seats and a massive, curtained screen designed to show 70mm films – such as 1983’s Return of the Jedi, for which theatergoers stood for hours in lines that wrapped around the building and 561 went out to the adjacent road. The Polar Twin had always been the main place in Anchorage for seeing blockbuster films. However, its status as the area’s sole multiplex was already over, having ended upon the Totem Triplex’s arrival in Anchorage in 1976. Facing increased competition, the Polar Twin’s owner thus split one of its auditoriums to add a third screen. Renamed the Polar Tri-Cinemas as of 1986, it went through a number of corporate owners (as did the other theaters in its circuit). Its final owner, the Act III chain – which took it over in 1989 – turned it into something of an art house, featuring independent and foreign films regularly. 97 As an artsy triplex, it survived until the summer of 1994, when it closed in preparation for its conversion to the Polaris K-12 School – which would open in the fall, just a few short months later, with 500 students. The Anchorage School District, which lacked the money to build a new school and had decided that reusing an existing building was a low-cost, fast alternative, had chosen the multiplex over seven other existing properties in Anchorage. Part of the reason was its construction of concrete and steel; in the harsh weather of Alaska, the fact that the structure was solid and sturdy was more important to the district than was its plain, boxlike appearance. Aside from adding multiple windows, the quick renovation did not change the exterior appreciably – even keeping the theater’s freestanding marquee to use for announcing school and community activities and events. Other prominent items found new homes elsewhere. The theater’s huge 70mm screen went to Out North, a local arts organization, which has since hosted a variety of multimedia performances and screenings of short films, documentaries, and such. Anchorage’s Grandview Gardens Cultural Center ended up utilizing the other two screens. 98 562 Minus its screen, one of the theater auditoriums became the school’s cafeteria / gym, while the rest of the multiplex – with its sloped floors flattened throughout – turned into multiple classrooms, offices, etc. The tall height of the existing ceiling allowed the architects to create a second floor of classrooms in parts of the building, while the school also added even more classrooms in several portable structures set in the theater’s large parking lot. The designers left the interior walls intentionally blank so that the students could paint them as they wished. Fostering that type of creativity is crucial at Polaris, which the district created to be an optional-enrollment, “alternative” school providing mixed-age classes, first-name-only faculty and staff, and student-directed, experiential, hands-on learning. Beginning in 2003, a multi-million dollar campaign added a large addition to the school, along with a playground and sports field. The effort also included remodeling the multiplex’s facade, which now hosts numerous individual squares meant for student-created murals. Although the building has changed, the community that reuses it appreciates its past; Polaris’s parent-maintained school website includes a history of the multiplex – featuring recollections submitted by former theater attendees; newspaper articles about the theater’s closure and conversion; the original Polar Twin Theatre grand opening advertisement; and numerous photographs of the theater before and during its educational transformation. 99 While sites like the Polaris school, the senior center, and the youth recreational center cater to very specific segments of the local population, one multiplex that hosts a wide variety of events for a diverse range of people and groups is the Loews Rolling Meadows 9. The theater, which now serves as the Meridian Banquet and Conference Center, opened in an outparcel location at the preexisting Meadows Town Mall in the 563 Chicago suburb of Rolling Meadows in 1993. The Loews grand opening ad promoted the new multiplex as having impressive sound quality and high-tech projection on huge screens, while also touting additional benefits like rocking seats with cupholders and free refills on drinks (a theater rarity). The over 46,000 square foot multiplex also featured dramatic contemporary architecture, with the large lobby being a two-story-tall atrium filled with natural light from a long, glassy element that arched high overhead. In fact, Loews intended the multiplex to be a prototype for its future theaters in the Chicago area. 100 Despite its relative luxuriousness, though, it did not attract the crowds that Loews had hoped – with business being slow even at the beginning. Part of the problem was that, while Loews tried to ensure that the theater had little overlap with films played at competing theaters, the strategy meant that its nine screens sometimes ended up with less popular movies. Also hurting the theater was the slow death of the small, enclosed mall next door, which closed and was subsequently demolished in 1998 – meaning that fewer potential moviegoers came to the area. Still, it managed to hang on until Loews opened a 20-screen complex in nearby Woodfield in late 1999 and subsequently put the Rolling Meadows 9 up for sale a few months later. 101 City officials quickly stated their desire for a banquet facility to open there, noting that such a place would help attract businesses to the redeveloping area – where a large power center (featuring Wal-Mart, Sam’s Club, and a number of national restaurant chains) was under construction on the former mall site. Taking the initiative was a well- known restaurateur, John Komotos, who had operated several popular restaurants in the Chicago area for decades. He purchased the building and reopened it in 2001 as the 564 Meridian Banquet and Conference Center. The multiplex’s architecture translated well into an elegant banquet hall setting, where chandeliers now hang inside the flower-filled atrium with its large fountain. The building has been split into five soundproof banquet rooms of varying sizes, each including a private bar, stage, and dance floor (but which can also be set up classroom- or theater-style); thus, the facility is able to hold multiple events simultaneously. Approximately 80% of Meridian’s bookings have been weddings and wedding receptions, but it has also held numerous other functions. Between the reused multiplex and the thriving new shopping center next door, that section of Rolling Meadows has become a prime destination for shopping, dining, and attending events – with officials considering it to be a revitalized success. 102 Another failed multiplex that now draws many people to its vicinity is the former Movies at the Lake in Cornelius, North Carolina – now reused as Raceworld USA. The eight-screen theater opened in 1991 as a freestanding, rectangular building (with its neon- lined, stepped parapet adding a vague art deco reference) in a mixed-use development in the fast-growing city near Charlotte. It was the first multiplex in North Mecklenburg County. 103 As such, residents hailed it as a symbol of the area having “finally entered the 20th century,” and the grand opening atmosphere conveyed its importance to the community. The mayor cut a red ribbon at the ceremony, which featured tuxedo- and evening-gown-clad employees providing guests with long-stemmed carnations, champagne, and hors d’oeuvres. 104 However, booming development soon led to Movies at the Lake becoming only one of multiple similar businesses nearby – many created by its owner, the regional Eastern Federal chain. To keep it competitive, Eastern Federal added four more screens 565 in 1994 and renovated it with stadium seating in 1997. Finally, the company dropped the multiplex’s prices to the lowest in the Charlotte area for first-run movies. Still, those changes only kept it operational until 2004. Soon after Eastern Federal put Movies at the Lake on the market, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school district formally considered reusing the building as a new school – thinking it might be a fast, inexpensive way to help alleviate school overcrowding. However, it decided not to do so. 105 Shortly thereafter, famed NASCAR driver (and two-time Daytona 500 winner) Michael Waltrip purchased the building to turn it into the new “race shop” (the headquarters) for the four NASCAR racing teams that he owned. He felt that the Charlotte area would be the perfect place for the facility, as it is home to a popular NASCAR track (the Lowe’s Motor Speedway) and would soon host the NASCAR Hall of Fame – groundbreaking for which started in 2007, the same year that Waltrip’s development opened. The Hall of Fame finally opened in 2010. 106 Prior to its opening, Charlotte Mayor Pat McCrory explained its future significance, stating, “The world is going to identify Charlotte with NASCAR the way it identifies Hollywood with the movies.” The area already boasted nearly twenty race shops for other teams, with some attracting almost 200,000 visitors a year. Thus, officials in Cornelius – where a number of racing-related businesses already existed and where a number of NASCAR drivers, team members, and team owners lived – were thrilled at Waltrip’s arrival. 107 Mayor Gary Knox stated that Waltrip “did the community a favor when he removed an empty big box from the landscape and rejuvenated it” as a site that would bring tourists and their money to town. 108 566 Focusing on maximizing the tourist aspect of his enterprise, Waltrip wanted to make his teams’ facility not just a place of work (as is the case with most other race shops) but a true fan experience, combining the racing operations with an interactive, museum-like atmosphere. His $20 million concept, Raceworld USA, opened in 2007 with 250 workers – utilizing the reused, 42,000 square foot multiplex as well as a large addition and a converted skating rink / extreme sports facility next door. (Unlike the theater, though, that other sports-oriented business was still open when Waltrip convinced the owner to sell it). Architecturally, the theater’s design perfectly fit Waltrip’s dream, since it offers a mezzanine level that now provides visitors with a perfect viewpoint for watching activity in the shop area below (where workers assemble and prepare the racecars). Moreover, appreciating the potential of the theater, Waltrip kept one of its auditoriums and big screens to use for showing race-related videos as well as live NASCAR races. The site also includes numerous multimedia displays providing histories and information on NASCAR, Michael Waltrip, and Waltrip’s current teams (not to mention their corporate sponsors); a pit track with a viewing area for fans to watch the pit crews’ regular practices; and spots where visitors can try out racing equipment, etc. Soon, Waltrip plans to add a gift shop and racing-themed restaurant as well. In the months after its grand opening, Raceworld USA was hosting 500 to 1000 people every day – having successfully turned the defunct Movies at the Lake complex into a tourist attraction and economic generator for its city. 109 While Raceworld USA draws tourists from a wide area, most multiplexes that have become places of fun and recreation are content to serve a local market. For instance, in Tulsa, a laser-tag arena called Laser Quest has operated inside the former 567 Boman Twin Cinema since 1995. The Boman had opened thirty years earlier as not just the first new indoor (i.e., non drive-in) theater to open in Tulsa in fifteen years, and the city’s first multiplex, but – most significantly – as what local reports claim was the third twin theater in America. (Based on the Boman’s 1965 opening date, that contention was presumably related to purpose-built twins only.) Developer Paul Baker built the freestanding, boxlike, 25,500 square foot building as part of his Boman Acres Shopping Center, located on what was then the outskirts of the growing city. Designed by the local firm of Whiteside-Schultz-Chadsey, its spacious auditoriums held 936 and 768 people respectively – with both featuring huge screens (the largest in Tulsa) designed for showing 70mm films. For years, it was Tulsa’s movie-going hotspot – but newer complexes eventually dwarfed its size and pioneering number of screens. In 1989, the United Artists chain – which had leased the theater since taking it over from the Snyder Family Theaters circuit in 1981 – shut it down. 110 United Artists closed two of its other Tulsa theaters – both also twins – at the same time, with an executive indicating that, “Twin-screen theaters around the country are on the decline.” 111 The Boman Twin Cinema then sat vacant until 1995, when Laser Quest moved in, turning it into one of the chain’s 120 play facilities around the world. The structure’s conversion to a “multi-level labyrinth of ramps, catwalks, specialty lighting, fog, music, and sound effects” did include gutting the building and leveling the auditorium floors. Despite the changes, the theater’s owners – the family of original owner Paul Baker – were pleased with the reuse, as it allowed the beloved building to retain its original function of providing entertainment in a family-friendly setting. 112 568 While that element did indeed provide continuity with the past, Laser Quest is notable in that it took a site devoted to physical inactivity – a place where audience members once sat passively for hours, staring straight ahead – and turned it into an active environment filled with running people shooting at targets (and each other) with laser guns. This exercise-oriented transformation went even further in Tacoma, Washington, where the former Tacoma South Cinemas became a gym. [Figure 8.22]. A five-screen complex that opened in 1983 as part of the regional SRO chain, the Tacoma South Cinemas featured what was once the city’s best sound system; additionally, its largest auditorium was capable of screening 70mm movies. After a 15-screen Regal megaplex opened directly across the interstate from it in 1999, though, the Tacoma South Cinemas had little chance of survival. Loews Cineplex, which had taken over SRO’s theaters, soon closed its three smaller theaters in the area – with the Tacoma South Cinemas being the last of those to fold in 2002. 113 Just a few months later, the Pure Fitness chain took over the freestanding building. (LA Fitness, which bought out the chain, now operates in the location.) Converting the multiplex into a gym required removing its auditoriums’ many seats, but they went to good use. Although the property owner originally planned to just throw them all away, he ended up giving 250 of them to the Blue Mouse Theatre, a small, 1923 single-screen theater that shows family oriented, second-run movies. 114 The Blue Mouse’s owner was grateful for the gift, calling it “a big upgrade for us” – especially considering that, “If we had to buy these seats new, they would have cost between $35,000 to $40,000.” That theater’s existing, art deco-style seats (installed in the 1930s) may have been smaller and less comfortable than the Tacoma South Cinema’s seats, but 569 their removal did not mean destruction either. Because of their historic and nostalgic value, the owner gave them to the theater’s regular patrons and other locals, thus letting people “take a bit of area history home with them.” 115 The chairs from both the Tacoma South Cinemas and the Blue Mouse Theatre were giveaways, but elsewhere across the country, numerous closed multiplexes now serve as sites of retail sales. One former multiplex where customers can buy chairs today is the former Quail Springs Cinema 6 in Oklahoma City. Located on property adjacent to the large Quail Springs Mall, the theater opened in 1982 as part of the General Cinemas chain (whose grand opening advertisement gave it the cumbersome formal title of Quail Springs Mall Cinema I II III IV V VI). Along with two 8-screen theaters in the city, it closed in 1999. Its closure was a result of the openings of four bigger, stadium-seating theaters within only two years – the most damaging being the state’s largest theater, a 24- screen AMC megaplex at the Quail Springs Mall. 116 Because of its prime location, though, the 20,700 square foot Quail Springs Cinema 6 was ideal for a retail reuse. The building became The Market at Quail Springs, an interior design center featuring an array of individual, leased “showrooms” featuring unique furniture, art, antiques, accent pieces, accessories, and other home décor. Local artisans, designers, decorators, and dealers each operate their own small spaces in the multi-vendor venture (one of four in several states). It provides them the opportunity to sell their wares (and their expertise) without the high overhead of having their own buildings or storefronts, and with the benefit of having power in numbers for attracting customers to a one-stop design shop. Additionally, the marketplace includes a small café – presumably utilizing the former theater’s snack bar, much like many church reuses have 570 done. In 2003, the Oklahoma Gazette named The Market at Quail Springs the city’s “Best New Business” in the alterna-weekly newspaper’s annual awards. 117 While the Quail Springs Cinema 6 became home to many small businesses operating together under the same roof, others simply hold one. Such is the case in Sandy, Utah – a suburb of Salt Lake City – where a recreational-goods chain now operates a shop in the former South Towne Center Cinemas. Built by the Cineplex Odeon chain in the parking lot of the South Towne Mall, the ten-screen multiplex was the largest theater in the state when it opened in 1990. Its grand opening was a real event, with the theater providing free screenings – sponsored by the Deseret News newspaper – of multiple major movies that had been filmed in Utah (such as Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, etc.). It featured art deco-inspired architecture – with multiple segments of glass brick surrounding the two box offices and the entry, all below a stepped façade. Inside, the lobby boasted reconstituted marble and numerous art deco-style pillars, with the auditoriums offering Dolby stereo sound and over 2300 total seats. 118 However, neither its comparatively grand design, nor its accessible location, nor its amenities could help the South Towne Center Cinemas survive Cineplex Odeon’s bankruptcy in 2001. The chain promptly closed numerous theaters across the country, including three in the Salt Lake City area (the other two being older, four-screen complexes). Two years later, a large part of the South Towne Center Cinemas building reopened as an REI chain store, geared toward equipping people to take advantage of the opportunities available at the many mountain resort areas nearby. In 2006, another segment of the building was taken over by Momentum Indoor Climbing, reportedly the 571 biggest inside rock-climbing center in the Western U.S. Together, the two recreational enterprises continue the trend discussed above of reuse causing once-passive places to shift their focus toward activity. 119 Moving from serving vacationers and other outdoor enthusiasts to providing space for cubicle workers, San Antonio’s former Nakoma Village 8 is now an office building called Cinema Plaza – in the developer’s tip of his hat to its history. [Figure 8.23]. The multiplex opened in 1989 and went through several corporate hands – starting with Rand Theaters, then becoming part of the Act III / Santikos chain, and finally ending up as part of Regal Cinemas. Regal closed the Nakoma Village 8, which had been operating as a second-run dollar house, in 2000 as part of the chain’s realignment (shortly before it filed for bankruptcy). 120 Less than a year later, though, real estate developer Darren Casey bought the multiplex with plans to incorporate the freestanding structure into a new, multi-building, business park project he was creating. As Casey explained, Cinema Plaza “turned out to be a beautiful building” – noting that, “There are always adaptive reuses for large buildings like this.” He added that the $7 million conversion “made a lot of sense to us, not only because we’re developing other properties here, but [because] the ceiling heights are such that we could build two stories instead of one” inside the existing theater. Casey was thus utilizing the same design concept that had greatly aided the transformation from the Polar Twin Theatre to the Polaris K-12 School. As with Polaris, the cinema site’s large amount of parking was also an important factor in the decision. Additionally, Casey added an atrium ceiling to the building, letting in natural light – an appealing aspect for offices (as was also the case with the Meridian Banquet and Conference Center 572 at the former Loews Rolling Meadows 9). [Figure 8.24]. Even before the Nakoma Village 8’s remodeling was complete in 2001, the developer had leased nearly half of the 72,000 square foot facility to Nationwide Insurance. The space became the insurance company’s third call center nationally for customer claims, with 300 to 400 employees in Nationwide’s part of the former movie theater. 121 Casey then extended the theater theme further with another new building in his surrounding Parkway Plaza development – naming it Cinema Plaza II. 122 His innovative reuse drew the attention of The Wall Street Journal, which featured Cinema Plaza in a 2001 article dealing with how both single- screen and multiplex theaters across the country have found new life amidst what it termed “a cinema-business meltdown caused by a glut of screens nationwide.” 123 Far from being blights on the landscape, then, reused multiplexes like Cinema Plaza show that even these much-maligned big boxes, these de facto destroyers of older ways of moviegoing and of older theaters themselves, can – with some vision – still become viable sites that enhance their communities in a myriad of ways. 1 See, for example, the existence of such national-scope books as: John Margolies and Emily Gwathmey, Ticket to Paradise: American Movie Theaters and How We Had Fun (Boston: Bulfinch Press, 1991); Elizabeth McKeon and Linda Everett, Cinema Under the Stars: America's Love Affair with the Drive-in Movie Theater (Nashville: Cumberland House, 1998); Ross Melnick and Andreas Fuchs, Cinema Treasures: A New Look at Classic Movie Theaters (St. Paul, MN: MBI, 2004); David Naylor, American Picture Palaces: The Architecture of Fantasy (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1981); David Naylor, Great American Movie Theaters, Great American Places (Washington, DC: Preservation Press, 1987); Ave Pildas and Lucinda Smith, Movie Palaces (New York: Clarkson N. Potter, 1980); Michael Putnam, Silent Screens: The Decline and Transformation of the American Movie Theater, Creating the North American Landscape (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000); Don Sanders and Susan Sanders, The American Drive-in Movie Theatre (Osceola, WI: MBI, 2003); Kerry Segrave, Drive-in Theaters: A History from Their Inception in 1933 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1992); Maggie Valentine, The Show Starts on the Sidewalk: An Architectural History of the Movie Theatre, Starring S. Charles Lee (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). 573 2 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "America's 11 Most Endangered Historic Places 2001: Historic American Movie Theaters," Preservation Nation, http://www.preservationnation.org/travel-and- sites/sites/nationwide/historic-american-movie-theaters.html (accessed August 12, 2010). 3 Valentine, Show Starts on the Sidewalk, 181-183; Naylor, American Picture Palaces, 174; Robert Sklar, "Introduction," in Silent Screens, 3; Jim Ridley, "Attack of the Megaplexes: It's the Future, and 30-Screen Theaters Rule the Earth," Nashville Scene, May 11, 1998, http://www.weeklywire.com/ww/05-11-98/nash_cover.html (accessed February 16, 2010). 4 Margolies and Gwathmey, Ticket to Paradise, 131. See also Ben Truwe, "Medford Timeline," Southern Oregon History, Revised, http://id.mind.net/~truwe/tina/timeline.html (accessed February 20, 2010). 5 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "America's 11 Most Endangered"; Naylor, American Picture Palaces, 174; Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 172; Margolies and Gwathmey, Ticket to Paradise, 129. 6 Scott Favareille, "Fox Fremont Theater," Cinema Treasures, http://cinematreasures.org/theater/2994/ (accessed February 18, 2010); Ken Roe, "Cinedome 8 Fremont (Also Known as Cinedome 7, Cinedome East)," Cinema Treasures, http://cinematreasures.org/theater/27421/ (accessed February 18, 2010); Scott Favareille, "GCC Fremont Hub 8 Cinemas (Also Known as Naz 8 Cinemas)," Cinema Treasures, http://cinematreasures.org/theater/8005/ (accessed February 18, 2010). 7 Sanders and Sanders, American Drive-in Movie Theatre, 130-133; Margolies and Gwathmey, Ticket to Paradise, 22; Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 153; Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 255; Randall Kunkell, "Mt. Vernon Drive-in," Drive-in Theatres of the Mid-Atlantic, http://www.driveins.org/va-alexandria-mtvernon.htm (accessed February 22, 2010); Randall Kunkell, "Lee Highway Drive-in," Drive-in Theatres of the Mid-Atlantic, http://www.driveins.org/va-merrifield- leehighway.htm (accessed February 22, 2010); Cinema Treasures, "Mt. Vernon Multiplex Cinemas," http://cinematreasures.org/theater/21212/ (accessed February 22, 2010); Jack Coursey, "Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas," Flickr, March 16, 2008, http://www.flickr.com/photos/maincourse/4172710093/ (accessed February 20, 2010); BoxOffice, "National Amusement Held Ribbon Cutting Rites," Google Cache, May 1987, http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:6DuIhmOixt8J:issuu.com/boxoffice/docs/boxoffic e_0587 (accessed February 20, 2010); Cinema Treasures, "Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas," http://cinematreasures.org/theater/12251/ (accessed February 20, 2010). 8 National Trust for Historic Preservation, "America's 11 Most Endangered"; Mike Rivest, "Cineplex Founder Nat Taylor Passes Away," Cinema Treasures: Theater News, web log entry posted March 3, 2004, http://cinematreasures.org/news/11436_0_1_0_C/ (accessed April 19, 2009); Sid Adilman, "Nat Taylor, 98: Canada's First Movie Mogul," Toronto Star, March 2, 2004, Obituaries sec., http://www.thestar.com/obituary/ttoz/article/107860 (accessed February 8, 2010); Historica Dominion Institute, "Historica Minutes: Synopsis: Nat Taylor," Historica, http://www.histori.ca/minutes/minute.do?id=10229 (accessed November 12, 2009). 9 Rivest, "Cineplex Founder Nat Taylor," comment below news post by a site-user named Vincent. 10 Cinema Treasures, "Mt. Vernon Multiplex Cinemas"; Favareille, "GCC Fremont Hub 8"; Matthai Chakko Kuruvila and T.T. Nhu, "Multiethnic Multiplex in Fremont Will Close - Sour Economy Blamed for Sagging Attendance," San Jose Mercury News, January 1, 2003, http://www.newsbank.com (accessed February 18, 2010); Cinema Treasures, "Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas"; Ashley Cole Fister Foundation, "Morning at the Movies," The Ashley Fister Cole Foundation: Touching a Life 7 no. 1 574 (Summer 2009): 2, http://www.ashleyfistercolefoundation.org/newsletters/volVII_no1.pdf (accessed February 20, 2010). 11 Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 8-9. 12 Naylor, American Picture Palaces, 174; Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 126-127, 151- 153, 168-172, 182; Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 255-256; Bob Howard, "Mining the Silver Screen: Scores of Movie Theaters Are Debuting in Malls Everywhere. One Big Reason? Retailers Need Them to Draw Customers," Los Angeles Times, November 19, 1997, http://proquest.umi.com (accessed September 16, 2008). 13 Rivest, "Cineplex Founder Nat Taylor," comment below news post by a site-user named Vincent. 14 Yelp.com Reviewers, “Reviews of Lee Highway Multiplex Cinemas – Closed,” Yelp.com: Cinema Reviews, http://www.yelp.com/biz/lee-highway-multiplex-cinemas-merrifield (accessed February 20, 2010). 15 Ibid. 16 Margolies and Gwathmey, Ticket to Paradise, 129. 17 Yelp.com Reviewers, “Reviews of Lee Highway Multiplex”. 18 Melnick and Fuchs, Cinema Treasures, 8-9. 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The tales of their respective rise, fall, and eventual rebirth can be instructive in multiple ways. They reveal that these often humble sites played significant roles in the economy, in the lives of people who utilized them, in the evolution of architecture and design, and in the physical development and expansion of cities, suburbs, and tourist areas. Beyond explaining the importance of such structures both as a group and individually, these chapters have shown the appreciation that has grown for many of them as they have, collectively, declined or died due to various socio-cultural, economic, and locational factors. That appreciation – occurring among preservationists, historians, civic agencies and organizations, and also the general public – has manifested itself through everything from preservation battles, landmarkings, and restorations for specific sites to broader works such as scholarly and coffee-table books, guided tours, and museum exhibits. The existence of such efforts is, additionally, indicative of a major trend and shift in the historic preservation field nationally in terms of how it conceptualizes such key themes as significance and historicity – that is, how it decides what is worth trying to save and why. 591 Moreover, that understanding of these often obsolete places’ past impact has also led to their increasing utilization for new purposes that have made them beneficial in the present. Many of these dead, functionally outdated structures are not architectural treasures by traditional standards (although some certainly are). Rather, their worth to their converters, and indeed to their communities, has lain in socio-cultural rationales, as well as in more utilitarian considerations – regarding their location, size, availability, etc. Through the technique of conversion, governments have transformed vacant car dealerships and malls into libraries and schools; entrepreneurs have made multiplexes and bowling alleys into concert venues and office buildings; and civic groups have turned gas stations and diners into tourist information centers and organizational headquarters. The wide range of reuses across the country, as detailed in cases throughout this dissertation, shows that such types of buildings can not only outlast the demise of their original raisons d’etre, but can actually go on to thrive in new contexts. On a broader level, reused structures of the recent past have become catalysts for revitalization, for attracting tourists and tourist dollars to town, and for aiding their areas in a myriad of other ways. The value of adaptive reuse as a preservation tool, of course, reaches far beyond recent past places. However, as this dissertation has indicated, conversion has proven to be a particularly useful method for saving commercial sites along the American roadside and in suburbia. Unlike conventionally “historic” properties, these types of sites might, otherwise, find salvation a much more difficult prospect in the face of decay, development pressures, and demolition. Overall, then, this dissertation has argued not only for an increased recognition of such buildings’ historical importance but also for their continued validity and viability both today and in the future. 592 ILLUSTRATIONS INTRODUCTION Intro.1 Tour group from the National Preservation Conference 2003, touring the Arapahoe Acres subdivision (1949-1957), Englewood, CO Intro.2 Modernist tract home in Arapahoe Acres 593 Intro.3 Cadet Chapel at U.S. Air Force Academy (1954-1962), Colorado Springs, CO Intro.4 U.S. Air Force Academy Intro.5 Multiple neon signs and motels in Manitou Springs, CO 594 Intro.6 The 1941 Carlyle Hotel next to an official “Deco Drive” street sign, Miami Beach, FL. The Carlyle was one of the first historic properties restored and reopened in the South Beach art deco district. Intro.7 A neon street scene in the South Beach art deco district. The Colony, Boulevard, and Starlite Hotels, Miami Beach, FL Intro.8 The Air Force’s 1963 Titan II Intercontinental Ballistic Missile complex, now the Titan Missile Museum, Sahuarita, AZ 595 Intro.9 Mark’s Hot Dogs (1947) in 2007, after its relocation, San Jose, CA Intro.10 Environmentalist Rachel Carson’s self-designed house (1956), Silver Spring, MD Intro.11 Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre (1961) in 1999, prior to its destruction, Route 66, Azusa, CA 596 Intro.12 Azusa Foothill Drive-in Theatre’s marquee in 2007, after theater’s demolition and marquee’s restoration Intro.13 The streamline moderne, glass brick ticket booth and massive screen tower of the restored and reopened 66 Drive-in Theater (1949), Route 66, Carthage, MO Intro.14 Frank Lloyd Wright’s Taliesin West (1937-1959), Scottsdale, AZ 597 Intro.15 Louis I. Kahn’s Trenton Bath House (1955-1957), Ewing Township, NJ Figure Intro.16 Eero Saarinen’s Dulles International Airport Terminal (1962), Chantilly, VA Intro.17 Eero Saarinen’s Gateway Arch (1963-1965), St. Louis, MO 598 Intro.18 The Solar Building (1957), Albuquerque, NM Intro.19 Simms Building (1954), Albuquerque, NM Intro.20 Moulin Rouge casino (1955) in 2006, vacant, prior to its partial destruction in a 2009 fire. Its saved sign now awaits restoration at the Neon Boneyard, Las Vegas, NV 599 Intro.21 The world’s oldest surviving McDonald’s (1953) with its “Speedee” sign, Downey, CA Intro.22 Downey McDonald’s with adjacent museum / gift shop Intro.23 The Space Needle, part of the Seattle Center complex built for the Century 21 Exposition / 1962 World’s Fair, Seattle, WA 600 Intro.24 One of several googie designs frequently utilized by the Denny’s chain in the 1950s and 1960s, Las Vegas, NV Intro.25 Another googie design that the Denny’s chain used, Emeryville, CA Intro.26 A typical, retro-style Denny’s Classic Diner (1997+), San Bernardino, CA 601 Intro.27 Former Van De Kamp’s Bakery (1967), now a Denny’s, Route 66, Arcadia, CA Intro.28 De-modernized, formerly modernist public library (1962). Now the New Mexico History Museum’s Fray Angelico Chavez History Library, Santa Fe, NM Intro.29 Restored Greyhound bus station (1947), Dallas, TX. (The city’s well-known Reunion Tower, a 1978 observation tower, is in the background.) 602 CHAPTER 1: CAR DEALERSHIPS 1.1 Wallace Buick (1949), Portland, OR 1.2 Wallace Buick, side view 1.3 Pete Findlay Oldsmobile (1963), Las Vegas, NV 603 1.4 Casa de Cadillac (1949), Sherman Oaks, CA 1.5 Casa de Cadillac, side view 1.6 W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, rebuilt replica of original (1922), Santa Monica, CA 604 1.7 W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, side view 1.8 W.I. Simonson Mercedes-Benz, rebuilt interior as seen from outside 1.9 Felix Chevrolet (1946), Los Angeles, CA 605 1.10 Felix Chevrolet, close-up of sign featuring Felix the Cat 1.11 Felix Chevrolet, lit by neon at night 1.12 Majestic Pontiac sign, reused as signage for new development that replaced the dealership in 2006, Los Angeles, CA 606 1.13 A.B. Smith Chevrolet (1929), façade incorporated into new office building, Portland, OR 1.14 A.B. Smith Chevrolet, close-up of façade with its art deco details 1.15 A.B. Smith Chevrolet, the part of the new office building without the historic façade 607 1.16 Bob Peck Chevrolet (1964) in 2007, sitting closed prior to salvage and demolition, Arlington, VA 1.17 Bob Peck Chevrolet, side view 1.18 Bob Peck Chevrolet, close-up of concrete diamond elements before their salvage 608 1.19 California Auto Supply Co., formerly T.M. and Gomer Jones Studebaker (1946), Pomona, CA 1.20 Pomona City Hall (1968), same architect (B.H. Anderson) as Jones Studebaker, Pomona, CA 1.21 California Auto Supply Co., close-up of architectural details 609 1.22 CollisionWorks.com, formerly Hancock Motors (1928), Long Beach, CA 1.23 CollisionWorks.com, art deco bas-relief over entry 1.24 CollisionWorks.com, decorative ram’s head on corner 610 1.25 CollisionWorks.com, interior – including relief-lined balcony – as seen through relief-lined showroom window 1.26 CollisionWorks.com, close-up of interior balcony 1.27 CollisionWorks.com, side view 611 1.28 Packard Lofts (opened in 2006). Formerly Earle C. Anthony’s Packard dealership (1913 with 1927 expansion), Los Angeles, CA 1.29 Los Angeles City Hall (1928), same architect (John Parkinson) as Anthony’s Packard dealership, Los Angeles, CA 612 1.30 Bullocks Wilshire department store (1929), now Southwestern Law School’s library. Same architect (John Parkinson) as Anthony’s Packard dealership, Los Angeles, CA 1.31 Palace of Fine Arts from 1915 World’s Fair. Same architect (Bernard Maybeck) as Anthony’s Packard dealership’s expansion, San Francisco, CA 1.32 Packard Lofts, “Packard” neon signage over entry 613 1.33 Lustine Center, formerly Lustine Chevrolet (1950). Community center reuse in progress as part of Arts District Hyattsville development, 2007, Hyattsville, MD 1.34 Arts District Hyattsville, development under construction in 2007, Hyattsville, MD 1.35 Arts District Hyattsville, another group of structures in the development 614 1.36 Lustine Center, close-up 1.37 Lustine Center, close-up of neon “Lustine” signage with new “Center” lettering added 1.38 Lustine Center, close-up of fitness equipment through showroom window 615 1.39 Lustine Center, amid Arts District Hyattsville development’s new structures 1.40 Washington Talking Book & Braille Library (opened 1983). Formerly S.L. Savidge Dodge Plymouth (1948), Seattle, WA 1.41 Hope Chapel (moved into showroom in 1996). Originally Clark Cook Lincoln Ford (1923), then reused as bowling alley (1960-1991). San Pedro, CA 616 1.42 Hope Chapel, close-up of showroom’s original façade after later covering’s removal 1.43 Garage Billiards and Bowl (opened 1996, expanded 2002). Originally the Purdy Building (1927), then became the S.L. Savidge Truck Store (circa 1933). Seattle, WA 1.44 Garage Billiards and Bowl, close-up of showroom area 617 1.45 Garage Billiards and Bowl, retro-style “Bowl” neon bowling-pin sign 1.46 Garage Billiards and Bowl, retro-style “Garage” neon sign 618 1.47 Gold’s Gym fitness center and Gold’s Gym regional headquarters (opened 2001), formerly Al’s Motors (1948), Arlington, VA 1.48 Gold’s Gym, with fitness equipment showing through former showroom window 1.49 Kelly’s Brew Pub (opened 2000), formerly Jones Motor Company (1939), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 619 1.50 Jones Motor Company in 1999, property vacant and “available” 1.51 Nob Hill, the vibrant, hip district surrounding the Jones Motor Company 1.52 Monte Vista Fire Station (1936), reused as a restaurant, in Nob Hill area near the Jones Motor Company 620 1.53 Kelly’s Brew Pub in 2006, with its neon lining glowing in the evening 1.54 Kelly’s Brew Pub in 2010, after addition of “Service” and “Lubrication” signage and “Food” (in place of “Ford”) logo 1.55 Jones Motor Company in 2009. Additional tenant, Flower Shop at Nob Hill, with its neon signage 621 1.56 Santa Fe Village shopping center (opened 1971), formerly Quickel-Houk Motor Company (1928), Santa Fe, NM 1.57 Sixth Street Lofts (opened 2005), formerly Quickel Auto & Supply Co. Ford dealership (circa 1923), Albuquerque, NM 1.58 Sixth Street Lofts, close-up of Quickel logo on façade 622 1.59 Santa Fe Village’s general surroundings, showing the pueblo revival style that dominates downtown Santa Fe 1.60 Santa Fe Village, faux elements on façade 1.61 Santa Fe Village, interior with tiendas 623 1.62 Santa Fe Village, interior 1.63 Santa Fe Village, salvaged historic elements utilized inside: stained glass windows 1.64 Santa Fe Village, salvaged historic elements utilized inside: door 624 1.65 Santa Fe Village, outside sign listing shops, 2009 1.66 Beacon Street Shops antique store (opened 1968), formerly Mathis Motors (1926-1927). Still operational in 2007, Pleasantville, NJ 1.67 Beacon Street Shops, close-up of architectural details 625 1.68 Beacon Street Shops, close-up of a Studebaker wheel logo on façade CHAPTER 2: GAS STATIONS 2.1 Added service bays (1957) at older gas station. Typical Phillips 66 cottage-style station (1930). In 1999, prior to addition’s removal in 2007. Route 66, Chandler, OK 626 2.2 Typical Texaco icebox-style station. Mac’s Texaco Service, now Auto Quality Care, Orange, CA 2.3 Typical Phillips 66 googie-style station, Mac’s 66 Service (1956), Overland Park, KS 2.4 Typical Shell ranch-house-style station. Peter’s Shell, Pomona, CA 627 2.5 Typical Texaco Mattawan-style station. Zaragoza Texaco, now Complete Auto Sales, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 2.6 Environmental remodel at former station, with original speed lines visible on side. Andy’s Tires & Wheels, Pomona, CA 2.7 Environmental remodel, Andy’s Tires & Wheels 628 2.8 Environmental remodel at former station, Griffin’s Texaco. Vacant in 2006, Route 66, Albuquerque NM 2.9 Griffin’s Texaco, reused as Albuquerque Auto Glass in 2010 2.10 Union 76 station (1965), Beverly Hills, CA 629 2.11 Union 76, view under canopy 2.12 Lake Anne Chevron (1964), in 2007 after restoration and reopening post-fire, Reston, VA 2.13 Phillips 66 cottage station (1928), restored in 1992 as historical site, Route 66, McLean, TX 630 2.14 Phillips 66, close-up 2.15 Magnolia Station (2004), decaying, boarded up, and missing its canopy in 1999 – prior to its restoration and reopening in 2004 as historical site. Route 66, Vega, TX 2.16 Soulsby’s Service Station (1926), in 1999 prior to its 2004 restoration as historical site, Route 66, Mt. Olive, IL 631 2.17 Cucamonga Service Station (1915), landmarked, Route 66, Rancho Cucamonga, CA 2.18 Cucamonga Service Station’s separate service garage in 2006 2.19 Cucamonga Service Station’s service garage, in January 2011 after its partial collapse 632 2.20 Good Luck Gas Station (1939), landmarked, Dallas, TX 2.21 Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station (1929), close-up of architectural details. Landmarked, Goleta, CA 2.22 Barnsdall-Rio Grande Gas Station 633 2.23 Embassy Gulf Service Station (1937), now Embassy Sunoco, saved and landmarked, Washington, DC 2.24 Higgins Service Station (1932), now Watergate Exxon, in front of Watergate complex, Washington, DC 2.25 Higgins Service Station, side view (with Watergate complex) 634 2.26 R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s Richfield Service Station (1934; moved 2003), Coalinga, CA 2.27 R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s station, close-up of artifacts 2.28 R.C. Baker Memorial Museum’s station, county landmark plaque 635 2.29 R.C. Baker Memorial Museum, future transportation exhibit space 2.30 San Jose History Park with saved and moved historic buildings, San Jose, CA 2.31 San Jose History Park’s Associated Oil station (1927; moved 1978) 636 2.32 Kern County Museum’s history park, Sonora Street Service Station (1936; moved 1989). Bakersfield, CA 2.33 Kern County Museum’s history park, restored neon signs around gas station 2.34 Oxbow Park with Hat ‘N’ Boots gas station (1964; moved 2005) next to playground, Seattle, WA 637 2.35 Hat ‘N’ Boots, close-up of restored boots structure 2.36 Hat ‘N’ Boots, close-up of unrestored hat structure 2.37 Adams Square Mini Park incorporating Richfield gas station (1936). In 2007 with park under construction and station undergoing restoration, Glendale, CA 638 2.38 Adams Square Mini Park incorporating restored Richfield gas station, in 2009 2.39 Richfield station, historical displays in windows 2.40 Richfield station, canopy used as picnic table cover 639 2.41 Single gas station (the 1947 W.G. Tillery Chevron) with multiple, simultaneous reuses in 2008. Route 66, Moriarty, NM 2.42 Single gas station with multiple, simultaneous reuses, close-up of gift store in office and interlock dealer in one service bay 2.43 The same gas station in 1999, with just one reuse as Route 66 Cycle 640 2.44 Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: auto paint / body shop 2.45 Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: hair salon 2.46 Multiple reuses in multiple, canopied stations in Knox City, TX: oil field services 641 2.47 Bristow Tire Shop (1923), Route 66, Bristow, OK 2.48 Paddoc Liquors, formerly Gray and Archer Filling Station (1925), Route 66, Joplin, MO 2.49 Car wash (opened in 1967) in former Chambers Skelly Service, Manitou Springs, CO. Photograph taken in 2003, prior to station’s current reuse as an antique / gift shop and tattoo parlor. 642 2.50 MVD Specialists, former Texaco station, Albuquerque, NM 2.51 MVD Specialists, close-up 2.52 Palm Springs Official Visitor Center (opened 2003), formerly Tramway Gas Station (1965), Palm Springs, CA 643 2.53 Palm Springs Official Visitor Center, close-up 2.54 Palm Springs Official Visitor Center, back view 2.55 Standard Oil station (1932), vacant (with later, Sinclair brand signage) in 1999. Prior to its restoration and reopening in 2002 as a visitor center. Route 66, Odell, IL 644 2.56 Ambler’s Texaco (1933), vacant (with later, Marathon brand signage) in 1999. Prior to its restoration and reopening in 2007 as a visitor center. Route 66, Dwight, IL 2.57 Phillips 66 station (1930), reused as a staffing services company in 1999. Prior to its reopening in 2007 as a visitor center. Route 66, Baxter Springs, KS 2.58 Cool Springs Station (1920s), when it was just a ruin in 1999. Prior to its rebuilding and reopening in 2005 as a souvenir shop. Route 66, Cool Springs, AZ 645 2.59 Return to the 50’s [sic] Gift Shop, Route 66, Seligman, AZ 2.60 Adkinson-Baker Texaco (1939), in 1999 during its reuse as the Why Not antiques store. Prior to its 2004 restoration and then reopening as a flooring business. Route 66, Amarillo, TX 2.61 Aurora Colony Auction House, Aurora, OR 646 2.62 Aurora Colony Auction House, side view showing canopy and pump island 2.63 Sports Tahoe Resort Wear (opened in 2008). Building restored from its environmental- look redo back to its earlier appearance as a 1930s Flying A station. Truckee, CA. Note: Photograph is courtesy of the author’s father and uncle, Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, who took it at the author’s request in 2010. 2.64 Caffé Michelangelo (opened in 2007), formerly Ramirez Fina Service Station, Albuquerque, NM 647 2.65 Caffé Michelangelo, side view of enclosed canopy 2.66 La Salsita Mexican Restaurant, Mesa, AZ 2.67 La Salsita Mexican Restaurant, side view 648 2.68 Filling Station Espresso (opened 1994 in a 1935 gas station), Olympia, WA 2.69 JavaGoGo, Route 66, Monrovia, CA 2.70 JavaGoGo, close-up of drive- through window inside former service bay 649 2.71 Filling Station Coffee Company, Bakersfield, CA 2.72 Filling Station Coffee Company, from another angle 2.73 Town Pump Tavern, Mount Vernon, WA 650 2.74 Gourmet Station restaurant in a 1934 gas station, Miami, FL 2.75 Signal Station Pizza (opened 2005), formerly a Signal Gas Company station (1939), Portland, OR 2.76 Signal Station Pizza, close-up showing replica signage and under-canopy dining tables 651 2.77 Cruiser’s Café 66, formerly the C. Bene Gas Station (1930s), Route 66, Williams, AZ 2.78 Filling Station Café (opened 1999), formerly Baker’s Service Station (1913), Orange, CA 2.79 Filling Station Café, side view 652 2.80 Standard Diner (opened 2006), formerly Carothers and Mauldin Texaco (1938), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 2.81 What’s Up Dog hot dog stand, formerly Union Oil station (1930; moved 1990), San Francisco, CA 2.82 What’s Up Dog, side view 653 2.83 First State Bank (opened 1995), formerly a typical, mission style, Sinclair station (1930s), Santa Fe, NM 2.84 First State Bank, side view 2.85 Les Allen Service Station, in 1999 during its reuse as a Century 21 real estate office – prior to its current reuse as a Farmer’s Insurance office. Route 66, Chandler, OK 654 2.86 Les Allen Service Station, side view with realtor’s extra for-sale signs propped against station 2.87 Accountant’s office, formerly Old Pueblo Shell (1936), Tucson, AZ 2.88 Monument company’s display of headstones at former station, Clarendon, TX 655 2.89 Monument company’s display, close-up of headstones in front of station’s office 2.90 Planned Parenthood, formerly Stan’s Mobil Station, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 2.91 Architect’s office (opened 2004), formerly Marquez Filling Station (1924), Los Angeles, CA 656 2.92 A-1 Garden Equipment (opened 1997), Route 66, Fontana, CA 2.93 Market of Ahs, in 1999 when it was called Galer’s Roadside Market, Hillsboro, IL 2.94 Ivy’s Flower Station (opened 2006), formerly a Mobil station (1923), Glendale, CA 657 2.95 Ivy’s Flower Station, close-up, with “Mobil” and “Tires” signage visible over the entry area 2.96 Preservation Station (opened 1997), formerly a Conoco station (1937), Albuquerque, NM 2.97 Preservation Station, close-up of Albuquerque Conservation Association plaque 658 2.98 Tower Conoco (1936), in 1999 prior to its conversion into the Chamber of Commerce in 2002. Route 66, Shamrock, TX 2.99 Tower Conoco, wide shot showing attached U Drop Inn Café CHAPTER 3: GREYHOUND BUS STATIONS 3.1 Truckee, CA, Greyhound bus depot, located in a corner storefront space in a multi-tenant building, now reused as Bar of America (opened 1974). * Note: all photographs of the Truckee station are courtesy of the author’s father and uncle, Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, who took them at the author’s request in 2010 (during heavy rain). 659 3.2 Truckee Greyhound bus depot, side where old postcard showed a bus pulled up to drop off and pick up passengers 3.3 Oakland, CA, Union Bus Station (1926), remodeled by Greyhound in mid-century as its station. Photograph taken in 2007, prior to façade renovation in 2008 3.4 Oakland Union Bus Station, close-up of Greyhound’s mid- century façade 660 3.5 Santa Monica, CA, Greyhound bus station (1955), vacant in 2007 after reuse as BUS Dance and Fitness center (opened 1996) and Shelter furniture store (opened around 2002). 3.6 Santa Monica Greyhound bus station, close-up of metal screen and signage in 2007 – prior to sign’s disappearance and screen’s removal 3.7 Santa Monica Greyhound bus station in late 2010, after sign disappeared and new tenant Comerica Bank removed the metal screen 661 3.8 Bakersfield, CA, Greyhound bus station (1960) 3.9 Bakersfield Greyhound bus station, close-up of googie entry and sign 3.10 Dallas, TX, Greyhound bus station (1947), with restored façade. (The city’s well-known Reunion Tower, a 1978 observation tower, is in the background.) 662 3.11 Baltimore, MD, Greyhound bus station (1942), for lease as offices in 2007 3.12 Baltimore Greyhound bus station, corner view 3.13 Baltimore Greyhound bus station’s service garage, reused as Maryland Historical Society’s Heritage Wing (opened 1997) 663 3.14 Baltimore Greyhound bus station’s service garage, topped by a saved, giant version of RCA’s iconic dog, Nipper, listening to his Victrola – and with restored neon signs in entry area below 3.15 Baltimore Greyhound bus station’s service garage, exhibit entry displaying saved neon signs – close-up of United Sanitary Chemicals Co. sign 3.16 Baltimore Greyhound bus station’s service garage, exhibit entry displaying saved neon signs – close-up of New China Inn sign 664 3.17 Baltimore Greyhound bus station’s service garage, close-up of saved, Greyhound running dog sign 3.18 Washington, DC, Greyhound bus station (1940), reused as office tower’s lobby (opened 1991). 3.19 Washington Greyhound bus station, semi-circular waiting room with copper speed lines 665 3.20 Washington Greyhound bus station, waiting room’s glass brick windows 3.21 Washington Greyhound bus station, waiting room’s domed ceiling with skylight 3.22 Washington Greyhound bus station, close-up of restored façade 666 3.23 Washington Greyhound bus station, wide view showing adjoining office tower’s complementary architecture 3.24 Washington Greyhound bus station, waiting room-turned- lobby 3.25 Washington Greyhound bus station, close-up of terrazzo dog logo on floor 667 3.26 Washington Greyhound bus station, new interior murals 3.27 Washington Greyhound bus station’s ticket booth, now used as office tower’s information desk 3.28 Washington Greyhound bus station, historical displays inside 668 3.29 Washington Greyhound bus station, 1937 Super Coach bus molding display 3.30 Washington Greyhound bus station, 1947 Silversides bus molding display 3.31 Washington Greyhound bus station, historical displays with articles and ads 669 3.32 Washington Greyhound bus station, timeline showing station’s evolution 3.33 Washington Greyhound bus station, displayed photograph from 1976 of mansard addition’s construction on top of original façade 3.34 Washington Greyhound bus station, displayed photograph from 1977 of remodeled, mansard-covered façade 670 3.35 Washington Greyhound bus station, displayed photograph from 1989 of the mansard’s removal process 3.36 Amarillo, TX, Greyhound bus station (1947), reused as Slick’s Sports Bar and Billiards (opened 2007). Side view, showing reused Greyhound signage 3.37 Amarillo Greyhound bus station, reused as Slick’s Sports Bar and Billiards 671 3.38 Amarillo Greyhound bus station, vacant in 2004 with signage showing its prior reuse as an office CHAPTER 4: MOTELS 4.1 Triangle Motel (1946), in 1999 before its current restoration process, Route 66, Amarillo, TX 4.2 Blue Swallow Motel (1942), row of motel rooms and garages in 1999, prior to 2006 storm damage. Route 66, Tucumcari, NM 672 4.3 Blue Swallow Motel, office and iconic neon sign 4.4 Blue Swallow Motel, neon sign lit at night 4.5 Wigwam Motel (1950), with classic cars parked in front of its teepee-shaped cottages, Route 66, Hollbrook, AZ 673 4.6 De Anza Motor Lodge (1939), closed and fenced off in 2009, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 4.7 De Anza Motor Lodge, close-up of property 4.8 De Anza Motor Lodge, neon sign 674 4.9 El Vado Motel (1937), still operational in 1999, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 4.10 El Vado Motel, row of motel rooms and carports in 1999 4.11 El Vado Motel, famous neon sign behind barbed wire fence in 2007, after closure 675 4.12 El Vado Motel, closed, fenced off, and for sale in 2007 4.13 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co. (1946), part of motel still intact during start of demolition process in 2007. Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 4.14 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co., 2007, restaurant portion that developers will incorporate into new development 676 4.15 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co., 2007, commercial portion that developers will incorporate into new development 4.16 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co., bulldozer in front of demolished part of motel in 2007 4.17 Horn Lodge / Horn Oil Co., rubble remaining from motel in 2007 677 4.18 Chateau Bleu Motel (1959), landmarked, North Wildwood, NJ 4.19 Chateau Bleu Motel, close-up of entry canopy with pylons 4.20 Caribbean Motel (1957), landmarked and restored, Wildwood Crest, NJ 678 4.21 Caribbean Motel, close-up of swirling staircase and deck 4.22 Caribbean Motel, close-up of neon sign and honeycomb deck- canopy 4.23 Caribbean Motel’s 50th anniversary banner announcing in 2007, “Preservation is cool” 679 4.24 Shalimar Motel (1962), restored and with compatible addition of extra stories, Wildwood Crest, NJ 4.25 Shalimar Motel, side view showing compatible addition 4.26 Cape Cod Inn (1966), with compatible addition of extra stories, Wildwood Crest, NJ 680 4.27 Cape Cod Inn, side view showing compatible addition 4.28 Cape Cod Inn, close-up of rotating neon lighthouse sign 4.29 Imperial 500 Motel (1964) with compatible addition of extra stories, Wildwood Crest, NJ 681 4.30 Imperial 500 Motel, side view showing compatible addition 4.31 Imperial 500 Motel, close-up of motel office with googie style, folded-plate roof 4.32 Imperial 500 Motel, close-up of neon sign 682 4.33 South Pacific Motel (1953), part of MiMo District, Miami, FL 4.34 South Pacific Motel, side view, including decaying sign for adjacent Shalimar Motel (1951, expanded 1953) 4.35 Biscayne Inn, originally Stardust Motel (1956), part of MiMo District, Miami, FL 683 4.36 Davis Motel in 2007, prior to its 2010 restoration and return to its original name, the Motel New Yorker (1953). MiMo District, Miami, FL 4.37 El Colorado Lodge (1926), Manitou Springs, CO 4.38 El Colorado Lodge, being toured by participants from the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s 2003 National Preservation Conference 684 4.39 Lorraine Motel (1950s), reused as part of National Civil Rights Museum (opened 1991). Exterior of Martin Luther King’s Room 306 and the balcony where he was assassinated. Memphis, TN 4.40 Lorraine Motel, surviving part of motel with new museum addition behind it 4.41 Lorraine Motel, entrance to National Civil Rights Museum at edge of motel structure 685 4.42 Lorraine Motel, motel’s freestanding neon sign reused for museum purposes 4.43 Lorraine Motel, wall-mounted neon sign on motel’s side 4.44 Lorraine Motel, adjacent Lorraine Hotel (1925) reused as museum’s offices, with retained neon sign. 686 4.45 Lavaland Motel reused as storage facility in 2002, Route 66, Grants, NM 4.46 Nob Hill Motel (1937), boarded up in 2008, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 4.47 Nob Hill Motel, streamline moderne strips of glass brick on motel office in 2008 687 4.48 Nob Hill Motel, neon sign in 2006 pre-restoration 4.49 Nob Hill Motel, 2008, with neon sign restored by National Park Service program 688 4.50 Nob Hill Court, 2010, neon sign reflecting reused property’s new use and listing its new office tenants 4.51 Nob Hill Motel, 2010, motel office’s new tenant, State Farm Insurance 4.52 Nob Hill Motel, 2010, new tenant in end space, barber shop 689 4.53 Nob Hill Motel, 2010, new tenant in other end space, art gallery 4.54 Nob Hill Motel, 2010, wide view of restored property’s reuse as office complex 4.55 Cactus Motel (1952), reused as Cactus Mall shopping center, Route 66, Moriarty, NM 690 4.56 Cactus Motel, close-up of reused motel 4.57 Cactus Lodge (1959), reused as Cactus Centro business center (opened 2006), Route 66, Santa Fe, NM 4.58 Cactus Lodge, close-up of reused motel sign 691 4.59 Cactus Lodge, close-up of reused motel 4.60 Wildflower Village, four adjacent motels reused as an artists’ colony (since 1994), Reno, NV. * Note: All photographs of Wildflower Village are courtesy of the author’s father and uncle, Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, who took them at the author’s request in 2010. 4.61 Wildflower Village, saved sign for the reused Silver Spur Motel 692 4.62 Wildflower Village, row of former motel rooms with greenery and benches outside 4.63 Wildflower Village, former motel segment covered with artwork 4.64 Wildflower Village, public artwork outside art gallery 693 4.65 Wildflower Village, coffeehouse exterior 4.66 Wildflower Village, Eagle’s Nest trading post with Native American gifts 4.67 Wildflower Village, wedding chapel 694 4.68 Wildflower Village, backs of two adjacent, separate former motels 4.69 Wildflower Village, former motel’s row of rooms, covered with artwork 4.70 Sahara Motel (1959), now dorm- like apartments for college students (opened 2003), Tucson, AZ 695 4.71 Sahara Motel, back view of motel / dorm rooms 4.72 Sahara Motel, facility’s new coffee house, computer lab, boutique, etc. 4.73 Sahara Motel, close-up of motel’s reused neon sign proclaiming it “Sahara Apartments” 696 4.74 Ghost Ranch Lodge (1941), vacant and fenced off in 2007, prior to 2010 reopening as senior housing. Tucson, AZ 4.75 Ghost Ranch Lodge, close-up of signage depicting Georgia O’Keefe’s cow skull painting 4.76 Ghost Ranch Lodge, motel buildings 697 4.77 Village Motel (1948), in 2009 during its transformation into Daniel’s Village, housing for mentally ill youth. Route 66, Santa Monica, CA 4.78 Hollywood Studio Inn (formerly Sunset Palms Motel, 1954) in early 2011 during its conversion process into Michael’s Village, housing for the mentally ill homeless. Sunset Boulevard, Hollywood, CA 4.79 Hollywood Studio Inn, closeup of stone palm-tree mural and neon signage 698 4.80 Hollywood Studio Inn, including new “Michael’s Village” signage over the former entrance to the back parking lot 4.81 Surf Motor Court (1928), now Roberts Cottages. California’s first condominiums (converted 1957). Cottages lined up along beach boardwalk, when still all painted pink in 2008, Oceanside, CA 4.83 Surf Motor Court, view between the two parallel rows of cottages 699 4.84 Surf Motor Court, cottage rows staggered so that all have ocean views CHAPTER 5: PREFABRICATED DINERS 5.1 Mayfair Diner, a 1956 O’Mahony where multiple presidential candidates have campaigned, Philadelphia, PA 5.2 New Ideal Diner, a 1952 O’Mahony, Aberdeen, MD 700 5.3 Pink Cadillac Diner, a 1949 Mountain View with a 1960s Paramount remodel. Restored, retro-themed interior, Wildwood, NJ 5.4 Pink Cadillac Diner, restored interior 701 5.5 Pink Cadillac Diner, remodeled exterior 5.6 Pink Cadillac Diner, close-up of remodeled exterior 5.7 Bridge Diner, a 1930s Silk City with partially covered façade, Havre De Grace, MD 702 5.8 Aberdeen Eagle Diner, a 1950s Kullman with covered façade and added dining room, Aberdeen, MD 5.9 Thru-Way Diner, a 1990 DeRaffele. In 2003, prior to its demolition, New Rochelle, NY 5.10 5 & Diner retro chain restaurant, lit with neon at night, Tempe, AZ 703 5.11 Dining Car, the first retro-style diner. A 1981 Swingle, Philadelphia, PA 5.12 Dining Car, side view 5.13 Silver Diner retro chain restaurant, Vienna, VA 704 5.14 Silver Diner, close-up of front entry 5.15 American City Diner, a 1988 Kullman, replica, Washington, DC 5.16 American City Diner, later additions to the diner structure 705 5.17 Gourmet Diner, a 1994 Paramount, replica, North Miami, FL 5.18 Gourmet Diner, side view 5.19 Modern Diner, a 1941 Sterling Streamliner. First diner on the National Register of Historic Places, Pawtucket, RI 706 5.20 29 Diner, a 1947 Mountain View, landmarked, Fairfax, VA 5.21 29 Diner, close-up of architectural details 5.22 Highway Diner, a circa 1950 Valentine. Photograph taken in 2002 when it was operational, before current state of decay. Route 66, Winslow, AZ 707 5.23 Welcome Diner, a 1945 Valentine. Photograph taken in 2006, after reopening and prior to current closure after car crash. Phoenix, AZ 5.24 Tastee Diner, a 1946 O’Mahony, moved, Silver Spring, MD 5.25 Tastee Diner, including later addition to the diner structure 708 5.26 Jax Truckee Diner, a 1948 Kullman, moved, with addition behind it, Truckee, CA * Note: All photographs of Jax Truckee Diner are courtesy of the author’s father and uncle, Steve Shapiro and Jerry Shapiro, who took them at the author’s request in 2010 (during a snowfall). 5.27 Jax Truckee Diner, close-up 5.28 11th Street Diner, a 1948 Paramount, moved, Miami Beach, FL 709 5.29 11th Street Diner, neon lit at night 5.30 11th Street Diner, close-up of architectural details 5.31 Frank’s Diner, a 1959 Kullman, moved, Jessup, MD 710 5.32 Transit Diner, a 1941 Silk City. Now H.L. Live Bait and Tackle, Morrisville, PA 5.33 Transit Diner, close-up 5.34 Ed’s Diner, a 1951 O’Mahony. Now Country Food Market, Doylestown, PA 711 5.35 Ed’s Diner, close-up 5.36 Little House Café, a 1947 Valentine. Now Triangle Park Police Substation, Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 5.37 Little House Café, side view showing addition 712 CHAPTER 6: ENCLOSED SHOPPING MALLS 6.1 Providence Arcade (1828), first arcade in U.S., Greek Revival exterior, Providence, RI 6.2 Providence Arcade, close-up of exterior columns and interior balcony walkways 6.3 Providence Arcade, interior, glass atrium above two floors of shops and restaurants 713 6.4 Roland Park Shopping Center (1896), first U.S. shopping center to have a parking lot, Baltimore, MD 6.5 Roland Park Shopping Center, close-up of parking lot and Tudor style architecture 6.6 Roland Park Shopping Center, view of side and back 714 6.7 Country Club Plaza (1925-1928), the first shopping center to offer several key amenities. Spanish Colonial Revival architecture (including, at left, a half-size replica of Seville’s Giralda Tower). Kansas City, MO 6.8 Country Club Plaza, another part of the large development 6.9 Country Club Plaza’s Plaza Theater (1928), the first movie theater ever in a shopping center. Reused as retail (since 1999). 715 6.10 Suburban Square (1928-1931), first shopping center with a full department store, Ardmore, PA 6.11 Suburban Square, a pedestrian plaza off one of the shopping center’s streets 6.12 Suburban Square, shopping center’s streamline moderne Suburban Theater, now reused as retail 716 6.13 Suburban Square, reused theater and storefronts along street 6.14 Suburban Square, former Strawbridge & Clothier, first department store in a shopping center. Now Macy’s 6.15 Suburban Square, former Strawbridge & Clothier, close-up of art deco bas relief 717 6.16 Highland Park Shopping Village (1931-1941), first suburban shopping center with inward- facing design. Spanish Colonial Revival architecture, Dallas, TX 6.17 Highland Park Shopping Village, backs of shops, seen from street intersection outside the shopping center 6.18 Highland Park Shopping Village, close-up of backs of shops 718 6.19 Highland Park Shopping Village, interior parking lot in front of stores 6.20 Highland Park Shopping Village, other storefronts fronted by head-in parking in interior parking lot 6.21 Highland Park Shopping Village, Village Theatre and surrounding shops 719 6.22 Park and Shop (1930), an early center saved from demolition, Washington, DC 6.23 Park and Shop, from another angle 6.24 Silver Spring Shopping Center (1938), a streamline moderne, early center saved from demolition, Silver Spring, MD 720 6.25 Silver Spring Shopping Center, from another angle 6.26 Silver Spring Shopping Center’s Silver Theatre, now the American Film Institute’s AFI Silver Theatre and Cultural Center 6.27 Roland Park Shopping Center, close-up of informational plaque listing it and the surrounding garden suburb as being part of the National Register of Historic Places. Baltimore, MD 721 6.28 Park Central Mall (1957), an open-air mall, reused as offices (since 1995), Phoenix, AZ 6.29 Park Central Mall, an interior corridor 6.30 Park Central Mall, another interior corridor 722 6.31 Park Central Mall, former department store reused as offices 6.32 Park Central Mall, another former department store reused as offices 6.33 Maryvale Mall (1958), reused as schools and district facilities (opened 2000), Phoenix, AZ 723 6.34 Maryvale Mall, exterior of Marc T. Atkinson Middle School area 6.35 Maryvale Mall, exterior of Bret R. Tarver Elementary School area 6.36 Maryvale Mall, schools’ athletic areas in mall’s former parking lot 724 6.37 Maryvale Mall’s former Maryvale Theater (1971), vacant in 2006 prior to its demolition 6.38 Former Kress five and dime chain store (1932), downtown Amarillo, TX 6.39 Western Plaza (1968), dead mall with vacant Dunlap’s department store. All photographs taken in 2004, prior to the mall’s demolition and de-malling into a power center. Amarillo, TX 725 6.40 Western Plaza, vacant Montgomery Ward department store 6.41 Western Plaza, closed cinema 6.42 Western Plaza, decaying sign for the dead mall 726 CHAPTER 7: BOWLING ALLEYS 7.1 The author throws a bowling ball down a lane in 1999 at 66 Bowl (1959), Route 66, Oklahoma City, OK 7.2 Westside Lanes, giant neon bowling pin and bowling ball signage, Olympia, WA 7.3 Westside Lanes, sign on top of googie style building 727 7.4 Covina Bowl (1955), googie signage, Covina, CA 7.5 Covina Bowl, combination Egyptian and googie architecture 7.6 Covina Bowl, lit at night 728 7.7 1961 Futurama Bowl’s sign, restored and reused as part of new shopping center development, San Jose, CA 7.8 Futurama Bowl’s sign, neon glowing at night 729 7.9 1959 Aztec Bowl’s sign, restored amid new housing development, San Diego, CA 7.10 Aztec Bowl’s sign, close-up 7.11 Aztec Bowl’s sign, close-up of commemorative, informational plaque 730 7.12 1960 Thunderbird Lanes’ 1997 replacement, the retro-deco Ontario Edwards Mountain Village 14 theater, Ontario, CA 7.13 Thunderbird Lanes’ metal and neon thunderbird sculpture, glowing inside the Ontario Museum of History and Art (since 2004) 7.14 Thunderbird Lanes’ sculpture, side view 731 7.15 Hollywood Star Lanes (1960) in 1999, prior to its demolition in 2002, Route 66, Hollywood, CA 7.16 Hollywood Star Lanes, close-up of wall-mounted neon signage 7.17 1958 Holiday Bowl’s attached coffee shop, saved and reopened as Starbucks in 2006, Los Angeles, CA 732 7.18 Holiday Bowl’s attached coffee shop, from another angle 7.19 Montrose Bowl (1936), Montrose, CA 7.20 Surf Bowl, Oceanside, CA 733 7.21 Surf Bowl, close-up of googie sign 7.22 Starlite Lanes (1959), Route 66, Lebanon, MO 7.23 Lucky 66 Bowl (1963), Route 66, Albuquerque, NM 734 7.24 Lucky 66 Bowl, sand volleyball court in parking lot 7.25 Cosmic bowling at night at Starlite Lanes 7.26 AMF 300 San Jose (reopened 2006), formerly AMF Oakridge Lanes (1971), San Jose, CA 735 7.27 AMF 300 San Jose, glow-in-the- dark atmosphere, with screens playing music videos over the bowling lanes 7.28 AMF 300 San Jose, sports bar area 7.29 AMF 300 San Jose, bowling suite for private events 736 7.30 Lucky Strike (2003), with giant bowling pin sign, Orange, CA 7.31 Lucky Strike (2007), wall- mounted bowling pin signage, Bellevue, WA 737 7.32 Lucky Strike, in office tower also occupied by Microsoft, with their adjacent signs 7.33 Belle Lanes (1957), now Barnes and Noble bookstore (opened 1992), Bellevue, WA 7.34 Belle Lanes, close-up 738 7.35 Bowlerland Roosevelt (1962), now Bill Embrey Heating and Air Conditioning, San Antonio, TX 7.36 Bowlerland Bandera (1962), reused since 1968 as a series of nightclubs – starting with Randy’s Rodeo. Currently Randy’s Ballroom / bingo hall, San Antonio, TX 7.37 Bowlerland Bandera, with the Randy’s Rodeo sign (now used by Randy’s Ballroom) out front 739 7.38 Capistrano Lanes, now Capo Beach Calvary church (opened 1985), Capistrano Beach, CA 7.39 Capistrano Lanes, side view 7.40 Rose Bowl (1961), now Rose Bowl Event Center (opened 2008). Photograph in 1999, when bowling alley was still operating. Route 66, Tulsa, OK 740 7.41 Rose Bowl, side view 7.42 Garey Center Bowl (1960), now City of Knowledge School (opened 1997), Pomona, CA 7.43 Garey Center Bowl, another angle 741 7.44 Garey Center Bowl’s attached coffee shop’s “Coffee Shop” signage, now at Boomers Coffeehouse, Upland, CA 7.45 Garey Center Bowl’s “Coffee Shop” sign, close-up 7.46 Santa Fe train depot (1937), reused as retail - with Boomers Coffeehouse in its baggage area, Upland, CA 742 7.47 Papago Bowl (1960), now Antique Centre (opened 1996), Scottsdale, AZ 7.48 Papago Bowl, now Antique Centre, side view 7.49 Park Bowl (1952), now Amoeba Music (opened 1997), San Francisco, CA * Note: This photograph is courtesy of the author’s father, Steve Shapiro, who took it at the author’s request in 2009. 743 7.50 Fiesta Lanes (1962), reused as a Staples store (opened 1999), Albuquerque, NM 7.51 Fiesta Lanes, wide shot showing building and reused sign 7.52 Fiesta Lanes, close-up of reused sign 744 7.53 Fiesta Lanes, close-up of reused sign’s neon glowing at night CHAPTER 8: MULTIPLEX THEATERS 8.1 Culver Stadium 12, appropriate infill palace-plex, downtown Culver City, CA 745 8.2 Culver Stadium 12, close-up of detailing at entry area 8.3 Oceanside 16, appropriate infill palace-plex, downtown Oceanside, CA 8.4 Oceanside 16, art deco-style mosaic mural 746 8.5 Gaslamp 15, appropriate infill palace-plex, downtown San Diego, CA 8.6 Gaslamp 15, close-up of marquee area 8.7 Egyptian 24, Egyptian-themed palace-plex (opened in 2000), Arundel Mills mall, Hanover, MD 747 8.8 Egyptian 24, close-up of front entry with pillars and statuary 8.9 Egyptian 24, side view 8.10 Fountain Valley Twin (1971), reused as Star Performing Arts Center (opened 2008). Shown with surrounding strip mall, Fountain Valley, CA 748 8.11 Fountain Valley Twin, close-up of former movie theater 8.12 Fountain Valley Twin, close-up of reused box office 8.13 Sports Arena Six (1970s), reused as SOMA concert venue (opened 2002). Shown with surrounding strip mall, San Diego, CA 749 8.14 Sports Arena 6, close-up of former movie theater 8.15 Sports Arena 6, close-up of reused box office 8.16 Century Almaden 5 (circa 1971), reused as Cornerstone Community Church (opened 1993). Theater’s three original auditorium domes, San Jose, CA 750 8.17 Century Almaden 5, close-up of front entry 8.18 Century Almaden 5, close-up of one of the auditorium domes 8.19 El Cajon Cinema 8 (1990), reused as International Ministry Center (opened 2006; other church reuse started 2002). 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