JOEL BARLOW 


TO BIS 

FELLOW CITIZENS 

Of the United States-. 

LETTER II. 

On Certain Political Measures proposed to their 
consideration. 

Paris, 2©th December, 1799. 

Fellow Citizens , 

IN my first letter to youl signified an intention 
of addressing you a second time on political sub- 
jects ; and of suggesting certain measures which 
appear to me to be within your power, for secu- 
ring your own liberty both civil and commercial, 
and for laying the foundation ot a pacific inter- 
course among all maritime nations, on apian 
wdiich may perpetuate itself and become univer- 
sal. Some of my observations may appear super- 
fluous, as being already familiar to the minds of 
thinking men ; and some of my theories may be 
thought impracticable because they are not fami- 
liar. Could I know beforehand what would really 
prove superfluous, and what impracticable, 1 would 
certainly retrench all that should come under both 
these descriptions; though it might go to the 
whole contents of my work; for my object is to 
aid the exertions of those who wish to do good ; 
and not to embarrass them in the choice of means. 

The art of governing a nation is the art of sub- 
stituting a moral to a physical force. It it only in 

A 


( 2 ) 


their rudest state, antecedent to government and 
previous to any experience, that men can be sup- 
posed to be impelled or restrained altogether by 
the action of other men, applied as bodily strength. 
The right of the strongest , among individuals, or 
in sections of the same society, supposes the ab- 
sence of that controling power which is held over 
them by the society at large; and which, being 
confided to the hands of the magistrate, consti- 
tutes the moral force with which the government 
usually acts. 

As the absolute independence of one man upon 
another is incompatible with a state of society, 
personal strength becomes no longer necessary to 
personal protection ; but, on the contrary, it is a 
general maxim , that individual safety is best secur- 
ed where individual exertion is least resorted to. 
Our submitting to any force whatever, whether 
physical or moral, is the choice of self-interest; re- 
suiting in the first case from real defeat, and in 
the last, either from calculation or from habft. 
The consciousness of public power gives rise to 
public opinion ; and while experience teaches us 
to calculate their energy, it brings on the habit 
of respecting their authority. We thus refrain 
from mutual injury by an habitual sense of conve- 
nience, which resembles the instinct of self-pre- 
servation, and is almost as strong in us, as that 
sensitive horror which prevents our stepping off a 
precipice. Hence great societies may be moved, 
millions of persons protected, industry and virtue 
universally encouraged, idleness and violence com- 
pletely restrained, without lifting the hand of one 
man upon another. 

These reflections open to our view an immense 
career of improvement, and explain the theory 
of the whole progress of society, past, present and 
to come. Great strides have been taken in this 


( 3 ) 

wonderful career; and a considerable elevation in 
the ascending scale of improvement is already at- 
tained. Whoever will compare the present state 
of the species with what it was when every thing 
was decided by bodily strength; when man, after 
having forced a bit of food from the elements, 01 
robbed it from the savage beast, was still obliged 
to dispute its possession with his fellow man : who- 
ever looks back to that state of painful privation, 
precarious toil, and perpetual danger, which sad- 
dened the existence of unassociated men, and will 
then turn to himself, and contemplate what he 
now enjoys in his protected industry, in the com- 
forts of life assured to himself and family, in the 
love and good will of his neighbors, and even of 
distant nations, where virtue and talents are res- 
pected, must be convinced of a progress in human 
affairs, and of a tendency towards perfection. And 
he will not deny the truth of this general theory, 
though the period of a few years, taken in any one 
section of the great circle, may not present to his 
discernment any perceivable amelioration. 

The perfectibility of human society is not ajsub- 
ject of idle speculation, fit only to adorn the pa- 
ges of a book. It is a truth of’the utmost impor- 
tance in its practical tendency. No maxim is more 
essential to the legislator of a nation or to the ne- 
gociator of treaties; and it ought especially to be 
present in the minds of all men who are called to 
administer a representative government. If such 
men have talents and information worthy of their 
place, and a proper zeal for performing its duties, 
they will not content themselves with the thought- 
less routine of official functions, just necessary to 
escape impeachment ; they will not thinkit enough 
to avoid crimes themselves, or to punish them in^ 
others; but they will call forth the energies of 
their own genius, and that of their fellow citizens, 


( 4 ) 

to interrogate the native resources of their £oun- 
try, theelements of national happiness; they will 
second the designs of nature, by accelerating the 
progress of improvement, by exploring the objects 
of industry, multiplying the means of subsistence, 
creating new inducements for peace and harmo- 
ny with neighbouring states, and removing every 
occasion for jealousy and war. 

An enlightened magistrate will not be satisfied 
with himself, as having done his duty, unless he 
can say on quitting the administration, that he 
leaves the nation better than he found it. Neither 
can he be said to have served his own country 
well, unless he has communicated benefits to 
other countries to which her relations extend. 
There is no absolute independence of nations any 
more than of individuals. Men are everywhere 
surrounded with wants, and every where incum- 
bered with superfluities; the necessity of asking 
aid, and the ability of granting it, are mutual, 
perpetual, and universal ; they keep up a constant 
exchange of commodities, a circulation of the vi- 
tal fluid of society. Our mutual wants and aids 
are the elements of our civilization ; they have al- 
ready civilized individuals to a great degree, con- 
vinced them of their relative dependence, and 
taught them the art as well as the convenience of 
living together in peace, They have made some 
progress too in civilizing states ; and their energy 
must be infallible in carrying on the work of 
harmony and happiness, till nations shall stand 
in the same relation to each other as families do at 
present in the best regulated community. 

The civilization oj States is the great object to 
be aimed at in the present age of the progress of 
human affairs. It is that part of general improve- 
ment which has been the least understood, and 
the least investigated, both as to the means of 


(M 

bringing it forward, and the consequences that 
would result from its success. So little has it been 
studied, so ill have the principles of society been 
applied to it, even in theoretical discussion, that 
its possibility is still regarded as a problem. Ma- 
ny persons imagine that states or nations never 
can be civilized, more than they are at present ; 
that among them the savage principle, or the right 
of the strongest, will always be resorted to. And 
as it is evident that individual improvement being 
constantly interrupted by the quarrels of nations, 
cannot be carried much farther, unless those na- 
tions will agree to live in peace, they say there is 
no reason to hope that human society w r ill ever 
attain a greater degree of perfection than what we 
see at present. This w'ould evidently be the case, 
if nations were never to civilize** that is, if a sense 
of mutual dependence were not to produce the 
same effects in the great sections of society, called 
slates, as it does in the small sections called fami- 
lies. But why should we despair of these effects? 
The mutual dependence of men is universal, and 
it is perpetual; it is not only sure to serve asaper- 
manent source of reciprocal confidence, but as an 
in creasing source ; it increases with our factitious 
wants; it becomes more sensible in proportion to 
our knowledge of distant countries and of their 
productions, in proportion to the acquisitions we 
make in science, to the accumulation of superflu- 
ities, and the infinite researches of industry. 

A particular people , whatever extension we give 
to the meaning of the word, whether it means a 
parish or an empire, is every where a physical and 
moral agent, whose interests are analogous and re- 
ciprocal with those of another people of a like 
description, who inhabit a neighbouring territo- 
ry. Each of them has a real interest in the pros- 
perity of the other; because prosperity creates 


( « ) 

certain relative superfluities, which, being exchang- 
ed between the parties, supply their relative wants. 
1 his interchange of commodities creates an inter- 
change of affections ; it begins among individuals, 
and extends in regular progression with their 
knowledge, to every country and every portion of 
mankind. 

Nature has certainly placed no barrier in this 
long course of improvement. Whatever barriers 
are perceived in it are unnatural and accidental ; 
they will therefore be removed by the develope- 
ment of the human faculties, though by slow de- 
grees. 1 here is no reason why civilization, after 
having softened the temper of individuals, and 
harmonized the component parts of a state, as act- 
ing among themselves, should forever stop short at 
that point, and leave the slate a savage without, 
while it is social and peaceful wdthin. For in this 
case itacts by its physical force abroad, and by its 
moral foi'ce at home ; which supposes bn the one 
side a w'ant of experience, which borders on the 
rudest condition of savage man; and. on the other 
it indicates a sense of convenience and the habits 
of social life. 

To make this matter a little plainer, and show 
that our hopes of progressive civilization are well 
founded, let us recur to first principles, and ex- 
plain the causes which seem to impede its pro- 
gress in certain stages of its career. What do we 
mean by the word nation? and what is that pre- 
cise portion of mankind which necessarily forms a 
body politic, independent and unsocial, benificent 
within and ferocious without? it is certain that 
the necessary limits of a nation are not geogra- 
phical; neither are they numerical. In both these 
respects they arc perpetually changing, and are al- 
ready exceedingly various. One of them, the Chi- 
nese, is supposed to contain three hundred mil 


( 7 ) 

lions of inhabitants ; another, the Dutch, which 
does not exceed three millions, is established in 
the four quarters of the world ; its different branch- 
es being separated by the widest oceans, and yet 
united in interest, friendly and social, like a fami- 
ly. The territory now' covered by one Federal Re- 
public, the United States, was lately inhabited by 
at least two hundred different nations at a time, all 
independent, sovereign, and savage towards each 
other, as the nations of Europe are this day. France 
itself, a few centuries ago, was composed„of a great 
number of independent states; which have been 
united one after another, under the name of pro- 
vinces, for the purposes of exterior defence and 
the splendor of the crown : but never till the pre- 
sent revolution, were they completely incorpora- 
ted in one national body, for the objects of inte- 
rior commerce, or attached to each other by a simi- 
larity of political rights and pecuniary burthens. 

It seems then that the tendency of civilization 
is to diminish the number of nations, and to in- 
crease their size and prosperity. But this kind of 
progression, as applied to independent nations, is 
limited by the nature of things. The few men to 
whom the government of a state must be confided, 
cannot extend their knowledge nor multiply their 
attentions to such a degree as the affairs of a great 
people would require. France, in her present li- 
mits, presents a mass of population arid territory 
sufficient for at least twenty integral and well con- 
stituted states. Her legislative body is represen- 
tative ; it is twice as numerons as any legislative 
body ought to be; and yet it is not the fifth part 
so numerous as a proper representation of the peo- 
ple would require, ft is incumbered with much 
more business than it can treat with that attention 
which the business deserves ; and yet not half the 
affairs which are necessaay to the people are ever 


( 8 ) 

brought up for its deliberation. This republic , 
for tne purposes of interior or local legislation and 
police, should be organised into about twenty sub- 
ordinate republics; while, for the purposes of 
general legislation , exterior relations, defence, 
commerce, «.anals, roads , and every common con- 
cern , they should remain concentrated in one 
great union, or community, with a national le- 
gislative and executive, restricted in their powers 
to the simple objects of great national interest; 
which objects should be defined with the utmost 
precision in their general constitution (i). 

In pursuance of such a system there would be 
no danger that France would become too extensive 
or too populous for her internal convenience. 
And the several nations that are now forming re- 
publics in her neighbourhood ought to constitute 
them on the same plan as those of France, and 
make part of the general confederation. This 
system should be adopted , and this confederation 
joined by every European people , as fast as they 
become free; though it should extend through tins 

(i) The terms federal , confederacy , and others from the same 
original, have been proscribed in France during the organiza- 
tion of the republic , because their ordinary meaning refers to 
a different state of things from what the condition of France 
admits ; and different from what would be their appropriate 
meaning in this country, were the system adopted which I 
sho uld recommend ; and which appears to me the only one 
capable of preferving liberty here, and of civilizing Kurope. 
To federalize , applied to states, usually signifies to bring towards 
a union , but not into unity , those that were before distinct 
and independent. But as France w as already one integral ftate , 
to federalize France would seem to be to divide and dismember 
that which was before united , which, in the vocabulary of the 
revolution , w'as another word for anarchy and intestine war. 
The federality which I would propose for France and for 1 u- 
rope would not carry with it any fuch idea, 'i he integrity of 
the republic, for every purpofe of safety, and harmo y of 
parts , would nqt be altered by it. 


( 9 ) 

quarter of the world. It would present a great 
union of Republics, which might assume the name 
of the United States of Europe, and guarantee a 
perpetual harmony among its members. 

This beneficent system of federalizing appears to 
be the only resource that nature has offered us, at. 
least, in the present state of political science, for 
avoiding at once the two dangerous extremes of 
having the republic too great for an equitable ad- 
ministration within, or too small for security with- 
out. On this principle, if wisely pursued, no con- 
federated republic will be too great, and no mem- 
ber of it too small; as all subjects of jealousy will 
be done away by the nature of the association. 
The new republics of Europe must resort to this 
principle, if they mean to hold the ground they 
have gained, in changing their feudal for their re- 
presentative constitutions. Could w r e flatter our- 
selves that they would resort to it at the end of 
the present war, then we might hope to see the 

There has been a great deal of false reasoning on this subject. 
It is now believed by most of the philosophers in Europe to be 
a great misfortune to our United States, that they were in seve- 
ral states, and not in one state. This would truly be a misfor- 
tune , had we not adopted the federal principle ; but now it is 
one of our greateft advantages. 

I am sorry to see that M. de Liancourt , in his late Travels in 
America, has given countenance to this Eu opean fentiment, 
which I consider a very unfortunate one for the progress of 
society. His book, whicli contains a vast quantity of fads and 
information , will have a tendency to accredit this doctrine in 
the minds of many perfons who had not before adopted it. If 
that able and laborious enquirer after truth will reflect on the 
calamities which I fhall notice in this letter , as what would be 
the consequence of a dissolution of our federal system , and 
will contemplate the principle of that system in its vast extent, 
as a new means of civilizing states and preventing wars, I hope 
he will find occafion for changing his opinion. 

See vol 7, page 221 , of his Travels. Paris edition* 

B 


( 10 ) 

moral force of nations take place of their physical 
force, the civilization of states keep pace with that 
of individuals, and their commercial relations es- 
tablished on the principles of peace. 

Infinite credit is due to the conductors of our 
American Revolution, for the wisdom and energy 
with which they seized the occasion or establish- 
ing our interior and federal governments in the 
forms which they now possess. The two most con- 
soling principles that political experience has yet 
brought to light, are those on which we have foun- 
ded our constitutions— I mean representative de- 
mocracy, and the federalizing of States. It is tine, 
that neither of these principles was wholly of our 
own discovery. Rut what little experience had 
been made of either of them by othei nations was 
extremely imperfect, was attended with little suc- 
cess, and had by no means united the opinions 
even of the most sanguine in their favor. In no in- 
stance had the two principles been bi ought toge- 
ther and wrought into one system; nor had they 
ever been attempted both by the same people. 

Democracy had been disgraced by the pretended 
experience of some of the states of Greece, though 
in reality no such thing as democracy ever did ex- 
ist in Greece or Rome. It has been concluded, and 
very justly, that pure democracy , or the immedi- 
ate autoeracv of the people, is unfit for a great 
state; it might be added, that it is unfit tor the 
smallest state imaginable, even a little town. Rut 
representative democracy is applicable to a state of 
any swie, and under any circumstances wheie men 
have the use of their reason; though neither this 
nor any other principle hitherto discovered, is suf- 
ficient of itself to regulate the concerns of a great 
people; ‘as no one interal government is capable 
of bestowing equal and adequate benefit.-, on e\eiy 
part of an extensive and populous country. Rut, 


(u > . ... 

happily for mankind, the representative principle 

is a fit companion and a sure guide o t lat o er 
precious experiment which oui country as a op 
Id with such singular propriety, the principle of 
confederation. The union of these two theories, 
as organised in America, is a vast improvement on 
the wisdom of former ages ; and I cannot but hope 
that they will be so far cherished by us, and imita- 
ted by others, as to change very greatly the face 

of human society. , 

It is essential to the interests of America, and 
would be a compliment to her wisdom, to see her 
political system, in both its parts, adopted by other 
coun tries. It would be the surest pledge of peace 
from abroad, and the strongest guarantee against a 
relapse of principle at home. But for ourselves, 
there is one maxim which ought not to be foigot- 
ten ; that these two pillars of the edifice, the repre- 
sentative principle and the federal principle, should 
never be separated. Though one of them a one 
may promise liberty, and the other of them alone 
may promise peace, yet we cannot be confident 
that either liberty or peace will become extensive 
or permanent, unless these well assorted princi- 
ples are united in one system, and kept msepaia- 
ble in their practice. 

Let us convince ourselves of this truth by exa- 
mining the effect of each principle apart, as ope- 
rating without the aid of the other, first j the fe- 
deralizing of states, whose governments were mo- 
narchical or aristocratical, has not obtained any 
brilliant success, either in ancient or modern 
times. The Amphictyonic Council of the Creeks 
was a body of so little consequence in a political 
view', that it would not be worth noticing in this 
place were it not for a certain practice among wn- 
ters on governments, of seeking models foi eveiy 

thing In the annals of that pompous people. 1 ie 




( 12 ) 

Aniphictyons had no regular constituted authori- 
ty, except in matters of religion. They never pre- 
vented a foreign war offensive or defensive, it 
would be difficult indeed to say they never pre- 
vented a domestic war among the states, because 
such a thing might be done with so little rumour 
as to escape the notice of history ; but it is certain 
that they excited several domestic wars, and those 
of the most cruel and exterminating kind, being 
wars of religion. On the whole, it appears that 
this congressional institution, notwithstanding its 
solemn pretensions of confederating the States of 
Greece, was more detrimental than beneficial to 
the people. W henever their common country was 
invaded, whether by Persians, Macedonians or Ro- 
mans, about half the states in every instance join- 
ed the invading enemy. The power of the Am- 
phictyons was effectual only in directing, on cer- 
tain occasions, the united vengeance of several 
powerful states against a weaker one, for having 
slighted the authority of the priests, for having 
put into cultivation certain lands which religion had 
devoted to sterility, or neglected some frivolous or 
barbarous duty enjoined by an insidious oracle. 

As to the Corinthian, the Peloponesian and the 
Arcananian leagues , they were only alliances or 
coalitions against an enemy , temporary in their 
nature, and not extensive in their effects. The 


other examples from Greece which are sometimes 
cited as confederations , such as the Arcadian , the 
Beotian, the Po’ian and the primitive Achaian , 
present something more regular and permanent in 
their constitutions. But they w'ere each of them 
too diminutive to merit the name of an association 
of states. The primitive Achaian, for instance, 
was the union of twelve small boroughs into one 
small republic. It may be considered rather as a 
model of representative democracy in a single state, 




(i3) 

than as a federal system ; and in this view perhaps 
it approaches nearer to modern republican repre- 
sentation, than any other example left us by the 
ancients. 

The subsequent, or great Achaian league was 
indeed an association of states, whose object was 
laudable and well defined. It suffered less from a 
defect in its federal principle than from the corrup- 
tion of its members. It retrieved in a partial de- 
gree the liberties of Greece from the rapacity of 
Alexander's successors, preserved them with con- 
siderable energy for more than a hundred years, 
and finally yielded them with some appearance of 
dignity to the irresistable fortunes of Rome. 

The Lycian league was not unlike the latter 
Achaian, either in its object or its destiny. It 
caused itself to be respected by the Romans as long 
as the Romans retained any respect for themselves ; 
but no institution could stand before the corrup- 
tions of their monstrous and debilitated empire. 

The Etruscans, and some other early tribes in 
Italy, had likewise their several confederations. 
But their constitutions are so little known, and 
they refer to a state of society so different from 
ours, that for every purpose, except for displaying 
an empty erudition, their investigation would be 
as useless to us as that of some of the native tribes 
of North America, the Six Nations or the Ilascah 
Ians. Examples of these imperfect associations are 
not rare. It is probable that the history of the 
human race would present them in every corner of 
the earth, if its affecting and monotonous page 
could be completely laid open before us. 1 hey 
shew the feeble efforts of inexperienced societies 
to defend themselves against the effects of each 
other's inexperience. 

The German Empire, the Swiss Cantons, and 
the United Netherlands present us three great cx 


( M) 


am pies of the confederation of states in modern 
Europe ; the former still subsisting, the two latter 
but lately overturned. It requires but little obser- 
vation to discern the constitutional defects in the 
Germanic body: it is a confederation of princes, 
and not of nations. With this radical vice in its 
organization, it is impossible that its object should 
be peace, or its policy justice ; and without pur- 
suing these, no society of men can be tolerably 
happy, no union of states can be sincere, no por- 
tion of the earth can greatly increase itspo pulation, 
6r present that progressive augmentation of bene- 
fits which nature has placed within our reach, and 
science is teaching us how to realise. National 
happiness is never the object of a state, w^here the 
interest of those who govern is in any measure 
different from that of the people. The pursuits, 
therefore, of the Germanic Princes are mutual en- 
croachment instead of mutual assistance; the ob- 
ject of their union is war, and not peace ; their 
constitution is military, and not commercial. 
Hence all the compulsory provisions that are made 
in it have reference to warlike preparations, con- 
tingencies of men and money, for recruiting armies 
and discouraging industry. There is no public 
provision made for the encouragement of useful 
arts and manufactures , no power lodged in the 
federal Diet for establishing a general system of 
canal or river navigation , for equalizing the duties 
on the objects of commerce, allowing a free ex- 
change of the produce of labor, even in the most 


necessary articles of life. 

Titer c is no inhibition which prevents any prince 
or stale irom beginning a war without the consent 
ol the Diet , from building forts and raising armies" 
wilh the manifest intention to invade each other's 
territory , from entering into foreign alliances and 
oilier treaties, for involving the empire indestruc- 


( 15 ) 

five wars. But , on the contrary , every facility 
and every temptation are held out for m test me 
wars among the states, asifno federal ^subsisted 
between them ; while their interior commerce from 
state to state is shackled with all those restrictions 
which hoslile jealousy has invented among the 
most independent and ferocious monaichies of 

EU Manv other defects might be easily pointed out 
in tire Germanic constitution. We may find some 
of them in the books that treat on this subject, 
but where is the advantage of searching them? 
The fundamental defect, which is the souice of 
all the rest, is not noticed in any book , but stales 
ns in the face on the first reflection: a confedera- 
tion of Princes stands no chance or being benehcia 
to the people. You might as well expect to ren- 
der service to the sheep by confederating the wolves 
that should be set to watch them.. . , 

The Swiss Cantons and the United Neiheilanc s 
have been more fortunate in their federal systems. 
Considering the feebleness of the means wuh 
which they began, the quantity of force agam^t 
which they rose, and the vyeignt of ehoit y*at ha* 
been frequently made to destroy tnein, nmy a 
hibit wonderful monuments of tne eihcacy m - 
.nanized liberty in political homes. Inough ho 
Swiss Cantons had scarcely the appearance of a 
federal constitution, their acts of union oeing littfe 
more than treaties of alliance, which external 
danger generally kept them -from violating, a - 
though that of 'the United Netherlands was very 
impel feet, yet these were not the jadical dc.u 
which brought on the decline and oyei lino. v o 
either of their celebrated systems. 1 uc original 
defect, in each ease, lay in the constitutions of 
the particular states of which the union was com- 
ppsed. The representative pnumpte was oitgi.uu/ 


(i 6 ) 


unknown and never understood in either coun- 
try. _ Without this principle, the people cannot 
exercise their rights, unless it be in the form of 
mobs: the necessary consequence of which is to 
throw the active power into the hands of a few 
where it soon becomes habitual and hereditary 5 
no longer the property of the nation, and no 
longer exercised for her benefit. ' It would be as 
impracticable to establish a rational system of fede- 
ral government - among aristocratical states, as 
among principalities or monarchies. For the prin- 
ciple is the same m each ; the supposed interest of 
the people. 

Inn plan fora perpetual peace, projected two 
centuries ago by Henry IV . new modeled and pro- 
posed with great zeal in the early part of the pre- 
sent century by the abbe de St. Pierre, and after- 
waids embellished with the nervous eloquence of 

“ bonsseau , must have been h fruitless experi- 
ment, if attempted on the model of either of its 
illustrious patrons. The project was to league all 
the Christian Powers of Europe in one confedera- 
tion , guaranteeing to each its own form of go- 
vernment, and its limits as then existing; to estab- 
lish a permanent Diet , composed of delegates from 
every state , with power to settle all disputes that 
might arise between the several states; to prevent 
any of them from raising armies on their own ac- 
count, building forts or rleets to act against each 
other, or forming any foreign alliances; but all 
exterior relations and all measures ofdefence should 
jc on ected and managed by the general Diet, in 
the name of the Confederacy. 

. "b * s possible that by the means which Henry had 
in his power, this sublime conception might have 
been realised so far as to organize the constitution 
and begin trie operation, had not an untimely 
prevented the experiment by depriving the 


■■■■■■ 


(i7) 

world of its author. Rousseau has detailed the 
reasons why this project could not be carried into 
effect at any period since the days of Henry, nor 
by any influence short of that which lie possessed 
among the powers of Europe. But the same writer 
supposes that were it once adopted, its benefits 
would be so conspicuous and universal as to secure 
its continuance. I question the probability of this 
supposition. What could secure the members of 
this Diet from corruption? There is but one ef- 
fectual mode of securing them ; and that is to make 
it the interest of none of the parties to corrupt 
them; no other principle can be relied upon with 
safety. In an association of this magnitude, it is 
not enough that it should be the interest of each of 
the associated states to preserve the constitution ; 
but it should be the interest of those who govern 
the associated states. Now as long as these were 
governed by hereditary princes, who had an in- 
terest in extending their private dominions to the 
detriment of each other, it must be expected that 
they would seek to encroach as much as possible , 
and violate the constitution by every means in 
their power. And as the federal government , if 
well administered, would prevent their doing it 
by force , the more effectual way would be to cor- 
rupt the members of the Diet , "so as to palsy the 
operation of the constitution, suspend its protec- 
tion of the weaker associates , and re-establish the 
right of the strongest,, as in the present state of 
Europe. This is a favorite state of society for 
princes ; a state of hazard , inviting them to plun- 
der, and so far exposing them to be plundered in 
their turn , as to afford a constant pretext for armies 
and navies. It is what they call independence; 
and notwithstanding it leads them every ‘day to 
commit crimes for which they would ham; a lum- 

C ‘ 


( i8) 

dred subjects, they will not agree to be restrained 
by law ; though the same law would restrain their 
neighbours who prey upon themselves; though it 
would greatly increase their revenues, by increasing 
the population and the quantity of productive la- 
bour within their dominions ; and though it would 
greatly lessen their expences , by reducing to al- 
most nothing their constant preparations for de- 
fence. 

- But if the powers of government in every associ- 
ated state wrnre in the hands of the people , in whom 
the right resides , and if these powers were ex- 
ercised in all cases by an equal representation , 
freely chosen and frequently renewed , then would 
there be no person interested in extending the 
limits of any onestateto the detriment of another; 
(lien would no person attempt to corrupt the Diet 
to violate the compact, and throw Europe back 
into a state of national animosity and princely plun- 
der ; then the farmer would be on his own farm, 
and the artisan in his own shop; and whether his 
habitation were included in the limits of Prussia 
ox of Austria , whether it were called protestant 
or catholic, would not be to him a matter of in- 
terest; he would find equal protection in each 
district, by laws made and obeyed by his own 
delegates. 

“ A Confederation of States, whose interior go- 
vernments should, be founded on these principles, 
might indeed extend through Europe with the pro- 
ject of Henry IV , and be as lasting as was imagined 
by the fervid benevolcnee of St. Pierre ; but it 
would not be a confederation of hereditary pro- 
prietors of nations. 

' Hence we may conclude, so far as ihe expe- 
rience of mankind will enable us to judge from 
practice, and so far as the nature of the ease will 
strengthen our conclusions from theory, that no 


( 19 ) 

considerable advantage ought to be expected Horn 
the federal principle among states , unless the states 
themselves are constituted on the representative 
principle ; so as that the system in both its branches 
may be the work of the people , carried on for 
their benefit, by persons of their own choice, and 
tinder their own control. 

Second ; In the other branch of the present 
examination, to discover the effect of the repre- 
sentative principle, without the aid of federaliz- 
ing, we shall receive but little light from the ex- 
perience of ciny nation. Thoic is no 6X3. in pit 3 
within my knowlege, of a complete representative 
government of an elder date than those Oi oui own 
country •, and those were effectually federalized as 
soon as they were formed, and befoie. it is true 
that the government of Connecticut and hhode- 
Island were as perfectly representative before the 
American revolution as they are now ; and some 
other of their sister colonies had been at some pe- 
riods nearly so. But their common tie with the 
monarchy of Great Britain, answered some of the 
purposes of a federal union. They were not inde- 
pendent, and no state on earth, in my opinion, 
ought to be called independent. For as no state 
can really be so in fact, it is only a source of false; 
ideas and of endless calamities to have them so in 

form. . 

France, and the other ndw republics in Europe, 
cannot be said as yet to have had much experience 
of the representative principle. Their practical 
governments are hitherto revolutionary •, and must 
of necessity continue so till the end of the revolu- 
tionary war which has been excited to dcstioy 
them. 

There being therefore no example of real repre- 
sentative government, except in the American 
States , and these being united by strong federal 


( 20 ) 

tics, we are driven to theoretical inquiry alone 

o i the opinion we ought to form of the operation 
of the republican principle among individual and 
an onfederated states. 

We should begin by observing that such states 
must necessarily be small , for the reasons already 
noticed ; otherwise the representative energy can- 
not be well preserved , nor the benefits of’ equal 
government be experienced by every portion of 
tfie people. If the states are small, their territo- 
iics contiguous, and their governments indepen- 
dent, they will necessarily be rivals; there will 
probably be mutual restrictions on their trade , for 
t he sake of revenue ; there will be forts and armies 
and generals ; it will not be long before some citi- 
zen s in each state will conceive themselves to have 
a private property in their respective governments, 
and an interest in extending the dominion of their 
own state, to the detriment of the others; they 
will have sycophants to flatter this fatal ambition , 
places and patronage. at their disposal, and a num- 
ber of new departments and tjjeir appendages to 
be created at the moment of a rupture with their 
neighbours. 

r l he Hi st cannon fired between two rival stales 
in this situation, may be taken as the signal of the 
departure of liberty from them both. The power 
in each state becomes military ; military power is 
necessarily concentred in a few hands, where it 
soon becomes hereditary. The rest of the history 
of such states might as well be written before they 
exist , as after they are extinguished. But it would 
not he worth writing at all; it would be but the 
repetition of some indifferent chapter in the great 
history of despotism and war. 

Since then, my fellow citizens, it is to you 
that we must turn for the best practical lessons on 
the subject of government, in both the principles. 


( 2 I ) 

,qn- which your system is founded, you will at 
least acknowlege the importance of maintaining, 
those principles. And I hope at the same feme 
that you will not be averse to making sucklim- 
provements in your situation as the nature, of you? 
system will admit, without changing its theory,. 
Tour objects are: 1 , to secure the continuance of 
interior liberty, in the United States; and^yrto 
take such an attitude in vindicating your eortyftefr 
cial liberty , as to gain the confidence of other 
Powers , and lay the foundation of.perpetual pqacje , 
at least between you and them;, possibly between 
all commercial nations. These two objects are so 
essential to your own prosperity , and at the same 
time so accordant with that desire which is natural 
to uncorrupted minds, of extending benefits :ip 
other sections of the human race, that yon yy ill 
indulge me in a few observations upon each.' 

" • ■ i. ■ uv 1 ::;;: 

- The means of securing interior liberty in the 
United States. 

‘ • . ,v ;1 ■ '■■■ " y. ‘"u _ : <'•:) 

^ I will not go into an examination of the state 
Constitutions, nor propose to your consideration 
those amendments of which some of them appear 
susceptible; because it is at all times a delicate 
subject ; and to give it. a candid discussion requires 
a moment of less fermentation than the present. 
It is not a work of immediate necessity; though 
some parts of it should not be neglected till your 
population is very greatly increased, and till cer- 
tain habits founded on constitutional defects be- 
come too inveterate to be easily removed. But 
there are other objects of a more general concern/ 


( 22 ) 

which may be noticed with less danger of giving 
offence; and which doubtless demand an early at- 
tention. 

The face of things in North America is chang- 
ing so exceedingly fast, that every political step 
you take ought to have a special reference to the 
time to come , as well as to the time present. No 
government should have so little to do with tem- 
porizing, and so much to do with system, as 
that of the United States. The science of politi- 
cal perspective ought to be rendered familiar to 
those who aspire to be your guides; so that the 
great events which are sure to happen, may be 
classed and measured, and their places assigned 
them, before they come into being. Without 
this precaution , it would be impossible to go right; 
with it, the task of governing would he so easy 
that honest men would scarcely go wrong. The 
approaching changes in our situation should be 
distinctly noticed, and their consequences pro- 
foundly meditated, i, Our nation is young in 
respect to the date of its independence, the habits 
of thinking . incident to this condition, and the 
trial we have had of our political institutions. 2 , 
One half of the territory within our limits remains 
unoccupied, on the other half the population is 
small , compared with what it is capable of becom- 
ing; and the increase must be rapid. 3, Exten- 
sive and flourishing colonies are springing up be- 
yond our frontiers in every direction, These are 
of various extraction , principally Spanish , French 
and English ; all of them , from the impulse given 
them by their mother countries, are doubtless un- 
friendly to us ; but all of them , from real interest, 
similarity of circumstances, and future inevitable 
events, are capable of becoming our natural and 
best friends , and, with proper management, our 
fellow citizens. Not many years can pass before 


( 23 ) 

these colonies will shake off their foreign depen- 
dence, and burst the ties which now bind them 
to European governments. 

These are some of the principal circumstances 
to be consulted in supporting the interior of our 
system. The events are easy to foresee; they 
must be provided for; and it depends on you from 
this moment to say whether they shall redound to 
our advantage, and to the extensive benefit of ages 
and nations; or whether they shall bring destruc- 
tion to our hopes, and overturn the fairest fabric 
of human policy that the world has hitherto seen, 

I will waste no arguments in proving that it is 
essential to the interest of the United States to 
continue their federal union, whatever may be 
the increase of population and tlic addition of new 
states within our present limits. Taking this to 
be a position which will not be denied by those 
for whom I write, I will content myself with no- 
ticing the means by which alone the union can 
be preserved. 

First : The United States , t0 maintain their 
federal system entire , through all their limits , 
and under approaching circumstances, must be/ 
out of debt , or nearly so. The annual call for 
money, for federal purposes, must be moderate. 
Otherwise the people in different districts, who see 
with what simplicity and economy their own stale 
governments are carried on, and who know that 
much the greater part of their real interests arc 
regulated there, will begin to calculate, and en- 
quire whether their part of the expences of the 
confederation does not exceed its benefits. Such 
enquiries indeed would be of a nature not to be 
pursued with the utmost fairness: nor could we 
expect calculations of this sort to be conducted 
with all that foresight which Lite subject would re- 
quire. There is no doubt but prudence would 


m--: 




oictate to any district of the Union to submit ti* 
very, great expences, rather than withdraw from if, 
and become a rival nation. But experience teaches 
us -.that in political resentments we are not to expect 
much prudence or true policy. 

T Q ,^ ee P frontier districts attached to the 
Ufiiou, we must rely more on their passions and 
their sense of present convenience, than on their 
prudence and their calculation of future conve- 
nience. We should not forget that the United 
States are to be held together by interest, not by 
loree. And the federal government should conduct 
1 .l # e r ations 1,1 suc ^ a manner as that this interest 
s 1 . a'wavs be felt by every state, and act upon 

the inhabitants, as a steady principle of union • 
since there, is no other on which we can depend. 

,. J, iT the oU governments of Europe the people of 
different districts are held together under one head 
by .the co-operation of several causes which do not 
existwitu us. A military force, ora standing army, 
acts; as a constant pressure on them, both by the 
terror it excites, and the great number of places it 
ojiers to the nobility and the ambitious of everv 
class. To this is added a superstitious veneration 
or , a .reigning family, who never fail to he painted 
to then subjects as the centre of every virtue and 
the particular favorites of heaven; so that with- 
drawing from their government is considered as re- 
bellion against God. . Then comes the machinery 
of a state religion, which is kept in continual plav 
by a host of artful men, who teach that every thin'"- 
beyond their own dominion is heretical and repro- 
)ate. And farther to discourage every wish for a 
(.range, the people are so hemmed in by nations as 
miserable as themselves, that they perceive that 
gioat taxes and other vexations are not to be avoid- 
ed by shifting their allegiance, and looking to the 


( 25 ) 

right, instead of the left, for the centre of their 
government. 

We shall deceive ourselves exceedingly if vye 
suppose that any of these causes are to operate in 
the western and southern districts of the United 
States. Our system of policy does not admit of 
standing armies ; and if it did, we could not sup- 
port one sufficiently strong to restrain a whole peo- 
ple who have arms in their hands, who should 
think themselves oppressed, and determine to be 
free. No superstition, that is likely to be lasting 
or extensive, is yet established among us, in favor 
of any one man or family ; for notwithstanding the 
pains that are taken to deify some of our citizens, 
and to propagate an opinion that tney can do no 
wrong, these' efforts are ridiculed by the mass of 
people whom they were intended to deceive. . As 
to religion, the sects are so numeious in America, 
and the people are so convinced, that whate vei con- 
cern they may have in it must be personal and not 
political, that the general government cannot hope 
to establish a uniformity of worship, and therefore 
can never make it a powerful engine of state. And 
with regard to the last article above mentioned, 
that of being surrounded by nations habituated to 
oppression, this is totally wanting in our country. 
If therefore the federal government becomes op- 
pressive to the people of the frontier states, or only 
appears to be so, there is no other example o op- 
pression in their neighbourhood with wnicn to 
compare it; their reasoning in this case wiL be 
very short: “-Nothing binds us to this boasted 
Union; it is at least an inconvenience to us; let 
us shake it off, and be our own Union; or, it we 
are not strong enough for that, let us form auotaer 
with the Spanish or English colony in our neigh- 
bourhood, where every encouragement is hex! out 


( ) 

to us ; where, having no national debt, we shall 
have no taxes, but for the current expences of a 
government, which, being of our own formation, 
shall be kept within the bounds of economy.” 

These good people will not perhaps reflect on 
the immense inconveniencies which would after- 
wards arise both to them and us from our new 
condition of two or more rival nations, bordering 
on each other, having each an extensive line of 
forts and garrisons, standing armies and frequent 
wars to maintain ; which would inevitably plunge 
ns all into the gulf of monarchy, nobility, and priest- 
hood ; from which we never could arise, or regain 
the ground we should have lost. 

■Should this letter reach the inhabitants of the 
frontier states and districts ol our common coun- 
try, 1 beg, *on the one hand, that they will not be 
offended at the apprehension that 1 express, that a 
disposition may one day arise in them to dissolve 
their union with their sister states ; and they will 
pardon my fears if no such event is likely to occur, 
but, on the other hand, if these apprehensions are 
well founded, I entreat them to listen for a moment 
to the voice of the most disinterested fiiend that 
will probably ever discuss the subject. 

Let them look at the condition of Europe, and 
contemplate its history through the bloody, series 
of modern ages. It is divided into rival states, that 
call themselves independent ; which is another 
word for the ferocity of savage life, and a licence 
for organized violence. These states are separated 
from each other by triple or quadruple ranges of 
fortified towns, whose inhabitants, from age to. age 
subjected to military law, are shut up at night like 
cattle, and pursue their labours by day under the 
shade of the bayonet, within the view of an in 
solent soldiery, whose ranks are supplied by drain- 
ing the country of its best young men, and whose 


( 27 ) 

pay and provisions are drawn from the hard indus- 
try of those who remain behind. 

The commerce of these independent nations is 
so harrassed with duties and imposts, m passing 
through different dominions, that very little ot it 
can be carried on. A barrel ot sugar, brought into 
the middle of Germany, must have paid at least six 
or eight different taxes. And when the consumer 
has any produce of his own labor lo send abroad 
it is loaded with as many more burthens, betoie it 

ean arrive at market. . ...... . .1 

Such is their condition m their best times, the 
times of peace; but in the years of war, which aie 
about half the years of every generation ot these 
unhappy men, immense armies are set m motion; 
whole countries are overspread and exhausted > 
the marches of successive hordes of friends and 
enemies, confederates and allies-; whose- undistin- 
guished voracity excites equal terror among the in- 
habitants. Sieges, battles, hospitals,, prisons, .pesti- 
lence and famine, sweep oft hau the population o 
each country, and force their princes at last to a 
temporary cessation of butchery, which they call 
peace. Perhaps the halves of some provinces are 
severed from one dominion, and annexed to anoth- 
er; and this they call conquest- - This occasions a 
new line of frontier, and new ranges of fortifica- 
tions to be run through an interior country, cut- 
ting up the cultivated fields, and forcing the own- 
ers (who cannot fly from the devastation; to uol .y 
at the new trenches and ramparts, to prepare this- 

transfiguration of nature, and be reat y .01 ano ici 

This picture is not overcharged ; and if it should 
be thought inapplicable to the present subject, be- 
cause modern Europe is governed y .eicii y 
princes, and the projected independent govei mnen o 
of America expect to be republics, let us 00.x acn 


(28) 

for another example to the states of anciect Greece. 
Those stales were most of them called republics, 
and were independent of each other; and among 
the five or six hundred years of their political ex- 
istence, from the commencement of history till 
they became a Homan province, i believe there was 
not a single year when i hey can be said to have 
been completely. ai peace among themselves. .. o; 
the evil is rot altogether in the nature of ttie inte- 
rior government ; though this in itself, when bad, 
is a gi eat source of calamities . a still greater soi ree, 
if possible, is in the indepenoence and rivalship 
of neighbouring governments. What a long and 
unin ten upted senes of. wars between In gland and 
Scotland was arrested by. the union of the two 
crowns, and afterwards of the two kingdoms ! — 
And how much more extensive and more°la men ta- 
ble would have been the scenes, ©^slaughter among 
the American States, had we left them independent 
of each (other, after effecting their independence 
from Great Britain. 

Since, then, we have found the means of avoid- 
ing these disasters, — since we have established a 
union of interests and of s tads, which may bid de- 
fiance to every possible enemy but ourselves, shall 
we, not have the wisdom to preserve this union? 
ohad we, on the one side, indulge in the prodigali- 
ty of increasing our debt, and in a proud indiffer- 
ence to the opinions of an irritable and powerful 
portion of the nation ; and on the other side, will 
tnat portion run wild with an untimely resentment, 
and not consent to a small and temporary sacrifice, 
rather than plunge themselves and their brethren, 
vvijji all their intermingled posterity, into calami- 
ties without measure and without end ^--calami- 
ties which are inseparable from a disjunction of the 
states, and the frightful experiment of independent 
and rival governments, whose tempers will have 
been already imbittered by the act of separation? 


. 


( 29 ) 

It is doubtless to be lamented that ihe debt of 
lbs United Slates has risen to shell a formidable 
size; and that there still seems to be a disposition 
to increase it, from pretences so frivolous as to be 
clearly seen through by those whom they were in- 
tended to blind and mislead. It is impossible that 
the smallest portion of the American people has 
been made to believe that there was any conceiva- 
ble danger of an invasion from France; and the 
resentment occasioned by the creation of that part 
of the debt which has been raised on this pretence 
must therefore' be sharpened by the impudent at- 
tempt to impose on their understanding. 

That great and wanton augmentation of the fe- 
deral debt in the year 1790, which arose from the 
assumption of those of the individual states, was 
founded on a very singular argument: it was aid 
that this measure would have a tendency to cement 
the federal union. Why was it not foreseen that 
precisely the contrary must be the effect. While 
the state remained the debtor and its own citizens 
the creditor, neither of them could find relief by 
withdrawing from the union ; the citizens in fact 
were 'all debtors, and as many of them as chose to 
be were creditors. Rut now they would both find 
relief by withdrawing; for by that act all the citi- 
zens of such a state would cease to be debtors, 
while the creditors would remain the same. These 
would have only to sell their stock and receive pay- 
ment ; and. then that s’ate would have nothing 
more to do with the burthens of the late wag nor 
with the subsequent accumulation of the national 
debt. If there can be an argument proper to en- 
gage a staLe or district to withdraw from the union, 
this is certainly one. 

Perhaps I mistake the present temper of the Ame- 
rican people; but it appears to me that the greatest 
risk we run of a dismemberment of the empire, 


r 3o ) 

arises from the magnitude of the debt. There are 
many other reasons why its progress ought to bo 
arrested where it is, and the capital diminished as 
fast as possible; but the greatest of all reasons is the 
preservation of the federal system, on which our 
liberty and happiness most essentially depend. 
This argument, I apprehend, has not been suffi- 
ciently attended to. America* 

Besides the magnitude of our debt, the manner 
of funding it has had a pernicious influence on the 
policy of our government with foreign powers. 
The payment of the interest was made to depend in 
a great measure on the duties to be levied on im- 
ported merchandize, which were by law appro- 
priated for fifteen years to this object. This made 
every stock-holder a partizan of our commercial 
connections with' that country whose commerce 
w'ith us was supposed principally to secure this re-, 
venue; however injurious those connections might 
become to the general interest of the United States. 
It is greatly owing to this unfortunate measure 
that our commerce has suffered so much during the 
present war from English and French depredations. 
For no one will deny that the latter were occasioned 
by our tame submisson to the former. 

Second: As the government belongs to the peo- 
ple, and not the people to the government, it is 
proper that the latter should be as accommodating 
as possible with regard to the place of its residence. 
The existing law, by which the Congress has pledg- 
ed itself to remove to the Federal City at a certain 
time, ought to suffer no delay in its execution, 
after that time arrives. If that law had carried 
the Federal City eighty or a hundred miles farther 
up the Polowmac, it would have been still more 
central, and doubtless would have had a greater 
effect in preserving the union entire, 


<3i) 

The article is trifling in itself; but every thing 
in this world goes by appearance. It would have 
been a mark of attention, a complaisance, an ac- 
commodation to our western brethren, that would 
have been worth millions in fixing their affections. 

It is doubtless too late to think of changing the re- 
solution already taken by the legislature ; but it 
would doubtless be impolitic to admit of a new 
delay, as many persons apprehend, in carrying it 
into effect. 

Third: The opening of roads, and the improve- 
ment of water communication between the central 
and the frontier states, should be objects of con- 
stant solicitude, not only to the state legislatures 
and to Congress, as far as may be in their power, 
but to patriotic individuals and companies, where- 
ever they can reconcile private interest with so great 
apublic benefit. 

A facility of intercourse for the objects of com- 
merce, travelling and the transportation of letters, 
would have a powerful effect in assimilating our 
manners, and inspiring that confidence and friend- 
ship so necessary to the political union of men 
who feel themselves able at all times to change 
.their connexions at pleasure. 

A system of small canals, as projected by one of 
our most estimable citizens, on a plan so extensive 
as to take place generally of public roads in the most 
frequented routes, may one day be presented to the 
consideration of the federal government. This is 
not the moment to enter into a developernent ot 
the project, either in its political or fiscal operaiion. 
I will only observe that in both these views it 
would greatly serve to harmonise the interests of 
the states, and to strengthen their present union. 

Fourth: A universal attention to the education 
of youth, and a republican direction given to tiie 
elementary articles of public instruction, are among 


( 32 ) 

the most essential means of preserving liberty in any 
country where it is once enjoyed ; especially in the 
United States. The representative system must 
necessarily degenerate, and become an insrument 
of tyranny, rather than of liberty, where there k> 
an extraordinary disparity of information between 
the generality of the citizens and those wdio aspire 
to be their chiefs. And as to the federal ties be- 
tween the different states, how shall they be main- 
tained, but by extending the views and enlightening 
the minds of those whose votes are frequently to 
be consulted, and whose actions are always irre- 
sistible by their numbers, and the direction which 
they take. 

Ignorance is every where such an infallible in- 
strument of despotism, that there can be no hope of 
continuing even our present forms of government, 
either federal or state, much less that spirit of 
equal liberty and justice on which they were found- 
ed, but by diffusing universally among the people 
that portion of instruction which is sufficient to 
teach them their duties and their rights. 

We must not content ourselves with saying, that 
education is an individual interest and a family 
concern; and that every parent, from a desire to 
promote the welfare of his children, will procure 
them the necessary instruction, as far as may be in 
his power, which will be enough for their station. 
These assertions are not true; parents are sometimes 
too ignorant, and often too inattentive or avaricious, 
to be trusted with the sole direction of their chil- 
dren ; unless stimulated by some other motive than 
a natural sense of duty to them. Neither is it merely 
a family concern ; it is a civil and even a political 
concern. The legislator and the magistrate neglect 
an essential part of their duty, if they do not pro- 
vide the means and carry them into effect, for giving 
instruction to every member of the state. 


( 33 ) 

This may be done with very little expence, and 
with much less trouble than is generally ima ined. 
The subject appears to me to be too much neglect- 
ed in the United Staets in general, considering Miatf 
the preservation of liberty depends in a great mea- 
sure upon it. ... 

Fifth : What shall we say of thorn gigantic colo- 
nies that are forming on our frontiers, to the west- 
ward of the Mississipi. and to the northward of the 
lakes? These are germs of empire, which offer an 
immense field ot meditation to the Ame. ican politi- 
cian. How soon, and by w'hat combination of 
events, are they to become independent states?- - 
When’ that day arrives, are they to be our rivals, 
and consequently our enemies, after the example 
of the states of Europe? Ur can the way be pre- 
pared and they be persuaded to adopt our princi- 
ples, to form with us a,great union of political in- 
terests, and make of the whole but one. eonferated 
empire? These questions hurry the mint! into an 
awful train of thought, which is difficult to metho- 
dize and delicate to communicate. Yet no branch 
of the enquiry is useless; since it contemp ates an 
event the most important that can probably affect 
our Constitution ; and one which a prudent con- 
duct on our part may modify in a very considerable 
degree. I do not mean that it will be our duty to 
interfere in their present concerns, or to take any 
part in any dispute that may happen between t!*ein 
and their present governments, wulhaview to hasten 
or retard the moment ot their separation. But it is 
essential, that we should so conduct our own affans 
as to set such an example of rational liberty ana 
public happiness, as they cannot fail to admire, and 
must therefore wish to partake. 

Our frontier states, which border on tneirs, must 
necessarily entertain an intimate and extensive in- 

E / 


( 34 ) 

tercourse with them. Reciprocal migrations and 
niterinainages will be numerous between them-, 
their commerce will be active ; their manners, lan- 
guage and modes of education will be the same on 
both sides. Tim probability is, that if we do not 
induce them to join themselves to us, they will in- 
duce some of our extensive districts to quit us, and 
join with them. 

i United States should be 

c.eai of debt, and should exhibit the singular phe- 
nomenon of a wise, impartial, and energetic govern- 
ment, leserving so much power to individual states 
as tliall enable the people to regulate the great mass 
ot their most interesting concerns at home, where 
they are best understood, and yet continuing a 
sufficient force in the federal head to insure at all 
tunes the means of giving protection and obtaining 
respect, there can be no insuperable objection^ 
and tijcie may be a powerful inducement, for those 
new nations, to form their state governments after 
Urn model of ours, and to join our confederation. 

1 am aware of the inconvenience that might arise 
from the magnitude of this projected empire; as 
the coienies in question aie spreading over a surface 
at leasL equal to that of the present United States. 
Ihe dejection is weighty, but my answer is at hand; 
>y encountering this inconvenience, which is new, 
and theiefore loimidable in appearance, we avoid 
■ 1-iose that are infinitely more serious ; though from 
being familiar and thought unavoidable they ans 
less attended to. T here is no political inconve 
rnence so great as^ the neighbourhood of indepen- 
dent and rival nations. Their commercial restric- 
tions, l heir military preparations, their fortified 
frontiers, their interfering jurisdictions, their whim- 
sical and undehnable points of honor, give so many 
Caucasians of dispute in the minds of 0 passionate or 
ambitious men, that such nations, if not always at 


( 35 ) 

war* must be always in such a warlike posture as 
to present a perpetual image of the savage state, ^ 
degrade the morals and devour the substance of 
the people. 

Besides, I apprehend, that if we well consider 
the nature of a federal government, we shall have, 
less reason to dread the extension of its limits. The 
objects of its legislation are few, according to our 
present system ; and I have no doubt but this might 
still be simplified, without risk oflessenkrg its ener- 
gy. If its simplification should be found practica 
ble, this circumstance may add to the inducements- 
that our neighbours may one day have to join us 
in confederation, and may diminish on our side the 
inconvenience which many will apprehend from 
the first viewoflhe case. 

Though the Achaian and the Lyeian confede- 
racies were the most perfect that history has trans- 
mitted to us, we ought to recollect, that the former 
was overturned by refusing to admit the state of 
Sparta as a member ; and the destruction of the 
latter was brought on by its- excluding sixty cities 
which desired to join it. 

The interest w r e shall have in inducing new na- 
tions to join our union, instead of being our rivals, 
is a stong argument, in addition to many others, 
for preserving at least as much power to our indivi- 
dual states as they now possess, and for not suffer- 
ing any encroachment from the federal government. 
It is convenient, as well as inviting, for every sec- 
tion of a free people to' regulate as many of their 
own affairs at home as is consistent with the inte- 
rest of the whole. And when their federalizing 
with us depends on their own choice, they will be 
more likely to do it if the requisite sacrifice of pow- 
er should be small, than if i t should be great. 

I hope none will infer from the observations in 
this article, that I am an advocate for conc/uest, ia 


( 36 ) 

any case whatever; and still less that I would ex- 
tend the limits of a dominion by colonies and foreign 
possessions. Nothing is more destructive to liber- 
ty, both at home and abroad, tiian this sort of po- 
licy, There is no do. bt (all other circumstances 
being equal) but small dominions are preferable to 
large ones. It is only to avoid the greater evils of 
the independence and rivaiship of states, that I 
would consent to an extension of limits. And 
this would be scarcely tolerable, but on the federal 
plan ; which I regard as one of the most usefid and 
most consoling experiments to be found in the 
history of government. There is no knowing yet 
to what extent it may be carried. 

Sixth : The more 1 reflect on the nature of poli- 
tical liberty, the more I am convinced that a mili- 
tary establishment of any magnitude is extremely 
incompatib e with it. The most effectual way of 
preventing this, as well the surest mode of pro- 
viding for the defence ot the country, is by a uni- 
versal attention to arming and disciplining the 
militia. When every citizen is a soldier, and every 
soldier will be a citizen, military exercise, to a 
certain degree, should be considered as a part of 
education ; and though a subordinate pat t, it should 
not be neglected. 

But it is happy for us that military life,, as an 
exclusive object, is not yet become a profession in 
the United Slates. There are very few evils of a 
political kind that would be more subversive of 
their liberty. Ambition, which has been so de- 
structive to national happiness, could scarcely be 
taken in a bad sense, but for its usual association 
with military fame. And if excellence in warlike 
achievements, in themselves considered, without 
regard to the cause, should once become an object 
of pursuit with the young men of America, it would 
soon be found impossible to keep us out of unne- 


( I * 3 7 ) 

cessary wars, and all th in. series and degradations 
of character that they entrain. 'I he epidemy 
would seize, as usual, the ric hest and most influen- 
tial families i the rage v\ ould become fashionable ; 
it would be made an object of real profit, as well 
as of supposed honor. And how many votes, in 
the freest governments in Europe, have been given 
for war, from no other motive than that of provid- 
ing places for sons, brothers, cousins, or the 
voters themselves? 

War has hitherto been considered in America, I 
belreve by every class of people, as a calamity to be 
avoided, in all possible cases by all rational means. 
It probably may be avoided, as long as we aie out 
of the neighbourhood of independent nations; 
and as long as the ambition of our leading men 
shall be directed to the true interests of society. 

II. 

The means of vindicating our commercial 

liberty. 

I noticed to you in my former letter that the 
American commerce, so far from requiring the pro- 
tection of a navy, was of a nature capable of pro- 
tecting itself and us against the aggressions of all 
those powers with which it is principally carried 
on. This idea requires some developement, which 
I will endeavour to give it in this place; and 1 do 
not despair of establishing the principle so clearly, 
that it may serve as ihe basis of a system which you 
will mature in your cooler inomen ts, and carry into 
practice on all future occasionsj When pieseni 
passions shall have subsided, and an interval of 
peace shail be restored to Europe, there yvill be a 

proper occasion for you to come to a definition and 

declaration of the rights of neutral commeicc ; and 


( 38 ) 

at the same time to declare the manner in which' 
you will defend those rights. 

With regard to what are the rights of neutral 
commerce, and what in my opinion ought to be so 
declared and maintained by you, I cannot express 
my ideas with more precision than I have done in 
a memoir and the project of a declaration written 
at the desire of one of the members of the French 
government a few days ago y at the moment when 
drey were framing their new constitution. Our 
intention then was to cause such a declaration to 
be prefixed to the constitution. But that work was 
to be hurried through with so much precipitancy 
that its authors concluded to adjourn to a future 
day, as a subject of consideration to the legislative 
body, the declaratory act first proposed to be con- 
secrated in a more solemn form. I will subjoin a 
cppy of the memoir and proposed declaration as an 
Appendix to this letter, only observing that, by 
what I can discover of the prevailing disposition of 
this government, the principles therein contained 
are gaining ground, and will probably one day be 
enacted. (1) 

Although it would have been desirable that 
France, or some other first rate Power in Europe, 
should take the lead in establishing doctrines which 
tend Lo so great a change in the maritime law of 
nations, yet the position of the American govern- 
ment is such, that it is not necessitated to wait the 
decision of any foreign Power, before pronouncing 
its own. For of all subjects touching the law of 
nations, it is that on which it is the most easy to 
discern what is right; and of all governments in 
the world, that of the United States is the bestable 
to carry into effect its own decisons on that subject. 
Vou have only to mark out the ground which is 

(i). It would facilitate the intelligence of what follow?, to 
Juul the appendix before proceeding with the let ter . 


< 3 9 ) 

just; and that ground is tenable by you. Refering 
then to the Appendix for what 1 have to observe on 
the nature of the lights to be defended, I will close 
this letter by suggesting the most eligible means 
by which you may defend them, 

^Iiad the French Republic adopted the projected 
declaration, 1 intended, in consequence of the in- 
vitation held out in the seventh article, to put into 
some channel of consideration a proposition to the 
following effect: 

‘‘There shall be a treaty, called the Maritime 
Convention , formed by and between as many Pow- 
ers as may choose to be parties to it in the hist 
instance ; and it shall be afterwards acceded to in- 
definitely by such other Powers as may at any 
time think proper to subscribe to its conditions, 

“ The object of this Conven tion is : 1 , To define 
and declare the rights of neutral commerce ; which 
shall be done in the instrument itself: 2 , A ge- 
neral and mutual guarantee of those rights, among 
the parlies, by the operation of commerce alone; 
without resorting to an armed force by land or sea, 
in any case provided for in this Convention. But 
if such resort should hereafter be found necessary, - 
it may be authorised and regulated by a subsequent 
treaty, which shall be regarded as supplementary 
to this, and predicated on the practical insuffi- 
ciency of the penalties herein prescribed. These I 
presume, however, for the reasons I am going to 
explain, will always be found sufficient; and in 
such case it would doubtless be more detrimental 
than beneficial to provide for any armament at all. 

“To effectuate this mutual guarantee among the 
parties, there shall be established a Chancery of 
the Maritime Convention, composed of one dele- 
gate from each contracting Power, to assemble at 
some convenient place, not within the limits of any 
©1 the great maritime nations, but if possible in one 




(4o) 

of the Hanseatic towns. The Chancery shall he 
always rrr session in time of war; that is to say, 
when one or more of the contracting parties, or 
any other maritime Power of Europe shall be at 
war. When no such war exists, the Chancery 
shall name, out of its own body, a committee of 
vacation; which shall remain pe maneilt during 
the time of peace. The nomination of the com- 
mittee of vacation shall be notified to the several 
contracting parties; its powers shall be the same 
in peace as those of the whole Chancery in war; 
ana it shall have moreover the power of convoking 
the other members on extraordinary occasions. 

“If the rights of neutral commerce, as declared 
by this convention, shall be violated in the pro- 
perty of any one of the contracting parties, or in 
that of their citizens or subjects, By the order or 
by the citizens or subjects of any other of the con- 
tracting parties, or by those of any other Power 
not a party to this convention, complaint thereof 
^sliall be made within a reasonable time by the 
Power offended, both to the Chancery and of the 
Maritime Convention, and to the offending Power, 
accompanied always with such proofs as the nature 
of the case will reasonably admit. The Chancery 
shall decide on the first view of the case, and with- 
out citing either party, whether the complaint is 
well founded or not; and, if well founded, it shall 
immediately decree the sum of damages in money 
Which it shall find to be just, and shall notify the 
same to the offending Power, 

“If within three months after notification made 
to the offending Power, it being in Europe, or in 
six months, it being in America, the full sum de- 
creed in damages is not paid into the hands of the 
Chancery, then the offending Power shall be de- 
clared by the Chancery to be under the Ban of 
Commerce , until full payment shall be made, not 


(40 

only of the sum already decreed in favof of the 
complainant, but of the other sums forfeited to 
the other contracting parties by this neglect, and 
payable as compensations, as explained below. 

“ The effect of the Ban of Commerce declared 
by the Chancery shall be, that every Power, being 
a party to the Maritime Convention, shall with- 
draw all commercial intercourse from the ban* 
dieted Power, its citizens or subjects, until the 
Ban shall be removed by the declaration of the 
Chancery*! Which removal of the Ban, shall be 
made immediately on payment being received of 
the several sums before mentioned. 

“ By withdrawing all commercial intercourse, 
in the sense of this Convention, is understood pro- 
hibiting the vessels of the bandicted Power, and 
those of its citizens or subjects, or any goods, 
wares or merchandize of the produce or manufac- 
ture of their country or dominions, to enter the 
ports or country of the party withdrawing such in- 
tercourse ; and likewise prohibiting its own citi- 
zens or subjects from frequenting the ports or 
places of the bandicted Power, refusing to clear 
any vessel, whether national or foreign, for any 
such port or place, and laying them under bonds 
not to frequent them during any voyage for which 
a clearance may be granted. But the obligation to 
withdraw commercial intercourse shall not neces- 
sarily extend to recalling ambassadors, other pub- 
lic agents or consuls. 

“In cases where payment is compelled by re- 
sorting to tlqe Ban of Commerce, the offending 
Power shall be held to pay to the Chancery for 
each contracting party wnich shall have concurred 
in executing the Ban (as a compensation for da* 
mages done their commerce in executing the same) 
a sum equal to the sum decreed in favor of the ot- 

F 


r*o 

.fending Power. A new decree to this effect shall 
S° fortl1 with the declaration of the Ban of Com- 
merce ; and the same Ban shall be continued till 
these several sums, together with the one first de- 
creed, shall be acquitted. 

“But although, for the sake of expediting the 
operations of the mutual guarantee contemplated 
in this Convention, it is ordered that the Chancery 
shall pronounce immediately on the ex parte hear- 
ing of the first complaint, and shall suffer no delay 
in executing its decree, yet it is provided that the 
sum paid on such decree for .the complainant, if 
paid without resorting to the Ban of Commerce, 
shall remain in the hands of the Chancery /or six 

months, to wait a reclamation and a rehearing of 

the cause ; which shall always be had by the party 
paying, if demanded within six mon ths after volun- 
tary payment. And on this trial both parties shall 
be invited to ’appear. But in no case shall final 
judgement be delayed more than one year after 
such payment. From this final judgement of the 
Chancery there shall be no appeal ; and the money 
shall be paid over without dely to the party having- 
right. Sums paid for the other contracting parties" 
as compensations for executing the Ban, shall never 
remain in the Chancery, but shall be paid over to 
them without delay, and cannot be reclaimed. 

“ Wlreu the Chancery, on the final hearing, shall 
reverse its first judgment, and restore the money 
to the reclaimant, it may likewise decree an ad- 
ditional sum in damages against the first com- 
plainant, as a fine imposed on him, if there be 
cause; that is to say, if Iris complaint shall finalh 
appear to have been ill-founded, and brought with 
a fraudulent design. The sum of damages so de- 
creed 4 shall in no case exceed the amount of the 
first decree ; it shall be notified in the same man- 
taer, a like term shall be allowed for payment, and 




( 4 %\ 

tiis same mode of compulsion, by declaring t I j e 
Ban of Commerce, as before prescribed. On final 
payment to the Chancery, the sum shall be paid 
over without delaj to the party having right. And 
in cases where payment of damages shall be com- 
pelled, by resorting to the Ban of Commerce, an 
equal sum shall be paid to each of the Powers ex- 
ecuting the same, as in cases of first decrees. But. 
there is no rehearing of a cause where payment on 
the first decree has "been compelled by the Ban of 
Commerce. 

“ The penalty and mode of compulsion here pro- 
posed, for a breach of the Maritime Convention, 
appear to me abundantly sufficient for the object* 
whether of prevention or atonement : 1, because' 

they are of a nature similar to the offence,— a com- 
mercial deprivation for- a commercial violence : 2, 
because those maritime Powers, which are most 
likely to commit these aggressions, are the most 
dependent on that extensive intercourse and ex- 
change of commodities, of which tire Ban. of Com- 
merce would be asudden and almost insupportable 
suspension: indeed most of our nations- have now 
become so commercial,, that no greater evil could 
be inflicted on them by their neighbours,, than 
w hat is here contemplated,. provided, this Conven- 
tion becomes as general as may be: expected: 3 , 
because the great objection to the Armed Neutrali- 
ty of the year 1780* and what would always pre- 
vent such a plan from being carried into effect on 
a scale sufficiently great to produce any permanent 
amelioration,, was the unwielcliness of the compul- 
sory measures necessary to command’ respect. To 
seek redress in all cases by arms, and to have its 
success depend on contingencies to be furnished 
in naval, armaments by a number of independent 
Powers, is a mode so expensive, so uncertain, and 
so unmanageable, that it never can be relied upon j. 






( 44 ) 

andifit could, the remedy might be worfe than 
the disease; as it might involve in war the Powers 
which armed for the sake of peace. 

V A objection would have arisen to the 
project of Henry IV. for pacifying Europe by land. 
1 he mode of compulsion would have been unma- 
nageable, and probably dangerous to the nations 
it was meant to protect. The mode of compulsion 
in the plan of unarmed neutrality here projected 
IS simple, analogous to the object, easy and unex- 
pensive in its execution, and exceedingly pungent 


A sincere desire in the contracting parties to 
preserve the peace of Europe, against all the other 
pretexts on which it is usually violated, may pos- 
sibly induce them to extend the powers of the 
chancery in question, to all other branches of the 
rights of nations, as well as to those relating to 
commerce. In that case they will doubtless a|ree 
upon and declare a new code of public law, or Law 
of Rations, complete in all its parts; and commit 
the conservation of it to this body of delegates. 

“ I shall not pursue this branch of the subject 
at present, because it would require immense de- 
tails. In an operation so new, it will be best to 
begin with that part whose simplicity and daily 
utility shall recommend it to the most prejudiced 
observers. And if once the Maritime Convention 
? an , „ ° r § amze( J’ lts principle may be extended as 
it shall be found practicable. I will not however 
lose this occasion of making one remark ; that the 
commercial mode of compulsion here suggested 
would probably be the most proper for all cases to 
which this chancery or any other arbiters of nations 

might apply their powers. In such high and deli- 
cate concerns much will depend on the mode ofcom- 
pulsion as well as on tho nature of the penalty. 
They should both be moderate 5 and, if possible. 


(45) 

let them be commercial, and not military. The 
commercial will go by weight and measure, and 
will always be kept within the intended bounds; 
the military will run wild, and excite passions of 
false glory,* incompatible with the object we have 
in view." 

Such is the basis of a project, which might have 
been offered to the consideration of the Maritime 
Powers, had the way been opened by some public 
manifestation of a desire to discover the best mode 
of preventing national disputes. 1 introduce it 
here in the form of an imperfect sketch ; as this is 
not the channel, and as there exists at present no 
good occasion, to offer it in the form of a finished 
project. 

But though these crude conceptions may be of 
some utility, in exciting future attention to a theory 
of so much importance, yet this is not the princi- 
pal reason for my inserting them in this letter. I 
design them as introductory to what I have to say 
on the practical system which the United States 
may adopt for themselves' without any further delay. 
Your situation does not require you, on this sub- 
ject to stop short at theories, or to wait till you can 
persuade other powders to join you in reducing them 
to practice. But, on the contrary, by commenc- 
ing the system for yourselves alone, you will con- 
vince them of its good effects, and leave them to 
join you at theirleisure. It is probable indeed, that 
contrary to most other experiments, it would ope- 
rate with more precision on a large scale than on 
a small one; yet the trial which you alone would 
be able to give it would doubtless be successful. If 
so, the example would spread, and your efforts 
might finally point out to Europe the great deside- 
ratum of good men, the means of establishing a 
perpetual peace. You would prove beyond con 
tradiction that an unarmed neutrality is better than 
a.n armed one. 


( 46 ) 

Your commerce, both active and passive, is un- 
commonly interesting to the principal • maritime 11a- 
loris of Europe, as a great source of nourishment 
to their manufactures and their agriculture ; and it 
likewise affords a considerable-source of revenue to 
their governments. There is not one of those na- 
Sions, to whom a sudden suspension, of its inter- 
course with you would not be a very serious evil.. 
We must acknowlege at the same lime, that it would 
he an evil to you ; but if your system, is well com- 
bined, the event will probably never occur. It is. 
only contemplated as an extreme case; a measure 
ot resort; and if ever put in practice, it will be to- 
avoid a much greater evil, that of war, or that of 
u n resen ted oppressi on.. 

The state of your agriculture and population is 
such compared with the extent of your territory 
that tne rate of interest will necessarily continue to 
be higher in the United States than ,in Europe for 
a great nuinbei of years ; and cprisequently our 
citizens will continue to be indebted* to those of 
the manufacturing nations in very large sums ; pro- 
oably not less than twenty or thirty millions of dol- 
lars will be the average of the general balance. To 
bring the whole subject into one view, and at the 
same time to save repetition, 1 am obliged to refer 
to what I noticed in my former letter on tins head, 
and on that of our European stock-holders, or the' 
public creditors of the United States- 

These several circumstances offer the materials 
out of which your system of defence may be easily 
formed. Every part of the operation, appears to be 
completely in your power, and must continue to 
be so ; for these advantages, can not fail you at least 
for half a century to come. 

Your object is to remain- at peace with all man- 
l. md, and to maintain a perfect neutrality whenever 
the powers of Europe are at war. You ought there- 


<47 ) 

fore to publish a solemn declaration of this inten- 
tion, and likewise a clear definition and declaration 
of the rights of neutrality which you mean to enjoy. 
In the same declaratory act should be contained an 
explanation of the means by which you will seek 
relief and compensation for every violation of those 
rights; from every foreign power, whether in time 
of war or peace. 

Your mode of compelling compensation might 
vary according to circumstances, there being seve- 
ral productive sources within your power, from 
which it may be drawn. You hav-e the sequestra- 
tion of private debts due from our citizens to the 
subjects of the offending power; you have the se- 
questration of such portions of your public debt as 
may be due the subjects of such power ; and, isi 
cases where these could not be found in sums suf- 
ficient to compensate the injury sustained (which is 
a thing scarcely possible) you have the suspension 
of all commercial intercourse with such powrnr, 
till compensation shall be made. Which compen- 
sation, when you resort to this last mode of com - 
pulsion, should be augmented in proportion to the 
probable inconveniencies that would result to your- 
selves from carrying it into effect. 

I say it is scarcely possible that this last mode 
need ever be resorted to, not that we are at pre- 
sent indebted either publicly or privately to the 
subjects of every maritime power in sufficient sums 
to furnish the government with a certain resource ; 
but I say it because we are sufficiently indebted to 
those among them who would be most likely to 
violate our rights, and because the return of peace 
and the customary run of confidence will soon ob- 
tain us sufficient credits with the others. The dif- 
ference in the rate of interest wall always warrant 
such a calculation ; and we know that such was 
uniformly the fact before rite present unprecedented 


( 4 *) 

war. Besides, it ought to be observed, that most 
or the maritime powers are strongly interested in 
extending and maintaining the rights of neutral 
commerce ; and would wish to aid our pacific mode 
or defence, rather that defeat its object by violating 
its principle. ° 

It would not become me to go into the details 
necessary for lire organization of the plan. My 
object is only to invite your attention to the mea- 
sure by showing that there is a foundation on which 
i t may be established. But, what are the real and 
defensible rights of neutral commerce,-* what shall 
. the manner of proving arid notifying their viola 
Hon to the offending power , — what the rule of es- 
timating damages according to the different modes 
of compelling compensation, —what the constitution 
of the tribunal to be charged with receiving com- 
plaints , deciding on the first enquiry , and re-hear- 
ing the cause in case of disputed facts,- and what 
shall be the penalty against a citizen for preferring 
a fraudulent complaint, are questions which can 
only arise after the basis of the institution shall be 
found agreeable to your ideas of policy and justice. 

I am not inattentive to certain objections which 
may be made against some parts of the system ; 
neither am I confident of being able entirely to 
remove them. Those that should be raised against 
the principle of sequestering debts, are so fully an- 
swered in my former letter, that I have nothing 
new to add in this. But it will be said that a sud- 
den suspension of our commercial intercourse with 
any one of the great maritime powers, would create 
such a shock in the affairs of our merchants, and 
in the receipts of duties destined to the public trea- 
sury, as greatly to affect our interest. To this it 
must be replied: i, That generally speaking, in pro- 
portion to the amount of our commerce with any 
foreign power, is the amount of our debts to the 


( 49 ) 

%'libjecls o f that power ; and there is nearly the same 
proportion between the debts we owe its subjects 
and its ordinary and well known disposition to in- 
fringe the rights of neutrals, and tyrannize at sea. 
The minor powers, to whom we owe little, have 
also little or oiir commerce, and are at the same 
time little disposed to tyrannize at sea ; because 
it is not their custom, being against their interest. 
These Facts render it almost impossible that the 
case, to which the objection is raised, will ever 
happen with a great commercial nation, where the 
shock of suspension would be greatly felt by us. 
They also render it very improbable with a minor 
nation'; and if it should happen there, the shock 
would be but small, But if we consider, that to 


any of these powers, whether great or small, the 
shock of a sudden suspension of our trade would 
be more sensible than it would be to us, and that 


Lhey must always foresee this effect, from the mo- 
ment of the declaration of our mode of defence, 
we shall be still more .'convinced that the event 
will never happen. 

a . Though the evil attending this extreme case, 
if it should occur. Would be considerable, it must 
not be forgotten, that a much greater one is avoided 
by it ; — - the evil of being humbled under every 
species of maritime insult, and of becoming the 
foot-ball of rival powers who strive which shall 
kick us the hardest, — or else that other evil (whe- 
ther greater or less than this) of a war ; in which 
there is no calculating the calamities to a young 
republic, in fiscal derangements, commercial dis- 
tresses, or loss of domestic liberty. 

During the present state of hostility in which 
Europe is involved, iniquitous and piratical as it is, 
there is no doubt, had we been prepared with a 
system of neutrality and defence like what is here 


G 


( 5o 

proposed, but it would have carried us through 
without an insult, or none that would not ha^e 
been atoned without delay. Neglecting this pre- 
caution, how many millions have we suffered in 
property ? what humiliation in character ? And who 
can tell, after seven years plunder, whether we are 
not to be dragged into the war at last, or which 
side we are most likely to take? 

My great anxiety to serve the cause of liberty, 
and accelerate the progress of civilization, has alone 
induced me to address you these letters. I can 
have little hope however that my arguments will 
produce any immediate effect in exciting your at- 
tention to theories so abstracted from the great 
passions of the day. But principles remain, when 
the books that first contained them are forgotten; 
and I have so much confidence in those J here ad- 
vance, as to believe that they will descend to some 
future friend of humanity, who will find a more 
fortunate moment for their reception, and place 
them before the world in a clearer point of light. 
The prospect of thus contributing to a distant good, 
has made me write with pleasure ; and it ought to 
•engage you to read with patience. 


JOEL BARLOW. 


APPENDIX. 



MEMOIR 


ON 

CERTAIN PRINCIPLES 

OF 

PUBLIC MARITIME LAW t; 

WRITTEN FOR. THE 

FRENCH GOVERNMENT 



Paris, 5 Dec. 1799a ■ 

The several constitutions which- the French 
nation has hitherto given herself, have been pre- 
faced by a declaration of the Rights of Mart. It 
migh t not be improper that the present one should 
carry with it a; declaration- of th e Rights of nations-, 

I mean some of those great principles which would' 
tend to the preservation of tranquillity in Europe, 
and which would favor a state of peace rather than 
a state of war. 

A proper understanding of the Rights of Man is 
doubtless leading to great ameliorations in his civil 
state, and will throw much light on the science of 
interior legislation, of which, you may hope to 
profit as soon as you shall have passed the vicissi • 
tndes of the revolution. A proper understanding 
of the Rights of Nations, will perhaps enable you 
to avoid as many errors and as great evils in your 
exterior concerns ; and it ought likewise to be re- 
garded as one of the great objects ol the' same re- 
volution. 


(5a) 

Ic is probable that your new constitution will 
hasten the epoch of a general peace. This peace 
will have been so dearly bought, that you must 
widi to render it as permanent as possible; and 
you will doubtless be willing to adopt the means 
most proper to attain the end. You ought at this 
moment to ask yourselves, What are the most usual 
causes of war in the present stale of Europe, and 
now are these causes to be avoided in future? 

Is there not something vicious in the present 
organization of the great society of nations, relative 
to each other, especially in what is called the Ma- 
ritime Law of Nations, as- now understood in Eu- 
rope? Many articles in this maritime code are 
evidently calculated to favor a state of war, and to 
threw advantages into the hands of belligerent 
powers*, to the prejudice of neutrals. This of it- 
self is one inducement to war; and if it can be 
proved, that some of these articles might be amend- 
ed, is is hoped that no time will be lost in adopt- 
ing such amendments.. 1 

i. T he whole system of privateering, and Letters 
of marejue and reprisal, ought to be forever abol- 
ished. It is easy to demonstrate the evils that arise 
nom this system, both in its general principleas it 
afreets the state of society in Europe, and as it ap- 
plies to the interest of the French nation in parti- 
cular. It is one inducement for vicious individuals, 
in all maritime countries, to wish for a state of war. 
Men of broken fortunes in the seaports, such as cap- 
tains of vessels, and other sailors, whose irregular 
conduct pi events their obtaining employment in 
icgulai business and peaceable times, — secretaries 
of state ministers, and chiefs of departments, who 
expect large gratifications for the commissions they 
obtain--- and other classes of men loo variousand too 
vile to oe specified in this place, all promise them- 
selves great profits from a loose piratical warfare; and 


( 53 ) 

never fail to do all in their power to bring on bos--' 
tilitles, by irritating the parties at home and abroad. 

When their system of sea robbery is once li- 
censed, by a declaration of war, all bounds of mo- 
rality, and every tie of civil society are broken, 
with these classes of men. All means are lawful 
by which they can seize the property of others, 
whether friends or foes, neutrals, allies, or fellow- 
citizens. Every species of plunder, homicide, 
fraud and cruelty, that human ingenuity can in- 
vent, are practised without disguise; as they are 
sure to go unpunished by their own or any other 
governmen t. 

Vast quantities of property belonging to neutrals, 
being unjustly taken and destroyed, are clearly 
lost to all parties, and must be paid for by the go- 
vernment that allows such devastation; unless it 
avoids the payment by provoking such neutrals to 
take part in the war, and thus extend its ravages 
beyond the original intention of the parties. 

But this is not all. This terrible sacrifice of 
morals gains other classes of society. The regular- 
merchant leaves his accustomed business, and 
launches into the most extravagant speculations, 
founded on the cruelties and murders of an occupa- 
tion which he has not the courage to exercise him- 
self; though he renders himself equally guilty, by 
hiring others to do it for him. The contagion of 
unusual cupidity extends to every sort of people in 
the commercial towns. Sea robbery becomes the 
fashion of the country; manufactures are deserted 
for a more seducing prospect of gain ; and all the 
sea coast of every country at war, presents the af- 
flicting prospect of society relapsing into a state of 
barbarity and piracy", w r orse than the savage stale 
from which our arts and sciences have drawn 11s. 

Such are the general effects of privateering as 
observed in all European nations, But France 


( 5 4 ) 

lias a. peculiar interest in prohibiting this vile arm 
degrading warfare. It never fails to deprive her of 
her seamen, and to cripple her national marine in 
a gieatei degree than it does her rivals the English 
The reason of this is obvious. France is an il 
cultural nation, rather than a commercial on. 
Her commerce is so little, in proportion to her 
military navy, that it is with great difficulty she 
can man her national ships in case of need,' She 
is obliged therefore to take landsmen to supply the 
oeficiency ; and she endeavours to balance the 
want of skill, by an augmentation of numbers. For 
this reason, the crew or a French ship is vastly 
more numerous than that of an English; they 
light to less advantage, and lose many more pri- 
soners. This is peculiarly the case with your pri- 
va leers. Hence it is that your privateers in the 
present war, have done little more than people the 
i nghsh pi isons with the best of your seamen. In- 
deed the maritime part of the present war, offers a 
vanety ol the most terrible examples of the fatal 
consequences of the system of privateering, in every 
light in winch the subject can be pla 1 


therefore, as there can he no possible benefit 
mismg fiom the system, either in this or any other 
war— as your whole naval force can always be 
oisplayea to the best advantage in national ships, 
JliC . un - ei hie sole giuoari-ce of the supreme exe- 
rutive power,— as you will thus take away one of 
! ’ 1 c inducements which bad men have to provoke 
hostilities and bring on a war,-- as vou will thus 
avoid doing injustice to neutrals abroad, restrain 
the violence of wicked men at home, and shut up 
a scnool of immorality which threatens destruction 
jo the whole system of human society, it is to be 
hoped that privateering, will be hereafter forever 
prohibited m France. 


( 55 ) 


2. Another branch of the maritime law of Eu- 
rope, which ought to undergo a serious consider- 
ation, at this time, is that which regards the rights 
of neutrality; especially in some contested points 
which are susceptible of a clear definition and a 
solemn declaration. The question whether the 
flag of a friend shall protect the cargo of an enemy, 
has been agitated in Europe for a century and a 
half, without being finally settled at this day. The 
practice of the Romans was in favor of the nega- 
tive; and that was sufficient fora long time after 
the revival of commerce to settle the practice in 
the early part of modern times. But the inconve- 
nience of this was found to be so great to neutrals, 
without procuring any solid advantage to belli- 
gerents, that the contrary practice began to be re- 
commended about the middle of the last century. 
It was found to be so much more convenient for 
all parties to allow the flag to protect the property, 
that the number of treaties in which the modern 
practice is adopted is almost as numerous, within 
the period above mentioned, as of those in which 
the ancient usage is maintained. The following 
is the list of treaties in which it is stipulated that 
the flag shall protect the cargo, in all cases except 
in contraband of war: 


In 


Holland, 


1646 


Hanse-Towns, 


'*55 

1655 

i6 59 
1662 
1678 
v 1697 

l 7'3 

*739 

1662 


England, 

Spain, 


Holland, 


Idem. 


Between France 
and 


<| Idem. 


Idem. 

Idem. 


Denmark, 

Idem. 

Sweden, 

England, 

Idem. 


J J l l 5 



( 50 ) 


iktwen England 
and 


Between Holland 
and 


f Fertug&l* 
I Sweden* 

I Spain, 
Idem. 

I Idem, 
f Holland, 
Lldem. 


^Portugal, 
! Sweden* 
Idem. 

| Idem. 
^Naples, 


lii 

1654 
i 6$6 
1667 
i* 1670 

» i 7 i 3 
j :668 
J 1674 

In 

1 1661 
I 166 7 

> i6 75 

1679 

J 1752 


Between Spain 
and 


Between Denmark 
and 


f Auiiria, 

(_ Denmark, 



1725 

1742 

In 

1756 

1749 


Between, Ruffia" 
and 

(.Armed neutrality.} 


Between die 
United States 
and 


f Holland, 

1 

1 

In 

j Pruffia, 


< Sweden, 

1 

> 

1780 

Denmark, 
\ Naples:. 

1 

J 


f France, 

1 

\ 

In 

1778 

: Holland, 

1780 

1785 

1785 

Pruflia, 

> 

^ Sweden, 

i 

j 


lo this list may be added all Lite treaties that 
have been made by the Powers of Europe with the 
Ottoman Empire, and with the several States of 
Barbary, as well as those between America and 
the Stages of Barbary; it being an invariable prin- 




m — 


(S 7 ) 

ciple among those Mahomedan Powers to respect 
the flag of a friend and all the properly it covers(i). 

It will be remarked that 1 n gland has been the 
principal opposer of this modern law, since the ac- 
cession of the house of Hanover. During the last 
century and in the beginning of the present, her 
name is found in many treaties which recognize the 
new principle ; and it is probably owing to her op- 
position to the genes al wishes of i urope during this 
century, that this advantage in favor of neutral com- 
merce is not universally adopted at this day. I find 
no instance since the year iyi 3, in which she has 
acknowlegedit ; and she has madesuch a consider- 
able figure in naval wars and the tyranny of the seas, 
since that period, as to cause other nations to vary 
in their policy continually ; sometimes forgetting 
their true interest, and yielding to her ambition in 
Supporting the Roman practice, and sometimes re- 
curring to the more rational system, which they 
ought never to abandon. 

Rut it is time that this question should settled irre- 
vocably ; and France at the moment of her regene- 

(O* i is not the only point in which the States of Bar- 
bary have adopted principles of public law more rational, and 
approaching nearer to civilization than those ef Europe. 

1 hey admit no such thing as contraband of war ; but allow 
a neutral vessel to carry any article, at any time and to any place, 
without examination. 


They make no maritime war without a public declaration ; and 
do not allow hostilities to commence till a certain number of days 
after the war is declared ; thirty days when the party is border- 
lng on the Mediterranean ; a longer term, if at a greater dittance. 
k he number of days is fixed in the declaration. 

All the : veflels, fubje&s and property of the party, then within 
their jurildi&ion, or that arrive during this interval, are Cent away 
with p afTports ; and not fuffered to be molefted in their homeward 
voyage, though met at fea after hoftilities are begun. 

- ome of thefe principles may be fometimes violated by a paf- 
honate prince; but. they are acknowleged as law, and are ge- 
nerally obferved with the mod fcrupulous honelty. 

II 


(. 58 ) 

ration is in a condition, if not to dictate the princi*' 
pic, as immediately binding on other nations, atleast 
to adopt it for herself as an inviolable maxim, and 
to recommetid it by her great example. A sense 
of interest will induce all other nations to recognize 
it immediately, except the English. And if the 
English should continue to oppose a measure so 
just, so convenient, and so interesting to every tna- 
ritime power, it will attack those powers on all fu- 
ture occasions to the interest of France, as their 
common benefactor, and oppose them to England 
as their common oppressor. 

No nation can be more interested in the adoption 
•of this measure than the French. Your resources 
•in agriculture and manufactures are immense. The 
•encouragement of your industry artd the increase of 
your wealth depend on a free exchange. As long 
as you have such an insatiable rival as the English 
government in its present form, you can hardlv 
■expect to avoid naval wars, however sincere may- 
be your Wishes to avoid them. Your object then is 
to establish such liberal principles with respect to 
neutral commerce, thatyour agricultural and manu- 
facturing interests may suffer as little as possible, 
from a naval War which may obstruct your own 
navigation. 

England has such a prodigious mercantile marine, 
that she has little use for neutrals as carriers of her 
commerce. But if you allow neutrals to be her 
carriers it would tend to weaken her marine; as it 
would lessen the number of seamen in her service. 
English seamen would get into neutral employ for 
the sake of higher wages, which neutrals could 
then afford to give; and such seamen would rarely 
return to their country . 1 Whereas allowing neu- 
trals to carry for the French would nourish their 
agriculture and manufactures, the great resources 
of the nation. 


( 5 9 ) 

It seems therefore necessary, that France should, 
not only recognize the principle in all her future 
treaties, that the Hag shall protect the cargo, but 
that such should be declared by the people at the 
head of the constitution, in order that all nations 
may see that a future legislative or executive can- 
not deviate from it. 

3. There is another case in the rights of neu'rar 
lity which deserves to be examined; in which I 
shall endeavour to establish a doctrine that will ap- 
pear new, but 1 hope it will likewise appear just. 
It is this, that there ought to he no contraband of 
war. If, for fiscal or other purposes, a government 
chooses to prohibit the importation or exportation 
of certain articles, these may be contraband witii 
respect to its own nation. But this is private con- 
traband, and has nothing to do with public mari- 
time law, Contraband of war supposes an abridge- 
ment of neutral right in favor of belligerent force ; 
which is immoral and absurd. No principle is more 
clear in itself, or laid down wi h more precision by 
Wolff and his followers, on the law of nations, 
than this : that a nation, remaining neuter while 
her neighbours are at war, retains all the rights 
which she possessed before the war began. If this 
be true, there is nothing more contradictory than 
to say, that certain articles which .were lawful for 
that nation to carry to a certain country in time of 
peace, are not lawful in time of war. If the right 
existed before the war, it cannot be annihilated by 
any act ot the belligerent powers; and for them to 
abridge the exercise of it, is a violation of justice 
and an act of hostility towards the neutral nation, 
which affects not only her navigation and com- 
merce, but likewise her manufactures- and her 
agriculture. If the Russian has been in the habit 
of carrying cordage to the French in time of peace, 
and the American lias Been in the habi t of carry- 






& 


(60) 

ing them tobacco ; and afterwards the English bc<nn 
a war with the french ; then according to the pre- 
sent rules of contraband, the English will s , y to 
the Russian,, you shall no longer carry them your 
cordage, while they will say to the American, you 
may continue to carry them your tobacco. But 
why shall the Russian cultivator of hemp be de- 
prived of the fruits of his labor and the . ights of 
Lis neutrality, any more than the American cul- 
tivator of tobacco? The reason given by the pub- 
licists for this distinction is by no means satisfac- 
tory. They alledge the plea of necessity, which 
they say one belligerent power is under, to distress 
Its enemy by depriving him of the articles used in 
war. This argument of necessity is misapplied, 

- ancl 111 a T be answered, by a stronger necessity on 
the other. side. There is a more legitimate necessity 
that the inhabitants of a neutral country should 
live, and to this end be protected in their industry, 
than there is that one nation at war should destroy 
another. If there is, among all the elements of 
society, one principle more sacred than others, it 
is this, that more protection is clue to the honest 
pursuits of industry, which tend to multiply the 
supports of human life, than to the violent opera- 
tions of war which tend to its destruction. 

It ought then to be recognised as a principle of 4 
public maritime law, that no neutral nation shall 
be interrupted in the course of its accustomed na- 
vigation and commerce, on account of die nature 
of the articles it carries to market ; or in other 
worcis , there ought to be no sucn. thing as c ntra- 
band of war. 

One objection, however, may be made to this 
ctoetrine, which it is incumbent on me to answer. 

It may be said that to allow a neutral to carry war- 
Tike stores to my enemy, l leave him not only die 
same advantages which he had before the war, but 


(6i) 

I allow him to encrease those advantages; since 
my enemy has need of a greater quantity of those 
articles in war than in peace. to tins it is replied 
that the neutral has not to thank me for the benefit; 
since it is not with a view to his good tiiat ; undei- 
take the war, but for my own Lite est or passions. 

Under the most scrupulous attention to the rules 
of justice on my part, it is impossible but that 
neutrals must suffer m many respects from my war. 
If my enemy increases Ins demand for one article, 
he probably lessens it for another. And 1 believe 
there is no instance of a war in which eu rals have 
not suffered immense inconveniencies. We see 
them always rejoicing at the return of peace, almost 
as much as the belligerents. 

There will doubtless be some articles in which 
the neutral will find a benefit from my being at 
war; but as there are necessarily others in which 
lie finds a detriment, I have no right to abridge his 
enjoyment of the first, since I do not lessen his suf- 
fering in the last. And he has as good'a right to 
supply the extraordinary market that may offer it- 
self’to the fruits of his labor, when such extraordi- 
nary market is occasioned by war, as if it were oc- 
casioned by famine. 

There aie some examples of incidental encou- 
ragement to the industry of neutrals, which are 
offered them by the temporary concession of a 
belligerent; such as taking off restrictions and pro- 
hibitions which have been customary in time of 
peace. he English in every war, and frequently 
in their intervals ot peace, have suspended the ri- 
gors of their navigation act , for the sake of obtain- 
ing supplies of provisions, either at home or in their 
foreign possessions. The French and Spanish go- 
vernments sometimes open the ports of their colo- 
nies to the .ships and produce of other powers, and 
give an unusual latitude to some branch of com- 


C 62 ) 

merce or winch they stand in need. These occur 
rences create a higher market, andoffer a temporarv 
benefit to nations which are able to carry the sup! 
plies. And when they happen in time of war tljy 

X UrT 3 Jjomenury advan, :age into the ta J 
ot neutrals. They must therefore be classed amon, 
he incidental rights of neutrality, of which no 
ltehtgetent can with justice complain. 

. 1 • ; f?S hsh government, it is true, has denied 
lias doctrine ; and one of the members of that eo 
•eminent the Earl of Liverpool, has written a book 

iXTe pvf t i ie / 0mmerCe ° f neutraIs cannot le- 

norts 0, J nded ’ 111 tUne ° f war ’ either to any 

L ib t p h CeS ’ ° r t0 articles of merchandize! 
to which it was not accustomed to go in time of 

peace. But this position is so false in itself, and 
.advanced with such an evident design to apologize 
fm a part of a general system of tyranny over neu . 
l.ais, which that government has been pursuing for 
a number of years that no writer, I believe has 
} et thought it worth refuting. It is of kin to that 
other novel maxim of British invention, that whole 
kingdoms may be blockaded by a proclamation. 

hut when the benefits of trade are extended in 
his manner pretended to be unlawful, which par- 

ofW 1! d °' tS th( i ™ ron S.~ ths belligerent that 
offers or lie neutral that accepts, the extension? 

1 a11 .° bughsh writer, I presume, will deny that the 
*b crcnt P°wer has a right to open its own ports 
o any unusual branch of commerce; since his own 
government does it very often, no less than three 
times dining the present war.* It must be then, 
according to lord Liverpool, that the neutral is in 

' ’ and * h .® 1 [ ie h L as no right to go to the best 

market, and if that best market was England, he 
would certainly _be_.taxed, and very justly, with 


< 63 ) 

partiality to her enemy. When so much of th& 
British navigation act is suspended (this is the case 
at the moment I write) as to allow a Swedish ves- 
sel, for example, to carry American flour to Eng- 
land, suppose such a vessel should be loaded in 
Philadelphia for London, and the custom-house 
should refuse her a clearance for that place, where 
the market was high and a famine was apprehended, 
but should clear her for France, where there was 
great abundance and a low price, and should lay 
the vessel under bonds not to go into England 
(which would be the duty of the custom house, if 
it was a crime to go there) would not this be called 
an act of partiality, an act of such enmity to Eng- 
land as would amount to a breach of neutrality? 
-But all this would follow from the principle laid, 
down by lord Liverpool. 

The English themselves, however, have never 
acted on this principle, in all its parts, nor ever 
will. It is thrown out to intimidate neutrals. But 
it is time that the rule of justice were settled on this 
.subject as on many others. The rule ought to be 
this: that nations which remain neuter, and ob- 
serve an impartial conduct while their neighbours 
are at war, retain all the righLs which they pos- 
sessed in time of peace, and all the additional and 
temporary advantages which the nature of the war 
itself may throw into their hands, or that may be 
conceded by any of the belligerent powers; — that 
is to say, complete and universal liberty should be 
left to neutrals to be the carriers of all sorts of 
goods, ac ail times and to all places, except only 
to places actually oesieged or blockaded. And to 
determine what shall be understood by a place 
blockaded, the strictest* sense of the phrases 
used by the Armed Neutrality in the year 1780 
should be adopted; that is, when a place is so in- 
vested as that no vessel can pass into the port with- 


( *4 ) 

out: imminent danger of being stopped by the in- 
vesting • o : ce. but in no case can a whole coast 
be said to be blockaded by a fleet cruizing in such 
manner as occasionally to stop a neutral vessel ; a 
blockade in its nature being only applicable, if not 
to a single port alone, at most to such ports whose 
passage is absolutely impeded by the habitual dis- 
position of the ships. And even in this case a neu* 
"tra! vessel ought not to be confiscatedtill she shall 
have been .once stopped aud sent away, and shall 
attempt to enter a second time. 

i o recognize these great principles, in such a 
manner that they may serve as a guide to future le- 
gislators in the French Republic, be adopted by 
other nations, and become a part of the Public 
Maritime Law through all the civilized w r orld, I 
would preface the new constitution with a decla- 
ration to the following effect. 

article r. 

The French Republic will be and remain at 
peace with all people and at all times, so long as 
peace can be maintained by the strictest observance, 
on her part, of justice and the Rights ol Nations. 

II, 

i lie Rights of Nations are, anterior government 
and self control; the faculty of continuing their 
actual forms of government, or changing them for 
others; the faculty of remaining neuter, and ob- 
serving an impartial conduct towards neighbour- 
ing natrons while they may be at war. 

III. 

The lights of Neutrality are, the faculty of 
jnaking or not making a public declaration of ncu- 


( 65 ) 

hostility $) the faculty of navigating all seas, trading 
to all places, carrying all articles without any ex- 
ception of contraband of war, and for all persons 
without any distinction of belligerent or neutral ; 
the faculty in general of enjoying all the advantages 
possessed in time of peace, with the addition of 
such other advantages as may arise from the nature 
of the war itself, and also such as may be granted 
and consented to by one or more of the parties in. 
the war y excepting only the case of a blockaded 
port or place. 

IV. 

A port or place shall be deemed blockaded, only 
when the investing force is actually and habitually 
so disposed, and stationed as that a vessel cannot 
enter without imminent danger of being stopped. 
And even then, confiscation of a neutral vessel, Or 
of her cargo, shall not be made, till she shall have 
been once stopped and sent away., and shall return 
a second time. 

V. 

The neutrality of a vessel, such as shall enable 
her to protect her cargo and passengers, of what- 
ever nature or country, shall be proved without 
unreasonable formalities. The nature and form of 
the documents required for this proof, shall be only 
sucji as shall have been declared to be sufficient by 
the neutral power in her own laws, or stipulated 
by her in treaties with other nations, 

VI. 

The French Republic, convinced of the incon.- 
yeniencies and immoralities which arise from the 
system of privateering, will no more grant coin- 


( 66 ) 

missions for cruising, or letters of marque and re- 
prisal, to any private ship. 

VII. 

Solicitous to avoid and remove every occasion 
ot war, not only by a steady pursuit of justice 
towards every government and people, but also 
y adopting some rational system of explanation, 
o. real or supposed wrongs, which she and other 
independent powers may impute to each other in 
their various intercourse, the French Republic in- 
vites them all, to turn their attention to the dis- 
covery. of some pacific mode of public arbitration; 
in which national grievances may be discussed, 
removed, atoned, compensated, and finally settled, 
without recurring to the right of the strongest, as 
in barbarous and uncivilized ages. And she de- 
clares solemnly to all mankind, with whom she 
aesires to live in peace, that she will do all in her 
power to investigate the means and arrive at the 
establishment of such a beneficent institution. 



( 6 7 ) 


jgtoB asaawaB^BteaeafcBgm 

TO C I T I Z E N 

MEMBER OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 

Paris, 12 tb Feb, 179?.. 

Citizen, 

THE enlightened policy which has ever ani- 
mated your conduct towards the United States, and 
particularly the kind reception you gave to that 
estimable patriot, Doctor Logan, which has been 
followed by the most happy effects, induce us to 
address to you some reflections on the intelligence 
lately received from that country. We shall even 
take the liberty of exposing to you our opinion re- 
lative to the best mode of silencing the enemies of 
France in America, extending and invigorating* 
republican principles, reviving the commercial re- 
lations which are so essential to the interests of 
the two republics, especially to the French co- 
lonies, and displaying the magnanimity of the 
French Government beyond the reach of calumny 
in either hemisphere. Whether our particular 
sentiments, as to the time and place of negotiating, 
should meet your approbation or not, you will 
certainly be assured, that they are dictated by the 
purest affection for both countries, and the most 
ardent desire to promote the benefits of those 
principles on which you wish to see all societies 
founded. 


( 68 ) 

"You will have remarked in the discourse of the 
President, at the opening of Congress, a degree of 
moderation which is an index of a national abhor- 
rence to a rupture with the French Republic, and 
of an unequivocal desire in the people for a recon- 
ciliation ; notwithstanding the immensity of their 
losses by French captures; amounting, according 
to the best estimates that we have seen, to about 
seventeen millions of dollars. 

We flatter ourselves that we have contributed 
not a little to produce these returning sentiments 
in America, by the repeated assurances that we 
have given, as our opinion, that the unbounded 
licence of privateering would soon be restrained ; 
and that certain laws, in which this licence took 
its origin, would be repealed or modified. The 
late messuage of the Executive on that subject, 
which we immediately dispatched, and the future 
arrival of legislative measures, which will doubt- 
less be taken in conformity thereto, and which we 
hope soon to have it in our power to forward, 
would most certainly decide the President to send 
another embassy to Paris. But permit us to no- 
tice to you some circumstances which will show 
that this would be a tedious operation ; and that 
the interests of both countries require that it 
should, if possible, be abridged. 

The Congress must rise, on or before the 4 h of 
March, (twenty days from this) as the biennial 
functions of all the house of representatives, and 
one third of the senate, cease on that day. Should 
fhe President therefore be disposed to name a mi- 
nister, he cannot do it after that day, w'ithout 
calling a special meeting of the senate ; which 
delay would necessarily throw that operation into 
the summer ; and such minister could not arrive 
in Paris till next autumn or wintpr. 


mimm i 


( 6 9 ) 

France, seated on the car of victory, is surround- 
ed with too much glory, to fear that an act of con- 
descension should be misinterpreted, or ascribed 
to any other cause than her own magnanimity. 
You would abridge the sufferings of your colonies, 
revive the manufactures, commerce, and agricul- 
ture of many parts of France, give a new triumph 
to republican principles, and make a better treaty 
than could be made under other circumstances, if 
you would send a minister immediately to Phila- 
delphia. 

Excuse our zeal, Citizen, and since that we 
have ventured so far, on a subject which con- 
cerns us no otherwise than as individuals in the 
community of both countries, indulge us in one 
observation, relative to such treaties in general, so 
far as they respect commerce and privateering. 
Your commerce with every friendly nation ought, 
in our opinion, to be as free as possible, consistent 
with the object of revenue. And as to privateer- 
ing, there is no doubt in our minds that, had it 
been totally prohibited in France, during the pre- 
sent war, and the flags of all neutrals perfectly res- 
pected, the Republic would have been richer at 
this moment by three (*) milliards; and England 
would have been in that proportion poorer. Al- 
lowing neutrals to be the cairiers of the English 
commerce, is to lessen its profits to the nation by 
the amount of the freight, and to weaken her 
marine by encouraging foreign sailors, instead of 
her own; while allowing neutrals to carry for 
France, especially at a time when she cannot carrv 
for herself, is to nourish her agriculture and manu- 
factures, the two great sources of her wealth 

If we dared to give a suggestion on an object 
still more delicate, we would hazard our opinion 
relative to the qualities of the person whom you 
*Say 120 millions pounds' Stirling or 540' million* oi dol'url,' 


1 


£ <2 - 


J 



( 7 ° )' 

may charge with this mission to Philadelphia. We 
should invite you to choose a citizen whose name 
and character are known and respected in America • 
who by his writings may have merited the esteem 
oi: the two countries ; a citizen, if possible, who 
may have some acquaintance with our excellent 
philosopher and patriot, Jefferson; and whose 
known moderation, integrity, and wisdom, shall 
at the same time prevent his being disagreeable to 
the opposite party; a citizen whose enlightened 
love of liberty, in its most extensive effects, shall 
render him proper for a negotiation which may be- 
come the source of the most extensive prosperity. 

The treaty which will result from the negocia- 
lion in question, is an object of the highest expec- 
tation; as it ought to establish the basis of a new 
system of national intercourse, or Law of nations* 
which doubtless ought to be as different from the 
old, as the genius of a free republic is different 
from that of monarchy. As there can be but lit- 
tle doubt, that most of the monarchical govern- 
ments in Europe will soon be overturned, and 
give place to that general republican system which 
the nature of things and the strong current of 
• events render necessary, it becomes the duty of 
the two greatest republics on earth to set the ex- 
ample, and lay the foundatoin, of an enlightened 
and fraternal policy, which shall embrace all na- 
tions, as fast as they become free, and exclude the 
©ccasion of future wars. 


(Signed) FULWAR SKIPWITH. 
JOEL BARLOW.